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marika jiqia erTi tipis Txzul sityvaTa interpretaciisaTvis qarTulSi ...

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_ doWamias do agondeboda da yveliWamias _ yvelio; dRisiTkevisReWiao, Rame _ saqmiskeTiao.Sinaarsobrivad araerTgvarovani erTeulebis Semcveli korpusisemantikurad ase jgufdeba:mcenareTa saxelebi: kataparia, namikrefia, feriWamia, fesviWamia,wyalikrefia da sxv.mwerebis saxelebi: bewviWamia, TesliWamia, kvercxiWamia, kokriWamia,lafniWamia, leSiWamia, marcvliWamia, nemsiparia, nemsiylapia, tyaviWamia,foTliWamia, qerqiWamia, yanaWamia, cilaWamia da sxv..frinvelTa saxelebad gvxvdeba: batkniWamia, bayayiWamia, bayayiylapia,bzewvia, gveliylapia, Tavidrekia, Tevziparia, Tevziylapia, TvalWyetia,lamitopia, lamiylapia, mzewvia.Tevzis saxelia qariylapia.cxovelis saxelia WianWvelaWamia.toponimebia: cxvariWamia, taSikvria, qvayuntia, kambeCigaZveria da sxv.teqnikur terminTa leqsikonSi am modelis 3 termini aRmoCnda:kauWxvetia (скребок-крючок), kirduRia (известь-кипелка) da miwaxapia(землечерпалка).upiratesad naTelia pariasa da ylapiasTan mierTebul saxelTamniSvnelobebi (Tumca ki codviWamia niSnavs wamglejs, azrTylapiacenzors da xariparia ki varskvlavis saxelia), magram am erTcnebiankompozitTa umravlesoba gadataniTi mniSvnelobiTaa damkvidrebuliCvens enaSi: doylapia boTes uwodes, keviReWia laparakismomabezrebeli Cvevis mqonea, qarifantia qarafSutaa, qvaxarSia _ Zunwi,cxviribzekia ki ukadrisis aRmniSvnelia da a. S.komponentTa mniSvneloba arcerTgan araa gabundovanebuli daamgvari sityvebi metsaxelad funqciobisas (unda iTqvas, rom maTiumravlesoba swored Tikunia) zogjer pirovnebis namdvil saxelsjabnis.qarTuli anTroponimikonis kvlevisas metsaxelad Tu gvarsaxelisfuZed Segvxvda ocdaaTamde am <strong>tipis</strong> kompoziti. am sityvebSi naTladCans Tikunis SerCevis motivi da radgan gvarebis fuZeTa umetesobaswored metsaxelebs emyareba, konkretuli faqtisgan gvaris warmoqmnismowmeni vxdebiT.onomastikis ganviTarebis mixedviT, qarTul zRaprul eposSigamoiyofa sami ZiriTadi cikli: 1) anonimuri personaJebi, 2) personaJTaTvisebebTan dakavSirebuli metsaxelebi da 3) sayovelTao gavrcelebis2


