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-THE APOSTOLICFATHERSSECONDVOL.II.PART

THE APOSTOLIC FATHERSPART II.S. IGNATIVS.S. POLYCARP,REVISED TEXTSWITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES, DISSERTATIONS,AND TRANSLATIONS.BYJ. B. LIGHTFOOT, D.D., D.C.L., LL.D.,BISHOP OF DURHAM.SECOND EDITION.VOL.II.Uonfcon :MACMILLAN ANDAND NEW YORK.CO.1889\_All Rights reserved.']

.2.:boa(Eambritige :PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS,AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.SECOND VOLUME.GENUINE EPISTLES OF S. IGNATIUS.PAGEINTROD UC TION. i— 1 1(i) Circumstances of writing and order of the Epistles; (2)Authoritiesfor the text. Exceptional position of the Letter to the Romans.Previous editions. Principles of the text and apparatus criticus of thepresent edition. Symbols used.1. TO THE EPHESIANS 13-94Introduction ........... — 15 20Text and Notes 21— — 89Excursus on yevurjTos and dyevveros § 7. . . .90 942. TO THE MAGNESIANS 95—140Introduction ........... — 97 104Text and Notes — 105 1403. TO THE TRALLIANS — 141 182Introduction ........... — 143 149Text and Notes . .150— 1824. TO THE ROMANS 183—234Introduction185 — 188Text and Notes189 — 234Introduction ........... — 237 — 247Text and Notes 248 2825. TO THE PHILADELPHIANS 235—2826. TO THE SMYRNsEANS 283—326Introduction285, 286Text and notes 287 — 3267. TO POLYCARP 327—360IntroductionText and Notes .329, 330331 — 360

viTABLE OF CONTENTS.ACTS OF MARTYRDOM.PAGEINTRODUCTION. 363—47*1. Different forms: (i)Antiochene Acts, Greek, Latin, Syriac;Roman Acts, Greek and Coptic; (iii)Bollandist Acts; (iv) Armenian(ii)Acts; (v) Acts of Metaphrast [363—368].2. Mutual relations. The Antiochene and Roman Acts independent.Their contents. The other Acts composite [368— 377].3. Historic credibility, place, and date of the Roman Acts [377—382].The — same questions as regards the Antiochene Acts : internal evidence—[383 386]; external testimony (Chrysostom, Evagrius, the Menaea) [386389]. Possible nucleus of truth [389— 391].4. Chronology of Trajan's reign. Tables [391—398]. Reckoning oftribunician years [398— 404]. Notes on the tables with special referenceto Trajan's Eastern campaigns [404 — 418].5.The festival of Ignatius. (1) Oct. 17, the original day [418—422].(2) Dec. 20, the later day with the Greeks [422, 423]. (3) July 1, theEgyptian festival [423—428]. (4) Feb. 1, the Latin commemoration[428—430]. Lessons for his day [430, 431]. Translations of the reliques[43I—434]-6. The year of the martyrdom. Pearson's disquisition [435, 436].Volkmar's theory that he was martyred at Antioch [436]. The testimonyof John Malalas examined [437—447]. Statement of the Syriac Chronicle[447]. Authorities for the 9th year of Trajan [448]. Chronicon of Eusebius[448—452]. Harnack's theory examined [452—471]. Results ofthe investigation [471, 47 2L7. Authorities for the texts of the Antiochene and Roman Acts. Previouscollations and editions [473, 474].A. ANTIOCHENE ACTS.Text and Notes 477—495B. ROMAN ACTS.Text and Notes 496—540TRANSLATIONS.1. GENUINE EPISTIES OF S. IGNATIUS .2 . ACTSOF MAR TYRD OM.. .-543—574Antiochene Ads 575 579Roman Acts•579 — 5^8ADDENDA 589—598INDEX 599—6i9

THE GENUINE EPISTLES.I.THE REASONS for accepting as genuine the Seven Epistles inthe form in which they were current in the age of Eusebius havebeen stated already. Only a few additional words will be necessaryto explain the principles which have been followed in the arrangementof the epistles and in the construction of the text.These seven epistles were written in the early years of the secondcentury, when the writer was on his way from Antioch to Rome, havingbeen condemned to death and expecting to be thrown to the wildbeasts in the amphitheatre on his arrival. They fall into two groups,written at two different halting-places on his way. The letters to theEphesians, Magnesians, Trallians, and Romans, were sent from Smyrna,while Ignatius was staying there and was in personal communicationwith Polycarp the bishop. The three remaining letters, to the Philadelphians,to the Smyrnseans, and to Polycarp, were written at a subsequentstage in his journey, at Alexa?idria Troas, where again he halted for atime, before crossing the sea for Europe. The place of writing in everycase is determined from notices in the epistles themselves.The order in which they are printed here is the order given byEusebius {H.E. iii. 36). Whether he found them in this order in hismanuscript, or whether he determined the places of writing (as wemight determine them) from internal evidence and arranged the epistlesaccordingly, may be questioned. So arranged, they fall into two groups,according to the place of writing. The letters themselves howevercontain no indication of their chronological order in their respectivegroups ; and, unless Eusebius simply followed his manuscript, he musthave exercised his judgment in the sequence adopted in each group,e. g. Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians, and Romans.IGN. II.I

