The Canadian-American Review of Hungarian Studies - Vol. 4 ... - EPA
The Canadian-American Review of Hungarian Studies - Vol. 4 ... - EPA The Canadian-American Review of Hungarian Studies - Vol. 4 ... - EPA
lowed translations from other, more recent Hungarian poets, such asDezso Kosztolanyi, Lajos Kassak, Milan FUst, Jozsef Erdelyi, LorincSzabo, Gyula lllyes, Sandor Weores, Attila Jozsef, Zoltan Zelk,Miklos Radnoti, Istvan Vas and Ferenc Juhasz. 31Kirkconnell's aides and collaborators in this massive work werePayerle and his wife, and a post-1945 arrival, Maxim Tabory. Hisscholarly "mentors" in this period were three emigre academics: Dr.George Gomori of Darwin College, Cambridge; Dr. Adam Makkai, ofthe University of Illinois; and Dr. George Buday from England. Thenew anthology, comprising some 1,200 pages in manuscript, wascompleted in 1973. Its publication by the University of Toronto Presswould have cost $28,000, which made publication commercially unfeasible.32 A request for a grant from the multicultural programme ofthe Department of the Secretary of State in Ottawa has been supportedby a number of Hungarian cultural organisations, but the quest has notbeen successful thus far.PoliticalWritingsDuring and after the Second World War, Professor Kirkconnellbecame involved in a very different kind of literary activity. Realizingthe importance of the burning issue of the age, he plunged into politicalcontroversies and produced a series of books dealing mainly with themenace of totalitarian ideologies, the attitudes of New Canadians topolitical radicalism, and the Canadian war-effort. This type of writingwas probably considered unbecoming to a scholar of classics and literatures.Undoubtedly Kirkconnell earned the disdain of some of hisacademic colleagues who preferred to weather the storm in the isolationof the "ivory towers" of the universities. In a way, however, Kirkconnell'swartime writings were not a major departure from his pre-warwork; his polemical tracts helped New Canadians, just as his versetranslations had during the 1930's. Both activities helped to gain respectfor Canada's European immigrants.One of the factors which prompted Kirkconnell to embark onpolitical writing was his desire to confront and combat the growinginfluence of international Communism in Canada. He became aware ofthis danger during his residence in Winnipeg, a city reputedly the centreof radical leftist activities in inter-war Canada. Some of this reputationwas well deserved; the city had its share of radical activists, but at notime was it ripe for a Bolshevik revolution a la 1917 —not even in 1919,during the notorious general strike. Radical influence in Winnipeg
seems to have been inversely related to the economic prosperity of thecity's populace. Radicalism waxed during the post-war slump, andwaned during the prosperous mid- and late 1920's, only to re-emergewith a vengeance during the Depression. Indeed, during a public lectureat the University of Manitoba during the early 1930's Kirkconnellencountered a "solid platoon of Communist hecklers" in his audience.They obviously disagreed with what he had to say on "How Russia isGoverned." 33Kirkconnell's war of words against Canada's Communists did notstart in earnest until the outbreak of the Second World War. From thefall of 1939 until the spring of 1941, he condemned the CommunistParty's attitude toward the Canadian war effort. This was the period ofNazi-Soviet collaboration, initiated by the Molotov-Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939. During this time, the CommunistParty of Canada refused to support Canada's war effort, evidently onorders from Moscow, and, indeed, engaged in anti-war propaganda.Kirkconnell assailed the Communists in three of his wartime books:Canada, Europe and Hitler (1939), Twilight of Liberty (1941) andSeven Pillars of Freedom (1944). He also warned about the Commu-• nists' real aim: "Whatever the outcome" of the war in Europe, hepredicted in 1941, the Communists will work "for the break-up of thepresent order in North America. . . ." 34It is difficult to judge the Canadian public's reactions to these statements.Some of Kirkconnell's contemporaries who had not alreadybeen convinced of the Communist menace probably remained incredulousand did not believe him until 1945 when Igor Gouzenko revealedthe existence of an extensive Soviet espionage network in North\ America. The Communists' reactions to Kirkconnell's wartime writingsi were emphatic and vociferous. Canada's Moscow-controlled press,comprising nearly a dozen newspapers published in almost as manylanguages, denounced him as an agent of Nazi Propaganda Chief( Goebbels, and ridiculed him in numerous tasteless cartoons. 35The Hungarian language newspapers of the Communist Party ofCanada participated fully in the campaign of vituperations againstKirkconnell. The war of words between the outspoken professor andthe Hungarian Communists had started in 1943 when Kirkconnellrefuted the public claim by Steve Szoke, editor of the Kanadai MagyarMunkds (Canadian Hungarian Worker) that his paper was not a CommunistParty organ. Against this assertion Kirkconnell cited a 1931• resolution of the Communist Party of Canada which established theMunkds as one of the party's mouth-pieces. 36 After this exchange,
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lowed translations from other, more recent <strong>Hungarian</strong> poets, such asDezso Kosztolanyi, Lajos Kassak, Milan FUst, Jozsef Erdelyi, LorincSzabo, Gyula lllyes, Sandor Weores, Attila Jozsef, Zoltan Zelk,Miklos Radnoti, Istvan Vas and Ferenc Juhasz. 31Kirkconnell's aides and collaborators in this massive work werePayerle and his wife, and a post-1945 arrival, Maxim Tabory. Hisscholarly "mentors" in this period were three emigre academics: Dr.George Gomori <strong>of</strong> Darwin College, Cambridge; Dr. Adam Makkai, <strong>of</strong>the University <strong>of</strong> Illinois; and Dr. George Buday from England. <strong>The</strong>new anthology, comprising some 1,200 pages in manuscript, wascompleted in 1973. Its publication by the University <strong>of</strong> Toronto Presswould have cost $28,000, which made publication commercially unfeasible.32 A request for a grant from the multicultural programme <strong>of</strong>the Department <strong>of</strong> the Secretary <strong>of</strong> State in Ottawa has been supportedby a number <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hungarian</strong> cultural organisations, but the quest has notbeen successful thus far.PoliticalWritingsDuring and after the Second World War, Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Kirkconnellbecame involved in a very different kind <strong>of</strong> literary activity. Realizingthe importance <strong>of</strong> the burning issue <strong>of</strong> the age, he plunged into politicalcontroversies and produced a series <strong>of</strong> books dealing mainly with themenace <strong>of</strong> totalitarian ideologies, the attitudes <strong>of</strong> New <strong>Canadian</strong>s topolitical radicalism, and the <strong>Canadian</strong> war-effort. This type <strong>of</strong> writingwas probably considered unbecoming to a scholar <strong>of</strong> classics and literatures.Undoubtedly Kirkconnell earned the disdain <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> hisacademic colleagues who preferred to weather the storm in the isolation<strong>of</strong> the "ivory towers" <strong>of</strong> the universities. In a way, however, Kirkconnell'swartime writings were not a major departure from his pre-warwork; his polemical tracts helped New <strong>Canadian</strong>s, just as his versetranslations had during the 1930's. Both activities helped to gain respectfor Canada's European immigrants.One <strong>of</strong> the factors which prompted Kirkconnell to embark onpolitical writing was his desire to confront and combat the growinginfluence <strong>of</strong> international Communism in Canada. He became aware <strong>of</strong>this danger during his residence in Winnipeg, a city reputedly the centre<strong>of</strong> radical leftist activities in inter-war Canada. Some <strong>of</strong> this reputationwas well deserved; the city had its share <strong>of</strong> radical activists, but at notime was it ripe for a Bolshevik revolution a la 1917 —not even in 1919,during the notorious general strike. Radical influence in Winnipeg
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