onomastika. CvenTvis saintereso <strong>tipis</strong> saxelebi uxvadaa aRbeWdilizRaprebSi, saidanac, Tavis mxriv, xalxis realuri yofidan aRmoCnda.ase, magaliTad, wyaliparia bevr wyals svamda, caWvretia sul caSiicqireboda, beltiylapia xnulidan beltebs ylapavda, Citikalia cxramTas iqiT Cits klavda, kvercxiparia gvrits budidan Cumad kvercxebsaclida, nacarqeqia sul <strong>erTi</strong>anad nacars qeqavda da metsaxelicSesaferisi SeurCies.Cveni azriT, zemoT ganxiluli kompoziti martivi gavrcobiliwinadadebis fardia. am winadadebis SekumSvis (kompresiis) SedegadmiiReba gaarsebiTebuli leqsikuri erTeuli. winadadebisgan momdinarees sityva Seicavs zmnis fuZes, riTac inarCunebs predikatulobas dasaxeladi nawiliT gamoxatul pirdapir damatebasac miemarTeba, xoloTviT kompoziti -ia sufiqsis meSveobiT qvemdebaris statuss irgebs.rTuli sityvis Sinaarsi komponentTa semantikuri gamWvirvalobis gamoqmnis adekvatur warmodgenas da winadadebis aqtualuri danawevrebaerTcnebian kompozitad warmoCndeba. Tavisuflad SeiZleba am <strong>sityvaTa</strong>gavrcobil morfosintaqsemad miCneva, rac SekumSuli winadadebisekvivalentad gvesaxeba.am faqtis tipologiur aspeqtSi gasamagreblad mivmarTavT rusuls.rusulSi fuZeTa ragvarobisa da komponentTa sintaqsuri korelaciismixedviT gamoiyofa <strong>Txzul</strong> <strong>sityvaTa</strong> ramdenime ZiriTadi tipi.<strong>Txzul</strong>i sityvebi, romlebic iqmneba e an o SemaerTebeli xmovnebiT,romelTa fuZis pirveli nawili arsebiTia, xolo meore nawili _ zmnisZiri (sufiqsiTa Tu sufiqsis gareSe), <strong>erTi</strong>andeba pirvel tipSi. isiniiyofa Semdeg qvetipebad:mamrobiTi sqesis arsebiTi saxelebi _ ZiriTadad pirTa damowyobilobaTa saxelebi. aq Semadgenel nawilTa korelacia SeiZlebasxvadasxvagvari iyos: kompoziti gamoxatavs agenss, subieqts, igiamoqmedebis Semsrulebeli: конокрад ‘cxeniparia’, волкодав ‘nagazi’,свинопас ‘meRore, Rorebis mwyemsi’, ветрогон ‘qarafSuta, Tavqariani’(gadataniTi mniSvnelobiT); пылесос ‘mtversasruti, da sxv. kompozitisSemadgenel nawilebSi SeiZleba gadmoices urTierToba moqmedsa da mismier Sesrulebul moqmedebas Soris.am qve<strong>tipis</strong> kompozitebis Soris meore jgufSi produqtiuliaSemdegi zmnuri Zirebi:a) sufiqsis gareSe:-вар _ пивовар ‘melude’, -вед _ языковед ‘enaTmecnieri’, -вод _пчеловод ‘ mefutkre’, -дел _ винодел ‘meRvine’, -коп _ землекоп ‘miwis3