2 THE GENUINE EPISTLESThe two groups, besides having been written at different places, areseparated from each other by another distinctive feature. All theepistles written from Smyrna are addressed to churches which he hadnot visited in person but knew only through their delegates. On theother hand all the epistles written from Troas are addressed to those,whether churches (as in the case of the Philadelphians and Smyrnaeans)or individuals (asin the case of Polycarp), with whom he had alreadyheld personal communication at some previous stage in his journey.It has been seen that at some point in his journey (probablyLaodicea on the Lycus), where there was a choice of roads, hisguards selected the northern road through Philadelphia and Sardisto Smyrna. If they had taken the southern route instead, they wouldhave passed in succession through Tralles, Magnesia, and Ephesus, beforethey reached their goal. It isprobable that, at the point where theroads diverged, the Christian brethren sent messengers to the churcheslying on the southern road, apprising them of the martyr's destination ;so that these churches would despatch their respective delegates withoutdelay, and thus they would arrive at Smyrna as soon as, or even before,Ignatius himself.The firstgroup then consists of letters to these three churches,whose delegates had thus met him at Smyrna, together with a fourth tothe Roman Christians apprising them of his speedy arrival amongbeen called forth bythem— this last probably having some opportunity(such as was likely to occur at Smyrna) of communicating with themetropolis. The three are arranged in a topographical order (Ephesus,Magnesia, Tralles) according to the distances of these cities fromSmyrna, which is taken as the starting-point.The second group consists of a letter to the Philadelphians whom hehad visited on his way to Smyrna, and another to the Smyrnaeans withwhom he had stayed before going toTroas, together with a third to hisfriend Polycarp closing the series.The order however in the Greek ms and in the versions (so far asit can be traced) is quite different, and disregards the places of writing.In these documents they stand in the following order :i.Smyrnaeans 5. Philadelphians2.Polycarp 6. Trallians 13. Ephesians 7.Romans.4. Magnesians1The Armenian Version however transposes Trallians and Philadelphians.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 3This sequence is consistent with the suppositionthat we have herethe collection of the martyr's letters made at the time by Polycarp,who writing to the Philippians says 'The Epistles of Ignatius whichwere sent to us by him, and others as many as we had with us, we sendto you, even as ye directed: they are subjoined to this letter' (§ 13).But though this order, which isgiven in the documents, has high claimsfor consideration as representingthe earliest form of the collectedepistles, I have substituted the chronological arrangementas more instructive for purposes of continuous reading.of EusebiusOf the data for the text an account has been given already. Ourdocuments are as follows.1. The Manuscript of the Greek Original (G). If this MS hadbeen, as Turrianus described it, emendatissimus ',we should have had'no further trouble about the text. But since this is far from being thecase, the secondary authorities are of the highest moment in settling thereadings.2.Among these the Latin Version (L) holds the first place, asIt exhibits a muchbeing an extremely literal rendering of the original.purer form of the text, being free from several corruptions and a fewinterpolations and omissions which disfigure the Greek. At the sametime however it is clear, both from the contents of the collection andfrom other indications (as described previously), that this version wastranslated from a Greek ms of the same type as the extant Greek MS ;and therefore its value, as a check upon the readings of this ms, islimited. Whenever GL coincide, they must be regarded as one witness,not as two.3.The Syriac Version (S) would therefore have been invaluable asan independent check, if we had possessedit entire, since it cannothave been made later than the fourth or fifth century, and would haveexhibited the text much nearer to the fountain-head than either theGreek or the Latin. Unfortunately however only a few fragments(S„ S 2 ,S 3 ) belonging to this version are preserved. But this defect ismade up to a considerable extent in two ways. First. We have arough Abridgment or Collection of Excerpts (2)from this Syriac Versionfor three epistles (Ephesians, Romans, Polycarp) together with a fragmentof a fourth (Trallians), preserving whole sentences and even

4 THE GENUINE EPISTLESparagraphs in their original form or with only slight changes. Secondly.There is extant also an Armenian Version (A) of the whole, made fromthe Syriac (S).This last however has passed through so many vicissitudes,that it is often difficult to discern the original Greek readingunderlying its tertiary text. It will thus be seen that AS have no independentauthority, where S is otherwise known, and that SAS must beregarded as one witness, not as three.4. There is likewise extant a fragment of a Coptic Version (C), inthe Sahidic (Thebaic) dialect of the Egyptian language, comprising thefirstsix chapters of the Epistle to the Smyrnaeans, besides the end of thespurious Epistle to Hero. The date of this version is uncertain, thoughprobably early but the text ; appears to be quite independent of ourother authorities, and it is therefore much to be regretted that so littleispreserved.5.Another and quite independent witness is the Greek Text ofthe Long Recension (g) of the Ignatian Epistles. The Latin Versio?i (1)of this Long Recension has no independent value, and is only importantas assisting in determining the original form of this recension.The practice of treating it as an independent authority is altogetherconfusing. The text of the Long Recension, once launched into theworld, had its own history, which should be kept quite distinct fromthat of the genuine Epistles of Ignatius. For the purpose of determiningthe text of the latter, we are only concerned with its original form.The Long Recension was constructed, as we have seen, by someunknown author, probably in the latter half of the fourth century, fromthe genuine Ignatian Epistles by interpolation, alteration, and omission.If therefore we can ascertain in any given passage the Greek text ofthe genuine epistles which this author had before him, we have tracedthe reading back to an earlier point in the stream than the direct Greekand Latin authorities, probably even than the Syriac Version. Thishowever it is not always easy to do, by reason of the freedom andcapriciousness of the changes. No rule of universal application can belaid down. But the interpolator isobviously much more given tochange at some times than at others ; and, where the fit isupon him,no stress can be laid on minor variations. On the other hand, wherehe adheres pretty closely to the text of the genuine Ignatius, as forinstance through great parts of the Epistles to Polycarp and to theRomans, the readings of this recension deserve every consideration.Thus it will be seen that though this witness is highly important,because it cannot be suspected of collusion with other witnesses, yetit

