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USA Today/ - News, Seg, 02 de Abril de 2012<br />

CLIPPING INTERNACIONAL (Supreme Court)<br />

Column: Why Justice Kennedy should<br />

rule 'no'<br />

Justice Anthony Kennedy is, in a sense, the king of the<br />

United States of America. As the deciding vote on the<br />

U.S. Supreme Court in dozens of important cases<br />

where the liberals and conservatives are evenly<br />

divided, he has become, in effect, a jurisprudential<br />

mo<strong>na</strong>rch (hence columnist Mark Steyn's nick<strong>na</strong>me for<br />

him, "the Sultan of Swing"). He has been the fi<strong>na</strong>l word<br />

on everything from the 2000 Bush-Gore presidential<br />

election to partial-birth abortion and terrorist detention.<br />

And now he will, in all likelihood, decide the<br />

constitutio<strong>na</strong>lity of the Patient Protection and<br />

Affordable Care Act— aka ObamaCare.<br />

Whether it is good news for America that one man has<br />

so much power is a conversation for another day. The<br />

pressing question is whether Kennedy's role as judicial<br />

Solomon is good news for supporters of ObamaCare<br />

or its critics. And the short answer is: Nobody knows.<br />

Justice Kennedy is famous — infamous? — for<br />

dramatically changing his mind at the last moment.<br />

He's also renowned for basing his decisions in<br />

grandiose moral theories in the hope of imposing a<br />

<strong>na</strong>tio<strong>na</strong>l consensus where it doesn't exist. As legal<br />

scholar Jeffrey Rosen put it in a lengthy 2007 profile<br />

for TheNew Republic, "In Kennedy's mind, the messy<br />

realities behind real laws must yield to his idealizing<br />

moral abstractions."<br />

Evidence of his method<br />

The most notorious example of the Kennedy method<br />

came in the 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey<br />

decision in which he ruled to uphold Roe v. Wade. In a<br />

section famously derided by his fellow Justice Antonin<br />

Scalia as the "sweet-mystery-of-life passage,"<br />

Kennedy wrote:<br />

"These matters, involving the most intimate and<br />

perso<strong>na</strong>l choices a person may make in a lifetime,<br />

choices central to perso<strong>na</strong>l dignity and autonomy, are<br />

central to the liberty protected by the 14th Amendment.<br />

At the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own<br />

concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and<br />

of the mystery of human life. Beliefs about these<br />

matters could not define the attributes of personhood<br />

were they formed under compulsion of the state."<br />

Kennedy's detractors on the right think this is so much<br />

gobbledygook. But let's assume it does mean<br />

something to at least one very important person:<br />

Kennedy. And if that's the case, then opponents of the<br />

health reform law — like me — have good reason to<br />

hope he will overturn it. During last week's marathon<br />

hearings, Justice Kennedy asked Solicitor General<br />

Do<strong>na</strong>ld Verrilli, "When you are changing the relation of<br />

the individual to the government in this … unique way,<br />

do you not have a heavy burden of justification to show<br />

authorization under the Constitution?" By using the<br />

commerce clause to, in effect, force citizens into a<br />

contract, ObamaCare is setting a precedent whereby<br />

the federal government can compel citizens to do<br />

almost anything. For all the talk about making citizens<br />

eat broccoli, the fact is that the government couldn't<br />

offer any valid "limiting principle" to what the state can<br />

do through the commerce clause.<br />

Federal vs. state<br />

Moreover, as Kennedy himself has written, our federal<br />

system whereby people live under two distinct<br />

governments — state and federal — is a bulwark of<br />

liberty. "The Framers concluded," Kennedy observed<br />

last year in Bond v. United States, "that allocation of<br />

powers between the <strong>na</strong>tio<strong>na</strong>l government and the<br />

states enhances freedom, first by protecting the<br />

integrity of the governments themselves, and second<br />

by protecting the people, from whom all governmental<br />

powers are derived." The world ObamaCare ushers in<br />

bulldozes distinctions between federal and state<br />

government.<br />

But that's a prosaic concern compared with the larger<br />

metaphysical issues at stake.<br />

The recent brouhaha over religious liberty and birth<br />

control is just a foretaste of the bitter pills to come<br />

once the government is granted unprecedented<br />

influence over the most perso<strong>na</strong>l transactions in life,<br />

and when the chief concerns of bureaucrats will be to<br />

preserve the health and solvency of "the system"<br />

rather than the health or sovereignty of the individual.<br />

Simply put, a country fully under the heel of<br />

ObamaCare is a country where the state has too much<br />

say in how people define personhood and the meaning<br />

of life. By forcing people to buy health insurance, by<br />

giving unelected boards and bureaucrats<br />

u<strong>na</strong>ccountable power over our lives, and not<br />

inconceivably our deaths, ObamaCare violates the<br />

201

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