mTxreli’, -лов _ птицелов ‘meCitbade’ da sxv.semantikurad am modeliT sityvawarmoebis mxolod zemoTmocemuli, upiratesad human being-Tan dakavSirebuli qvetipiaqarTulis msgavsi. ra Tqma unda, qarTuls, iseve rogorc rusuls,Tavisi sakuTari wesebi da saSualebebi aqvs. ase, magaliTad, rusulie an o SemaerTebeli xmovnebis, e. w. interfiqsebis, fardi <strong>qarTulSi</strong>ara gvaqvs. arc rusul afiqsur inventarSi araa -ia sufiqsisekvivalenturi erTeuli da sxv. magram rTuli sityvebis am tipsorive enaSi warmoebis TvalsazrisiT <strong>erTi</strong> mniSvnelovani Tvisebaa<strong>erTi</strong>anebs: kompozitiseuli zmnuri Ziri saerTo kia rogorcpirieli, aseve upiro paradigmebisaTvis, mag., par- (parva zmnis Ziriylap-), (ylapva zmnis Ziri), lok- (lokva zmnis Ziri), berty- (bertyvazmnis Ziri), Tes- (Tesva zmnis Ziri) da sxv. piriel formebs emTxvevaori Ziri: Wam- (Wama zmnis Ziri), iseve rogorc kref- (krefa zmnisZiri) II piris mx. ricxvis awmyo drois formis identuria _ (Sen) Wam,(Sen) kref. asevea rusulSic: -вар- -вед-, -вод-, -дел-, -коп-, -лов- da sxv.ar emTxveva arc erT konkretul zmnur formas. конокрад-is -крад kiSedis я краду-Si ‘me viparav’, magram sakuTriv -крад arsad arfunqcionirebs, Tu ar CavTvliT or damTxvevas am formaTasimravlidanac: каменотёс ‘qvismTleli’ _ тёс ‘Tlida’ (III piri, mx.ricxvi, warsuli dro) da свинопас ‘Rorebis mwyemsi’ _ пас ‘mwyemsavda’.am rigis sityvawarmoebisas rogorc qarTuli, aseve rusuli enaim formas aaqtiurebs, romelic arsad ar gamouyenebia.faqtobrivad, <strong>qarTulSi</strong> es aris martivi gauvrcobeliwinadadebis fardi leqsikuri erTeuli. predikacia manifestirebuliazmnis ZiriT (yovelgvari afiqsis gareSe), sakuTrivkompoziti -ia sufiqsis meSveobiT aaqtiurebs qvemdebares, moqmeds,xolo arsebiTi saxeliT gadmocemulia pirdapiri obieqti.rac Seexeba obieqtis brunvas: rogorc wesi, esaa naTesaobiTi,radgan igi eTanxmeba sawyiss. micemiTi brunva aucilebelia imkvecad xmovanfuZian saxelebTan, romlebic bolokidur xmovans arikvecen (micemiTi brunvis niSnis dakargva savsebiT bunebrivi Cans).aseT SemTxvevebSi migvaCnia, rom predikatuli nawili axlandelidrois pirieli formaa. pirdapiri obieqti saxelobiT brunvaSia,roca zmnuri nawili ivaraudeba pirieli formiT aoristSi(bartyiWamia


Marika Jikia(Tbilisi )For the Interpretation of One Type Compound Words in GeorgianIn contemporary Georgian there are compounds of the type noun + verbal stem + ia (suffix).Specialists interpret these forms in the following ways: (1) the second component, i.e. theverbal stem, semantically approximates to the active participle; (2) the second component isrepresented by the imperative; (3) the direct object is expressed by noun and the secondcomponent is a participle which is based on the aorist and has lost its prefix; (4) it consists ofthe participle with a direct object and an infinitive with the suffix -a; (5) the verbal componentsof these forms are based on the stems of infinitives -- they express the "possession" of theaction denoted by infinitives; (6) they function as participles, confirmed by the existence of theparallel forms as well, although these forms differ in stylistic nuances.The forms with -ia express state and denote some property as a result of subsequentreinterpretation. The case of the nominal components of these compounds is also differentlyinterpreted -- nominative, genitive and dative cases are often mentioned thereupon, althoughthe genitive is considered more acceptable.Internal structure of a language shows itself in an inner form through a linguistic vision, whichbecomes apparent in dynamical ability of motivations. In our case naming should not bewithout reason and, proceed from the semantic field, the derivative word took -ia suffixaccording to the model.The forms with -ia suffix are easy to distinguish from other derivatives of this polysemicaffix. The model seems to be that of a participle, but the type of composition does not coincidewith that of a participle. Its specificity, in our opinion, would be conditioned by -ia suffixbecause we do not meet it among the prefixes and suffixes, which form participles. The subjectof a participle of active voice is nomen agentis, person, the main activity of which is mentioned.In case of derivative with -ia suffix subject will never say about him/herself that he/she iskvac’uria ‘stone sweater’ which means ‘stingy’ or adlibot’ia ‘who takes great strides forward’,while nothing would do any harm if he/she says "I am a builder" or "I am a manager". One traitof character in the aspect of accepted habit is noticed by a person who gives a name and theperson who is named is characterised from a point of view not very pleasant for him/her. Thathabit or the one, already transformed into a trait of character, is noticed by a third person and5