OF S. IGNATIUS.5must be subject to careful cross-examination, before the truth underlyingitsstatements can be ascertained.6. Besides manuscripts and versions, we have a fair number ofQuotations, of which the value will vary according to their age andindependence. A full account of these has been given already.From the above statement it will be seen that, though each authorityseparately may be regarded as more or less unsatisfactory, yet, as theyare very various in kind, they act as checks one upon another, theone frequently supplying just that element of certainty which is lackingto the other, so that the result is fairly adequate. Thus A will often givewhat g withholds, and conversely. Moreover it will appear from whathas been said that a combination of the secondary and capriciousauthorities must oftendecide a reading against the direct and primary.For instance, the combination Ag is, as a rule, decisive in favour of areading, as against the more direct witnesses GL, notwithstanding thatA singly, or g singly, is liable to any amount of aberration, though indifferent directions.The foregoing account applies to six out of the seven letters.The text of the Epistle to the Romans has had a distinct history and isrepresented by separate authorities of its own. This epistle was atan early date incorporated into the Antiochene Acts of Martyrdom,and thus disconnected from the other six. In its new connexion, itwas disseminated and translated separately. It so happensthat theonly extant Greek MS which contains this epistle (the Colbertine)is even less satisfactory than the sole Greek ms of the other six (theMedicean); but on the other hand we have more than compensationfor this inferiority in the fact that the Acts of Martyrdom (with theincorporated epistle) were translated independently both into Syriac(Sm )and into Armenian (A ra ); and these two versions, which are extant,furnish two additional authorities for the text. Moreover theMetaphrast, who compiled his Acts of Ignatius from this and anotherMartyrology, has retained the Epistle to the Romans in his text,though in an abridged and altered form.From this account it will be seen that the authorities for the Epistleto the Romans fall into three classes.(1) Those authorities, which contain the epistle as part of theMartyrology. These are the Greek (G), the Latin (L), the Syriac(Sm ),and the Armenian (A m ),besides the Metaphrast (M). Theseauthorities however are of different values. When the epistle was first

6 THE GENUINE EPISTLESincorporated in the Acts of Martyrdom, it still preserved a comparativelypure form. When it has arrived at the stage in which it appearsin the extant Greek ms (G), it isvery corrupt. In this last form,among other corruptions, it exhibits interpolations and alterations whichhave been introduced from the Long Recension (g). The ms used bythe Metaphrast exhibited a text essentially the same as that of G.(2) The independent Syriac Version (S) of which only a fewfragments remain, but which is represented, as before, by the SyriacAbridgment (S) and the Armenian Version (A).(3) The Long Recension (g),which in great parts of this epistlekeeps close to the text of the original Ignatius.Though the principles on which a text of the Seven Epistles shouldbe constructed are sufficiently obvious, they have been strangely overlooked.The first period in the history of the text of the genuine Ignatiuscommences with the publication of the Latin Version by Ussher (1644),and of the Greek original by Isaac Voss (1646). The Greek of theEpistle to the Romans was first published by Ruinart (1689). The textof Voss was a very incorrect transcript of the Medicean ms, and in thisrespect subsequent collations have greatly improved on his editio firinceps.But beyond this next to nothing was done to emend the Greek text.Though some very obvious corrections are suggested by the LatinVersion, these were either neglected altogether by succeeding editorsor were merely indicated by them in their notes without being introducedinto the text. There was the same neglect also of the aidwhich might have been derived from the Long Recension.Moreoverthe practice of treating the several mss and the Latin Version of theLong Recension independently of one another and recording themco-ordinately with the Greek and Latin of the genuine Ignatius (insteadof using them apart to ascertain the original form of the Long Recension,and then employing the text of this Recension, when thusascertained, as a single authority)threw the criticism of the text intogreat confusion. Nor was any attention paid to the quotations,which in several instances have the highest value. Hence ithappenedthat during this period which extended over two centuries from Voss toHefele (ed. 1, 1839; ed. 3, 1847) and Jacobson (ed. 1, 1838; ed. 3,1847) inclusive, nothing or next to nothing (beyond the more accuratecollation of the Medicean ms) was done for the Greek text.The second period dates from the publication of the Oriental

OF S. IGNATIUS.7versions— the Syriac Abridgment with the Syriac Fragments byCureton (1845, 1849), and the Armenian Version lby Petermann (1849).New materials of the highest value were thus placed in the hands ofcritics ; but, notwithstanding the interest which the Ignatian questionexcited, nearly thirty years elapsed before any proper use was madeof them. In some cases the failure was due, at least in part, to a falsesolution of the Ignatian question. The text of Bunsen (1847), Cureton(1849), and Lipsius (1859), which started from the assumption thatthe Syriac Abridgment represented the genuine Ignatius, must necessarilyhave foundered on this rock, even if the principles adopted hadbeen sound in other respects. Petermann and Dressel (1857) howevermaintained the priority of the Seven Epistles of the Vossian text to theThree of the Curetonian; and so far they built uponthe true basis.But Petermann contented himself with a casual emendation of the texthere and there from the versions; while Dressel neglected themaltogether. Jacobson (ed. 4, 1863) and Hefele (ed. 4, 1855) also,in their more recent editions which have appeared since the Orientalversions were rendered accessible, have been satisfied with recordingsome of the phenomena of these versions in their notes without applyingthem to the correction of the text, though they also were unhamperedby the false theory which maintained the priority of theCuretonian Abridgment. It was reserved for the most recent editors,Zahn (1876), and Funk (1878), to make use of all the available materialsand to reconstruct the text for the first time on sound and intelligibleprinciples.The text which I have given was constructed independently of boththese editions, and before I had seen them, but the main principles arethe same. Indeed these principles must be sufficiently obvious to thosewho have investigated the materials with any care. In the detailshowever my views frequently differ from theirs, as must necessarily bethe case with independent editors ;and in some respects I have hadthe advantage of more complete or more accurate materials than wereaccessible to them.In the apparatus criticus, w T hich isappended to the text, I havebeen anxious not to overload my notes with matter which would beirrelevant to the main issue. Thus for instance, those divergences in1The editio princeps of the Armenian was published at Constantinople in 1 783 ;but this version was practically unknown to scholars until Petermann's edition appeared.

