<strong>The</strong> <strong>Souls</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Black</strong> <strong>Folk</strong>the paying <strong>of</strong> bounties, the administration <strong>of</strong> justice, and thefinanciering <strong>of</strong> all these activities.Up to June, 1869, over half a million patients had been treated byBureau physicians and surgeons, and sixty hospitals and asylumshad been in operation. In fifty months twenty-one million free rationswere distributed at a cost <strong>of</strong> over four million dollars. Nextcame the difficult question <strong>of</strong> labor. First, thirty thousand blackmen were transported from the refuges and relief stations back tothe farms, back to the critical trial <strong>of</strong> a new way <strong>of</strong> working. Plaininstructions went out from Washington: the laborers must be freeto choose their employers, no fixed rate <strong>of</strong> wages was prescribed,and there was to be no peonage or forced labor. So far, so good; butwhere local agents differed toto caelo in capacity and character, wherethe personnel was continually changing, the outcome was necessarilyvaried. <strong>The</strong> largest element <strong>of</strong> success lay in the fact that themajority <strong>of</strong> the freedmen were willing, even eager, to work. So laborcontracts were written, —fifty thousand in a single State,—laborers advised, wages guaranteed, and employers supplied. In truth,the organization became a vast labor bureau,—not perfect, indeed,notably defective here and there, but on the whole successful beyondthe dreams <strong>of</strong> thoughtful men. <strong>The</strong> two great obstacles whichconfronted the <strong>of</strong>ficials were the tyrant and the idler,—theslaveholder who was determined to perpetuate slavery under anothername; and, the freedman who regarded freedom as perpetualrest,—the Devil and the Deep Sea.In the work <strong>of</strong> establishing the Negroes as peasant proprietors,the Bureau was from the first handicapped and at last absolutelychecked. Something was done, and larger things were planned; abandonedlands were leased so long as they remained in the hands <strong>of</strong>the Bureau, and a total revenue <strong>of</strong> nearly half a million dollars derivedfrom black tenants. Some other lands to which the nationhad gained title were sold on easy terms, and public lands wereopened for settlement to the very few freedmen who had tools andcapital. But the vision <strong>of</strong> “forty acres and a mule”—the righteousand reasonable ambition to become a landholder, which the nationhad all but categorically promised the freedmen—was destined inmost cases to bitter disappointment. And those men <strong>of</strong> marvellous28
W. E. B. Du Boishindsight who are today seeking to preach the Negro back to thepresent peonage <strong>of</strong> the soil know well, or ought to know, that theopportunity <strong>of</strong> binding the Negro peasant willingly to the soil waslost on that day when the Commissioner <strong>of</strong> the Freedmen’s Bureauhad to go to South Carolina and tell the weeping freedmen, aftertheir years <strong>of</strong> toil, that their land was not theirs, that there was amistake—somewhere. If by 1874 the Georgia Negro alone ownedthree hundred and fifty thousand acres <strong>of</strong> land, it was by grace <strong>of</strong>his thrift rather than by bounty <strong>of</strong> the government.<strong>The</strong> greatest success <strong>of</strong> the Freedmen’s Bureau lay in the planting<strong>of</strong> the free school among Negroes, and the idea <strong>of</strong> free elementaryeducation among all classes in the South. It not only called theschool-mistresses through the benevolent agencies and built themschoolhouses, but it helped discover and support such apostles <strong>of</strong>human culture as Edmund Ware, Samuel Armstrong, and ErastusCravath. <strong>The</strong> opposition to Negro education in the South was atfirst bitter, and showed itself in ashes, insult, and blood; for theSouth believed an educated Negro to be a dangerous Negro. Andthe South was not wholly wrong; for education among all kinds <strong>of</strong>men always has had, and always will have, an element <strong>of</strong> dangerand revolution, <strong>of</strong> dissatisfaction and discontent. Nevertheless, menstrive to know. Perhaps some inkling <strong>of</strong> this paradox, even in theunquiet days <strong>of</strong> the Bureau, helped the bayonets allay an oppositionto human training which still today lies smouldering in theSouth, but not flaming. Fisk, Atlanta, Howard, and Hampton werefounded in these days, and six million dollars were expended foreducational work, seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars <strong>of</strong> whichthe freedmen themselves gave <strong>of</strong> their poverty.Such contributions, together with the buying <strong>of</strong> land and variousother enterprises, showed that the ex-slave was handling some freecapital already. <strong>The</strong> chief initial source <strong>of</strong> this was labor in the army,and his pay and bounty as a soldier. Payments to Negro soldierswere at first complicated by the ignorance <strong>of</strong> the recipients, and thefact that the quotas <strong>of</strong> colored regiments from Northern States werelargely filled by recruits from the South, unknown to their fellowsoldiers. Consequently, payments were accompanied by such fraudsthat Congress, by joint resolution in 1867, put the whole matter in29
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