has given a name. We have impression that in the collected material this given name of thementioned person shows may be not evident, but a nuance of his/her negative habit. So, fromadlibot’ia to Ǯamit’lekia ‘dish-licker’ there is in some way "hurt" range.This model of composition is evidenced also in some proverbs: doč’amias do agondeboda daq’velič’amias – q’velio ‘Yoghurt eater remembers yoghurt and cheese eater – cheese’; dγisitk’evisγe č’iao, γame – sakmisk’etiao ‘ In daytime -- gum chewer, at night -- work worker’, etc.These compound units are unequal by their content and can be semantically grouped asfollows:The plant names: k’at’ap’aria ‘cat-stealer,’ namik’repia ‘dew-collector’, perič’amia‘colour-eater’, pesvič’amia ‘root-eater’, c’q’alik’repia ‘water-collector’, etc.The insect names: bec’vič’amia ‘fur-eater’, teslič’amia ‘seed-eater’, k’vercxič’amia ‘eggeater’,k’ok’rič’amia ‘bud-eater’, lešič’amia ‘carrion-eater’, marcvlič’amia ‘kernel-eater’,nemsip’aria ‘needle-stealer’, nemsiq’lapia ‘needle-swallower’, tq’avič’amia ‘leather-eater’,potlič’amia ‘leaf-eater’, kerkičamia ‘crust-eater’, cilač’amia ‘white-eater’, etc.The names of birds: bat’knič’amia ‘lamb-eater’, baq’aq’iq’lap’ia ‘frog-swallower’,baq’aq’ič’amia ‘frog-eater’, gveliq’lapia ‘snake-swallower’, tavidrek’ia ‘head-bower’, tevzip’aria‘fish-stealer’, tevziq’lapia ‘fish-swallower’, tvalč’q’etia ‘eye-starer’, lamiq’lapia ‘silt-swallower’,etc.The name of fish: kariq’lapia ‘wind-swallower’ (pike).The name of animal: č’ianč’velač’amia ‘ant-eater’.Toponyms: cxvari č’amia ‘sheep-eater’, t’ašikvria ‘applauder’, etc. c’In a dictionary of technical terms were found some units with -ia ending, which are theloan-translations, calques from Russian: k’auč’xvet’ia


‘yoghurt swallower’ – ‘blockhead’, k’eviγeč’ia ’gum chewer’ – ‘who bores with longconversations’, karipant’ia ‘wind-spender’ – ‘thoughtless’, kvaxaršia ‘who boils the stone’ –‘skinflint’, cxviribzekia ‘who throws back one’s nose’– ‘haughty’, etc.The meanings of components everywhere is clear and the words when they functioned asnicknames of human beings (and we should say that most of them are nicknames), theysometimes dominated over the real names of persons.During research of Georgian anthroponymics we met about thirty composites of this kindused as nicknames or stems of personal or family names. In these words the motivation ofchoice of nickname is clear and as the most stems of family names are based on nicknames, webecome witnesses of creation of family names from real facts.According to development of onomastics in Georgian epos of fairy tale can be distinguishedthree main cycles: 1) anonymous personages, 2) nicknames, connected with the traits ofpersonages and 3) onomastics of common dissemination. In fairy tales there are plenty ofnames we are interesting in. They penetrated there from real life of people. For example,c’q’aliparia ‘water-stealer’ drunk a lot of water, cač’vret’ia ‘skylooker’ was looking at the sky alltime, k’vercxip’aria ‘egg-stealer’ was stealing eggs from the nid of a turtle-dove, nacarkekia ‘ashdelver' delved into ashes and got appropriate nickname.In our opinion, above examined composite is equal to a simple extended sentence. As aresult of compression of this sentence a lexical unit becomes a substantive. This composite,derived from a sentence, containing a verb stem, keeps its predicative character and the treats,connected to an object, which is expressed by a nominal part. The meaning of this compoundword makes an adequate idea because of clearness of its components and the crucialsegmentation appears as a one-notion composite. We can easily consider these wordsextended morphosyntaxemes which seem to be equivalent to compressed sentences.To confirm this fact typologically we will apply to Russian.In Russian according to character of stems and to syntactical correlation of parts can bedistinguished several main types of compound substantives.The compound words, which are made by means of binding vowels o or e and a stem of asubstantive in the first part and root of a verb in the second, with or without a suffix arecategorised as those of the first type. They are divided into following subtypes:7