8 THE GENUINE EPISTLESthe several versions which, however interesting and instructive inthemselves,cannot be supposed to represent various readingsin the Greektext, are carefully excluded. On the other hand it has been my aimto omit nothing which could reasonably be thought to contribute tothe formation of a correct text.rules have been observed.In carrying out this principle, the followingi. The various readings of the Greek Manuscripts of the genuineIgnatius (G), i.e. of the Medicean ms in the Six Epistles, and of theColbertine in the Epistle to the Romans, are given in full. This isalso the case with the fragment of the Epistle to the Ephesians (G')which is found in another Paris ms. I have not however thoughtitworth while to record differences of accent, or such variations asor o.v for orav, ovSe fiia for ovSe/u'a, etc., except where they had some realinterest.All these mss I have myself collated anew for this edition.2. The readings of the Latin Version (L) are generally given fromthe ultimate revised text, as it is printed in the Appendix. This textisfounded on a comparison of the two mss of the version, modified byother critical considerations which will be explained in their properplace. It did not seem necessary to give here the various readings ofthese two mss (Lj,L 2), except in very rare cases. Where such variationsoccur, I have held it sufficient to call attention to the fact, referringthe reader to the Appendix itself. As the Latin Version is strictlyliteral, every variation which remains in the ultimate Latin text (i.e. thetext as restored to the condition in which presumablyit left the handsof the translator)is recorded, because every such variation represents,or may have represented, a corresponding variation in the Greek mswhich the translator used.3.In like manner the various readings of the different mss(25 x , Sjj, 2 3)of the Syriac Abridgment (2) are not generally given.They will be found in the Appendix, where this version is printed atlength with an apparatuscriticus of its own and a translation. Inadmitting or rejecting divergences which this abridgment exhibits,I have been guided by the considerations already alleged. The fewfragments which survive of the original unabridged Syriac Version (S)are also printed in the Appendix. In the case of this and all theother Oriental versions Latin renderings are given in the critical notesfor the sake of convenience and uniformity.4. The Armenian Version (A) has been described in the properplace. From the descriptionit will have appeared that only a small

OF S. IGNATIUS. 9proportion of its many divergences deserves to be recorded as bearingon the Greek text. In giving its various readings I have found Petermann'sLatin translation of the greatest service; but I have myselfconsulted the Armenian original as printed by him, in order that, sofar as my slender knowledge of the language served me, I might not bemisled by the necessary distortion produced in passing through themedium of another language.5.The fragment of the Copto-Thebaic Version (C) will be foundin the Appendix, where it is publishedfor the first time. It is ancientand literal enough to be an important authority as far as it goes, and Ihave therefore given all its variations.6. The Armenian and Syriac Versions of the Epistle to theRomans in the Acts of Martyrdom (Am, S m ), having been translatedseparately and directly from the Greek, are independent of each otherand of the above-mentioned versions (A, S) in these languages. I havefreely used Petermann's translation of the one and Moesinger's of theother, but not without satisfying myself by consulting the originals.7.The text of the Metaphrast (M) for this same epistle is neverquoted, unless supported by some other authority. In other cases hismode of compilation deprives his text of any weight. The mss of theMetaphrast are very numerous; the readings of some of these are givenby Cotelier, Dressel, Zahn, and others.8. The Greek of the Long Recension (g)will be found with itsown apparatus criticus in the Appendix. The limits within which it isnecessary for my purpose to quote its text as an authority have beenalready indicated (p. 4).In citing this recension I have given thecritical text at which I have myself arrived, without (as a rule) referringto the variations of the several mss or of the Latin Version (1).These will be found in their proper place.For convenience of reference I give the following recapitulationofthe symbols :G. Greek Original (Medicean and Colbertine mss).G'.Paris fragment of the Epistle to the Ephesians.L. Latin Version.L x ,L 2the mss of this Version.,A. Armenian Version.S. Syriac Version.Sj, S 2 , S 3 , being the several collections of fragments belongingto this version.

