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Constructing a Sociology of Translation.pdf

Constructing a Sociology of Translation.pdf

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Between sociology and history 189taking place. Instead, we can observe distinct, still largely regional traditions hidingbehind the dominant, ubiquitous use <strong>of</strong> English.There is an abundance <strong>of</strong> signs that such scholarly localism exists in the internationalfield <strong>of</strong> scholarship, particularly in the humanities and social sciences.Localisms may have flexible borders – “provincialism” is a relative notion – buttheir power <strong>of</strong> attraction is undisputable. How could it be otherwise? The oppositewould mean that, by some miraculous stroke <strong>of</strong> luck, scholars are immune tothe determinations that bear on what might be called the subjects <strong>of</strong> their investigationsand which they pr<strong>of</strong>ess to unveil. <strong>Translation</strong> studies is no exception.For example: the massive contribution <strong>of</strong> a particular group <strong>of</strong> Tel Aviv scholarsto the field is likely to be less spontaneously recognized outside the continentalEuropean tradition (see e.g. Trivedi 2005). No doubt the genealogy <strong>of</strong> polysystemicsplayed a role in provoking those differing appreciations. I am thinking<strong>of</strong> the still largely undiscussed assumptions among that group <strong>of</strong> Israeli scholarsregarding the positive part played by nation states in the institution <strong>of</strong> translation,or the fact that the genealogy in question can be traced to a small number <strong>of</strong>European scholars outside translation studies, at a time when the establishmentand achievements <strong>of</strong> modern nation states were looked upon in a generally favourablelight. Such imaginary constructions as nineteenth-century nation stateswere being seriously questioned when translation studies developed – simultaneouslywith the new cultural history, cultural studies, women’s studies, as well asa considerably revamped anthropology. But the ways in which those “new” areas<strong>of</strong> study crystallized out <strong>of</strong> the cradle <strong>of</strong> former disciplines were clearly markedby the personal and regional histories <strong>of</strong> the individual scholars who, in so doing,gave impetus to the global paradigmatic change taking place in the human sciences.Many among that group viewed themselves at the time as children <strong>of</strong> theEnlightenment.In this context, to envisage the contribution that sociology can make to thefield <strong>of</strong> translation studies is an open invitation to a discussion <strong>of</strong> method. “Method”is understood here as a body <strong>of</strong> scholarly practices, inherited – consciouslyor not – from the traditional disciplines. Both the historical method and the sociologicalmethod emerged in the nineteenth-century in relation to one another,antagonistically. Or rather, the sociological method developed out <strong>of</strong>, against certainpractices <strong>of</strong> inquiry that had been the preserve <strong>of</strong> the historian. Not only that,but for eighty-odd years, a dispute prevailed between the representatives <strong>of</strong> eachdiscipline as to which was more “scientific” in its approach <strong>of</strong> social phenomena.The nineteenth-century historians who inherited the practices <strong>of</strong> inquiry <strong>of</strong>philologists and antiquarians <strong>of</strong> earlier times were first to impose their disciplineas a model <strong>of</strong> truth-oriented research in what would later become known as socialscience. Primary documents, not secondary sources, provided the test case

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