1. Substantives of masculine gender, - mainly names of persons, devices and morerarely names of actions. The correlation of parts here may be various: first part mayhave meaning of an object of action: k’onok’rad ‘horse-stealer’, volk’odav ‘wolfstrangler’,vet’rogon ‘wind-driver’(literally), in a figurative sense ‘empty-beadedperson’, p’ylesos ‘vacuum-cleaner’, svinop’as ‘swine-herd’, etc. Both parts canexpress the relations between an actor and act made by it/him/her.The most productive second parts of the composites of this subtype are verbalmorphemes:a) Without suffixes:-var -- p’ivovar ‘brewer’, -ved -- yazykoved ‘linguist’, -vod – p’čelovod ‘bee-keeper’,-del-- vinodel ‘ wine-maker’, -k’op – zemlek’op ‘navvy’, -lov – p’t,icelov ‘ bird-catcher’, etc.Only the above mentioned subtype of word forming, according to this model andconnected mostly with a human being, is semantically like the Georgian one. Georgian,as well as Russian, of course, has its own rules and possibilities. For example, we havenot in Georgian so-called interfixes, similar of the Russian e and o binding vowels. Northe Russian inventory of affixes has an equivalent unit of -ia suffix, etc. But this type ofcompound words in both languages have a common important treat from the point ofview of word forming: though the verb stem of composite is common for personal andnon-personal paradigms, e.g., -var-, -ved-, -vod-, -del-, -k’op-, -lov-, etc., but there is nosuch kind of verbal form in the language. –k’rad of k’onok’rad ‘horse- stealer’ is in theform Ja k’radu - ’I steal’, but k’rad itself does not function anywhere. There are onlytwo exceptions: k’amenot,jos ‘stonemason’ _ t,jos ‘was hewing’ (III person singular,past tense) and svinop’as ‘swine-herd’ – p’as ‘was looking after the herd of animals’. Sois in Georgian: p’ar-(root of the verb p’arva ‘to steal’, q’lap’- (root of the verb q’lap’va‘to swallow’), lok’-(root of the verb lok’va ‘to lick’), bert’q’- (root of the verb bert’q’va‘shake out’) , tes-(root of the verb tesva ‘to sow’), etc. do not coincide with personalforms except: č’am-(root of the verb č’ama ‘to eat’) and k’rep-( root of the verb k’repa‘to collect’) coincide with the forms of the II person singular of the present tense _(shen) č’am ‘you eat//you are eating’ and (šen) k’rep ‘you collect//you are collecting’.So, in this model of word forming in Georgian, as well as in Russian, the languagemakes active the form, which it has nowhere used.8


Actually in Georgian it is the model of the simple non-expanded sentences, in whichthe agent is expressed by the suffix -ia and the whole compound represents an agent.Predicate is related to the verbal constituent, which is manifested by the verbal rootwithout any affixes and the direct object is expressed by the noun. As for the case of theobject, generally it is the genitive, implying that it agrees with the infinitive. The dative isobligatory when the names with losable vocal ending do not lose their final vocal(dropping off the dative suffix seems quite natural). In such cases, we regard thepredicative constituent as the finite form of the present tense. The direct object is inthe nominative case when the verbal component is presented by the finite form in aorist(bart’q’ič’amia ’nestling eater’ < bart’q’i (nom. case) č’ama ‘(he/she/it) ate a nestling’,baq’aq’iq’lap’ia ‘frog-gulper’

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