lOTHE GENUINE EPISTLESC. Coptic Version.% Abridgment of the Syriac Version.g. Greek Original of the Long Recension.1. Latin Version of the Long Recension.For the Epistle to the Romans alone :A m.Armenian Version in the Martyrology.Sm .Syriac Version in the Martyrology.M. Acts of the Metaphrast.The Greek and Latin quotations from the fathers are given by thevolumes and pages of the standard editions ;the Syriac quotations bythe pages of Cureton's Corpus Ignatianum.The following marks and abbreviations are also used.add. 1 Where a word or words are added or prefixed in theprsef. J authority subjoined.al. Where the divergence is so great in a version or recension,that no inference can be drawn as to the reading which theauthor of the version or recension had before him. This willalso include passages which are so corrupt as to be worthlessfor determining a reading,app. Apparently,def. When the context, in which the word or words should occur, iswanting either from designed or accidental omission or fromthe imperfection of the ms or mss.om. When the context is there, but does not contain the word orwords in question,dub. Where a word or expressionis so translated or paraphrased,that the reading which itrepresents is uncertain,marg. When the readingis found in the margin of the authority inquestion.s. Attached to "an authority signifies that the reading of suchauthority is not given on express testimony, but may be inferredfrom the silence of collators.txt. When the authority quoted supports the reading adopted in thetext,edd. When an authority isgiven as generally quoted, or as it standsbe known orin the common editions, though some mss maysuspected to have it otherwise.

OF S. IGNATIUS. I IAn authority is included in square brackets thus [g],in all caseswhere it is discredited by some special circumstances: e.g. (i)where the grammatical forms are so close as to be easilyconfused, as in the case of the singular and plural in the Syriac ;or (2) where the context in a version or recension is so alteredas to impugn the fidelity of the author or the scribe at thisparticular point; or (3) where a passage may have been modifiedin the process of quotation by the influences of the context.( )The words included in brackets of this form have reference tothe authority which has immediately preceded and which theyexplain or qualify in some way.* An asterisk after an authority (e.g. L*) refers the reader to theAppendix for particulars as to the reading of the authoritywhich is so distinguished.

I.TO THE EPHESIANS.

I.TO THE EPHESIANS.THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS belongs to the groupof four letters written by the saint from Smyrna (§ 21). Hehad not himself visited Ephesus on his way ;but the Ephesians hadbeen apprised of his journey and had sent delegatesto meet him atSmyrna (§§ 1, 2, 21). The probable manner in which this informationwas conveyed to the Ephesians has been suggested above (p. 2).Ephesus was the nearest to Smyrna of those cities which arerecorded to have sent their delegates thither, the distance between thetwo places being about 40 miles (Strabo xiv. p. 632 TpiaKocnoi €lkoctlcrraSioi).We are therefore prepared to find that the Ephesian delegacywas more numerous than that of any other church. The bishopOnesimus was there in person; and he was accompanied by four otherswho are mentioned by name, Burrhus, Crocus, Euplus, and Fronto(§§ 1, 2).Of the two last the names only are given. On the otherhand Crocus is singled out in this letter for special praise as havinggreatly ' refreshed ' the saint and is mentioned also in affectionate termsin the Epistle to the Romans (§ 10) ;while Burrhus the deacon isvalued so highly by him that he requests the Ephesians to allow himto remain in his company. This request was granted ;and we findBurrhus with him at Troas, where he acts as his amanuensis (see thenote on § 2).Altogether Ignatius appears to have had much satisfaction in thepresence of these Ephesian delegates,whom he mentions in all hisother letters written from Smyrna (Magn. 15, Trail. 13, Rom. 10). Ofhis intercourse with Onesimus their bishop more especially he speaks interms of grateful acknowledgment. He describes him as ' unspeakable

16 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSin love ' (§ i).He says that in a very brief space of time they had heldmuch spiritual communion (§5).But not only was he moved by gratitude to write this letter. He wasalso deeply impressed with the previous history of the Ephesian Church.He speaks of it as renowned ' unto all '.ages He himself is the devotedslave of such a church (§ 8).He does not venture to set himself upas their teacher : he is content to be their fellow-disciple. Nay, he willeven look upon them as his trainers in the athletic contest for themartyr's crown which awaits him (§ 3).Above all, he remembers theircompanionship with Apostles; and remembering this, he is constrainedto dwell on his own weakness as contrasted with their strength. — Theyhad escorted the blessed Paul on the way to martyrdom Paul whonever tires of commemorating them in his letters and;he himself wouldfain tread in the same path (§ 12).Of the character of this church he speaks most favourably. Onesimushimself had commended them in the highest terms (yirepeiraivei).Noheresy had found a lodgment among them. They were steadfast inmaintaining doctrinal purity and good order (§ 6). They were spirituallyminded in all things (§ 8). They owned no other rule of life but God(§ 9).Thus the Ephesian Church appears to have sustained the characterand profited by the warning which it received on the last occasionwhen it is directly mentioned in the 'Apostolic writings I;knowthy works and thy labour and thy patience, and how thou canst notbear them which are evil, and didst try them that call themselvesApostles, though they are not, and didst find them liars, and thou hastpatience and didst bear for My Name's sake and hast not fainted.Nevertheless I have this against thee, that thou didst leave thy firstlove. Remember therefore from whence thou hast fallen and repentand do the first works (Rev.ii. 2—5).'But, though heresy had not found a home among them, it washovering in their outskirts. Certain persons who came from a distancehad attempted to sow the seeds of error among them, but had beenrepulsed (§ 7).These were doubtless the docetic teachers, who aredenounced in his other epistles. Hence the emphasis with which hedwells on the 'reality'of the Passion in the opening salutation (iv TrdOeid\r)0i.vu).Hence also the prominence which he gives to the truehumanity of our Lord, where he has occasion to mention His twonatures (§§ 7, 18, 19, 20). False teachers are described as 'violatorsof the temple ' in the worst sense, and as such condemned to theseverest vengeance (§ 16).

