STF na MÃdia - MyClipp
STF na MÃdia - MyClipp
STF na MÃdia - MyClipp
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USA Today/ - News, Seg, 02 de Abril de 2012<br />
CLIPPING INTERNACIONAL (Supreme Court)<br />
Column: Why Justice Kennedy should<br />
rule 'no'<br />
Justice Anthony Kennedy is, in a sense, the king of the<br />
United States of America. As the deciding vote on the<br />
U.S. Supreme Court in dozens of important cases<br />
where the liberals and conservatives are evenly<br />
divided, he has become, in effect, a jurisprudential<br />
mo<strong>na</strong>rch (hence columnist Mark Steyn's nick<strong>na</strong>me for<br />
him, "the Sultan of Swing"). He has been the fi<strong>na</strong>l word<br />
on everything from the 2000 Bush-Gore presidential<br />
election to partial-birth abortion and terrorist detention.<br />
And now he will, in all likelihood, decide the<br />
constitutio<strong>na</strong>lity of the Patient Protection and<br />
Affordable Care Act— aka ObamaCare.<br />
Whether it is good news for America that one man has<br />
so much power is a conversation for another day. The<br />
pressing question is whether Kennedy's role as judicial<br />
Solomon is good news for supporters of ObamaCare<br />
or its critics. And the short answer is: Nobody knows.<br />
Justice Kennedy is famous — infamous? — for<br />
dramatically changing his mind at the last moment.<br />
He's also renowned for basing his decisions in<br />
grandiose moral theories in the hope of imposing a<br />
<strong>na</strong>tio<strong>na</strong>l consensus where it doesn't exist. As legal<br />
scholar Jeffrey Rosen put it in a lengthy 2007 profile<br />
for TheNew Republic, "In Kennedy's mind, the messy<br />
realities behind real laws must yield to his idealizing<br />
moral abstractions."<br />
Evidence of his method<br />
The most notorious example of the Kennedy method<br />
came in the 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey<br />
decision in which he ruled to uphold Roe v. Wade. In a<br />
section famously derided by his fellow Justice Antonin<br />
Scalia as the "sweet-mystery-of-life passage,"<br />
Kennedy wrote:<br />
"These matters, involving the most intimate and<br />
perso<strong>na</strong>l choices a person may make in a lifetime,<br />
choices central to perso<strong>na</strong>l dignity and autonomy, are<br />
central to the liberty protected by the 14th Amendment.<br />
At the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own<br />
concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and<br />
of the mystery of human life. Beliefs about these<br />
matters could not define the attributes of personhood<br />
were they formed under compulsion of the state."<br />
Kennedy's detractors on the right think this is so much<br />
gobbledygook. But let's assume it does mean<br />
something to at least one very important person:<br />
Kennedy. And if that's the case, then opponents of the<br />
health reform law — like me — have good reason to<br />
hope he will overturn it. During last week's marathon<br />
hearings, Justice Kennedy asked Solicitor General<br />
Do<strong>na</strong>ld Verrilli, "When you are changing the relation of<br />
the individual to the government in this … unique way,<br />
do you not have a heavy burden of justification to show<br />
authorization under the Constitution?" By using the<br />
commerce clause to, in effect, force citizens into a<br />
contract, ObamaCare is setting a precedent whereby<br />
the federal government can compel citizens to do<br />
almost anything. For all the talk about making citizens<br />
eat broccoli, the fact is that the government couldn't<br />
offer any valid "limiting principle" to what the state can<br />
do through the commerce clause.<br />
Federal vs. state<br />
Moreover, as Kennedy himself has written, our federal<br />
system whereby people live under two distinct<br />
governments — state and federal — is a bulwark of<br />
liberty. "The Framers concluded," Kennedy observed<br />
last year in Bond v. United States, "that allocation of<br />
powers between the <strong>na</strong>tio<strong>na</strong>l government and the<br />
states enhances freedom, first by protecting the<br />
integrity of the governments themselves, and second<br />
by protecting the people, from whom all governmental<br />
powers are derived." The world ObamaCare ushers in<br />
bulldozes distinctions between federal and state<br />
government.<br />
But that's a prosaic concern compared with the larger<br />
metaphysical issues at stake.<br />
The recent brouhaha over religious liberty and birth<br />
control is just a foretaste of the bitter pills to come<br />
once the government is granted unprecedented<br />
influence over the most perso<strong>na</strong>l transactions in life,<br />
and when the chief concerns of bureaucrats will be to<br />
preserve the health and solvency of "the system"<br />
rather than the health or sovereignty of the individual.<br />
Simply put, a country fully under the heel of<br />
ObamaCare is a country where the state has too much<br />
say in how people define personhood and the meaning<br />
of life. By forcing people to buy health insurance, by<br />
giving unelected boards and bureaucrats<br />
u<strong>na</strong>ccountable power over our lives, and not<br />
inconceivably our deaths, ObamaCare violates the<br />
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