TO THE EPHESIANS. 17As a safeguardagainst the inroads of this heresy, the saint gives theEphesians some practical advice. They must assemble themselvestogether more frequently than hitherto for congregational worship (§§ 5,13). No man can eat the bread of God, if he keepsaloof from thealtar (§ 5).More especially they must adhere to their bishop, as thepersonal centre of union (§§ 2, 3, 4, 5, 6). The silent modesty ofOnesimus renders this warning the more necessary (§ 6). Unity willthus be secured, and unityis the overthrow of Satan (§ 13).While enforcing these duties, Ignatius indulges in several metaphors,always vigorous, but sometimes extravagant, after his wont. One suchmetaphor more especially demands attention, as containing a vividappeal to the local experiences of an Ephesian audience.In the reignof Trajan a munificent Roman of high rank, Gaius Vibius Salutaris, acitizen of Ephesus, gave to the temple of Artemis a large number ofgold and silver-gilt images. Among them are mentioned several statuesof Artemis herself, one representing her as the Huntress, othersas the Torchbearer; images of the Roman Senate, of the EphesianCouncil, of the Roman People, of the Equestrian Order, of the Ephebeia,etc. One of the ordinances relating to his benefactions bears thedate February in the year of the Consuls — Sextus Attius Suburanus 11and Marcus Asinius Marcellus (a. d. 104) the same year in which,according to one Martyrology, Ignatius was putto death. Salutarisprovided by an endowment for the care and cleaning of these images ;and he ordered that they should be carried in solemn procession fromthe temple to the theatre and back again on the birthday of thegoddess (6th Thargelion), on the days of public assembly, and at suchother times as the Council and People might determine. They wereto be escorted by the curators of the temple, the victors in the sacredcontests, and other officers who are named. The procession was toenter the city by the Magnesian gate and leave by the Coressian, soas to pass through its whole length. On entering the city it was tobe joined by the Ephebi who should accompany it from gate to gate.The decrees, recording the acceptance of these benefactions on theconditions named, were set up on tablets in the Great Theatre,where they have been recently discovered (Wood's Discoveries atEphesus Inscr. vi. 1 sq.).The practice of carrying the images andsacred vessels belonging to the temple in solemn procession on thefestival of the goddess and on other occasions doubtless existed longbefore; but these benefactions of Salutaris would give a new impulseand add a new splendour to the ceremonial. At such a time theIGN. II. 2

1 8 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSmetaphor of the saint would speak with more than common directnessto the imagination of his Ephesian readers, when, alluding to these paganfestivals, he tells them that as Christians they all alike are priests andvictors, for they carry, not in their hands, as the votaries of Artemiscarry their images and treasures, but in their hearts, each his God, hisChrist, his shrine ; that they too are duly arrayed for their festivities,not indeed in ornaments and cloth of gold, but in the commandmentsof Jesus Christ which are their holiday garments (seethe notes on§9)-The Epistle to the Ephesians is the longest and most elaborate ofthe extant letters of Ignatius. This fact may be explained by his closerelations with the Ephesian delegates, as well as by his respect for thepast history and present condition of the Ephesian Church, as alreadymentioned. Towards the close he enters upon what looks like asystematic discussion of the doctrine of the Incarnation (§ 19). Buthe breaks off abruptly, promising, if it be God's will, to send them asecond tract ((3l{3Xl$lov) wherein he will continue the subject upon'which he has entered, the economy relating to the new Man ChristJesus' (§ 20). This promise he seems never to have fulfilled. At leastno such second letter or treatise has ever been heard of. The hurryof his subsequent movements (Polyc. 8), perhapsalso the direct interferenceof his guards {Rom. 5), may have prevented his carrying out hisintention.The following is an analysis of the epistle:'Ignatius to the Church of Ephesus, which was blessed by Godand predestined to glory through a true Passion, hearty greeting inChrist.''You have acted in a manner congenial to your nature, in sendingyour delegates to comfort me on my way to martyrdom.In welcomingOnesimus I welcomed youall. You are indeed happy in your bishop,and should love him as he deserves (§1). I thank you for sendingBurrhus also, and I trust you will let him remain with me. Your otherdelegates too, Crocus more especially, have greatly refreshed me.Glorify Jesus Christ by unity and submission to your bishops andpresbyters (§ 2).I do not say this, as if I had a right to command.Indeed it were much more fit for me to learn of you. But love willnot let me be silent. The bishops represent the will of Jesus Christ(§ 3).Your presbyters are to your bishop as the strings to the lyre.

TO THE EPHESIANS. 19Let one harmonious chant rise up to heaven, as from one chorus singingin accord. Union is fellowship with God (§ 4). Ifmybrief intercoursewith your bishop has been so blessed, what blessing will not attendyour unbroken communion with him ! The united prayer of the bishopand the congregation is all powerful. He that stands aloof bringsGod's condemnation upon himself (§ 5). If your bishop is silent, heonly claims from you the more respect. The delegate of the Mastermust be received as the Master Himself. I rejoice to hear so good anaccount of you from Onesimus. He tells me that heresyno home among you (§ 6).has foundStill certain persons are going aboutteaching false doctrine. Shun them, as you would wild beasts. Thereisonly one Physician who can heal their wounds ;and He is flesh, aswell as spirit,Man as well as God (§ 7). Be not deceived, but putawayall evil desires. I am devoted to the renowned Church ofEphesus. The things of the flesh and things of the Spirit are exclusivethe one of the other. With you even the things done in the flesh arethe promptings of the Spirit (§ 8).I have learned that certain personscoming from a distance attempted to sow the seeds of false doctrineamong you but you stopped your ears and would not listen. You are:stones raised aloft to be fitted into the temple of God. You are holidaymakers,bearing your sacred things in festive procession ;and I rejoicethat I am permitted to take part in your festivities (§ 9). Pray for theheathen, since repentance is still possible for them. Teach them byyour conduct ; by your gentleness, your humility, your prayers, yoursteadfastness in the faith.Requite them not in like kind, but imitatethe Lord in your forbearance. In this way show that youbrothers. Be chaste and modest (§ 10).'are their1The world isdrawing to a close. If we value not the presentgrace, let us at least dread the coming wrath. One way or another letus be found in Christ Jesus, in whom I also hope to rise from the deadand to have my portion with the Christians of Ephesus, — the scholars ofApostles (§11). I cannot compare myself with you you who wereassociates in the mysteries with Paul, who are mentioned by him inevery letter (§ 12). Meet together more frequently for eucharisticservice. These harmonious gatherings will be the overthrow of Satan.There isnothing better than peace (§ 13). This ye yourselves know.Cherish faith and love— the beginning and the end of life. Wherethese exist, all else will follow. The tree is known byits fruits.Christianity is not a thing of profession but of power (§ 14). Doingwith silence is better than not doing with speech. The silence and

20 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS.the speech alike of the great Teacher were operative. Whosoeverunderstands His word will understand His silence also. Nothing ishidden from the Lord. In all our doings let us remember that we areHis temples (§ 15). No violators of the templekingdom. To those that violate the faith by corruptshall inherit God'sdoctrine thewarning is especially addressed. They and their hearers shall go intounquenchable fire (§ 16). The Lord was anointed with ointment thatHe might breathe incorruption upon His Church. Shun the foulodour of false doctrine. Why should we perish in our folly, by refusingthe grace of God (§17)? I am the devoted slave of the Cross, whichis a scandal to the unbeliever. Away with the wisdom of this world !Our God Jesus Christ was born a Man (§ 18). This economy washidden from the Prince of this world, until it was accomplished — thisthreefold mystery, the virginity of Mary, her child-bearing,and thedeath of Christ. It was revealed by a star of unwonted brightness.All the powers of heaven were dismayed at its appearing ;for theIncarnation of God was the overthrow of the reign of evil. This wasthe beginningof the end. The dissolution of Death was at hand(§ 19). If itplease God, I will write again and say more of thiseconomy. Only be steadfast in the faith; preserve the unityof thebody ;render obedience to the bishop and presbyters (§ 20).''My affectionate devotion to you and your delegates. I write thisfrom Smyrna. Remember me and pray for the Church in Syria, ofwhich I am a most unworthy member. Farewell in God and Christ(§ ")•'

TTPOCE0ECIOYC.IT/VAT IOC, 6KctiQeocpopos, ty\ evXoy^jJLevn eV /uieye-TTpoc 6cj)eciOYc] npos ecpecriovs iyvdrios G (with y in the marg.) ;rod avroviwLaroXr] irpbs icpecriovs g* (with ia in the marg.); Ignatius ephesiis L; [ejus] secundaquae ad ephesios S ;ad ephesios A.r 6 Kal] GLg; qui est 2 (1111, and so Rom., Polyc.) A (and so always, exceptHero, where it isqui et). fieyeda] neyidrj G.'Ignatius, called also Theophorus,to the Church of Ephesus,which is greatly blessed of God andwas foreordained from the beginningto eternal glory, united and electedin the power of a real Passion throughthe will of the Father and of Christ ;hearty greeting in Christ.'i. 6 Kal Qeo(p6pos] This word wouldbe equally appropriate to the trueChristian, whether taken in its activesense (deocpopos, bearing God, cladwith God) or in its passive sense(6e6

22 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS6ei Qeou waTpos TrXtipooiiaTi, Trj irpoitipi(r\i£vr] irpoi TrXtjpwfxaTi] Gg* (with a v.l.); perfectione A L et ; plenittidineet; perfcctae 2:see the lower note. rrj] txt GLS[A] ;add. /ecu g.irvevparo(p6posviii. lOol xpt(TTo(f)6poi fiapTvpes) while;It is more probable that this surnameratively demanded below, § 9.is a later insertion, has been refutedon the other hand nvevparocpopos iswas adopted by Ignatius himself,commonly used in such a sense as tosuggest a passive meaning, 'inspired,as a token of his Christian obligations,than that it was conferred upon himborne along by the Spirit,' e.g. Hos. ix. by others, as a title of honour. For7 (lxx), Presbyt. in Iren. v. 5. i,Herm. supposed references to it in the bodyMand. n, Theoph. ad Autol. i. 9, ii. of his epistles, see the notes on Magn.22, Dionys. Rom. in Athanas. Op.I. 1, Trail. 4, Smyru. 5. It occurs inp. 182, and frequently. But even the opening of all his genuine epistles;and in this he is imitated byhere we are perhaps deceived, andthe idea of inspiration may be derived the Pseudo-Ignatius. The epithetequally well from the activehowever is not confined to him, but'a vehicle of the Spirit'; e.g. applied freely to later fathers, espe-in Herm. Maud. 11 (a reference cially to those assembled at any ofalready cited) the word may be explainedthe great councils, as Nicasa; seeby an expression which occurs Pearson V. I. 1. c. In his case how-in the neighbourhood, e'xav tv iavrw ever it has the character of a secondbvvap.iv irvevparos delov. Comp. Iren. name or surname, as the mode ofiv. 20. 6 'videbitur Deus ab hominibusintroduction, 6 ical Qeotpopos, shows;qui portatit Spiritum ejus.' comp. Acts xiii. 9 2ai>\os, 6 Kai Ilavintroduction,6 ical The passive word deocpoprjros, which Xos. This form of expression is extremelycommon in inscriptions ; e.g.is also classical, is found occasionallyin early Christian writers, e.g. Hippol. Boeckh C. I. G. 2836 'Apiaro/cXf}? 6 kcuFragm. 123 (p. 193 Lagarde), andZrjvcov, 2949 M. Avp. tterpcovtos KeXcrosseveral times in Philo, e.g. de Somn. 6 Kal MiviTTivos, j 2 ^ 2 KaoTptKtos 'Aprepidoopos(1.6 Kai [' Apjpiavus, 33°9 'Epp.eiasi.43, ii. 1 pp. 658, 659). The ideainvolved in the word deocpopos is 6 Kal Airopis, 3387 $Xaovuz Tpv(pat,vafound also in contemporary Stoic rjKal 'PodoTri), 355° M.epe

TO THE EPHESIANS. 23by Zahn (/. v. A. p. 69 sq). It goesdirectly in the teeth of all the evidence.Daille founded an objectionto the genuineness of the epistles onthe use of this surname, urging that itarose out of the legend. He is refutedby Pearson ( V. I. p. 520 whosq),shows that the converse was the case.rrj evXoyTifxevy k.t.X.] This openingaddress contains several obvious reminiscencesof Ephes. i. 3 sq. oQeos Kal 7rciTrjp...6 evXoyrjO~as rjpasiv ivdcrrj evXoyiq ... KaOus iêXiâTOrjpas ... 7rpo KaraôXrjs Koapov,elvm rjpds ...dpcopovs ...tt poopiaasfjpas... Kara ttjv evboKtav tov 6eXrjpaTOs...8idtov alparos civtov...7rpoopia6evTes...icaTa ttjv (3ovXr)v tovdeXrjpciTos avTOV...els to eivai rjpasels eiraivov ho^r\s avrov. See alsothe notes on nXrjpapaTL below, andon pipr/Tal ovTes Qeoii § I, and for nrpbaloovcou comp. Ephes. iii. 1 1 mitci npo-6eo-w tcov alcovcov. Though S. Paul'sso-called Epistle to the Ephesianswas probably a circular letter, yeteven on this hypothesis Ephesus wasthe principal Church addressed, andthere was therefore a special proprietyin the adoption of its language.This isanalogous to the referencesin the Roman Clement (§ 47) to theFirst Epistle to the Corinthians, andin Polycarp (§ 3, comp. 9, n) to theEpistle to the Philippians, wherethese fathers are writing to the sametwo Churches respectively. The directmention of the Epistle to theEphesians, which is supposed to occurat a later point in this letter (§ 12HavXov...os iv ivacrr) emo-ToXfj pvrjpoveveivpayi'),is extremely doubtful (seethe note there) ;but the acquaintanceof Ignatius with that epistle appearsfrom other passages besides this exordium,e.g. Polyc. 5.iv peyeOet]1Hn greatness! Thepeyedos describes the moral andspiritual stature of the EphesianChurch itself; comp. Smyrn. 11dneXaôv to 'lb\ov peyeOos, Rom. 3peyiOovs iariv 6 xpio-Tiaino-pos. Theseare the only other passages in Ignatiuswhere piyedos occurs, and inboth it refers not to God, but to theChurch. We might be tempted bythe parallel, Rom. inscr. iv peyaXeiottjtirraTpbs vylriaTov, to connect ivpeyeSei with Qeov naTpos, but thiswould oblige us to interpret nX^pcopaTi'fully,' 'richly' (as Zahn I. v. A.p. 415, while ad loc. he comparesRom. XV. 29 iv nXrjpeopaTi evXoylas)',an interpretation which cannot, Ithink, stand.'Qeov naTpbs TrXr]pu>paTi~\ throughthe plenitude of God the Father]where pleroma is used, as by S.Paul and S. John, in its theologicalsense, to denote the totality of theDivine attributes and powers: seethe excursus on Colossians p. 257sq. The dative case is instrumental.To participation in the pleromaof God, or of Christ, we are indebtedfor all the gifts and graceswhich we possessi. ; John 16 ix. tovnXrjpcopciTos avTov -qpeis TvdvTes iXafiopevk.t.X. The expression beforeus should be compared especiallywith Ephes. iii. 19 Iva 7rXr]pG>drJTe elsndv ro 7rXtjp(opa tov Qeov, a passagewhich Ignatius probably had in hismind, as this same epistle of S. Paulis present to his thoughts throughouthis opening salutation. See alsoEphes. i. 23, where the nXrjpcopa isregarded as transfused wholly intothe Church. Ignatius again usesthis term in its technical sense, Trail.inscr. Kai r\v dcnvdôpai iv Tto nXrjpa)-paTi. For the prominence of thepleroma in the Valentinian theologysee Colossians p. 265 sq. For similarinstances of phraseology, which wasafterwards characteristic of Valentinianismor of other developments ofGnosticism, in these epistles, see the

24 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSaicovwv eluai did 7ravTOS eU hoâv Trapafxovov, ctTpeTT-1 7)vo)fihr) Kal iKXeXeype'vy'] T)vwpe'vr)v Kal eKke\eyp.hr)v GLg; but 2A refer thewords to the Church, and seem therefore to have read the datives : see the lowernote. Their renderings are et (i.e. quae ecclesia) perfecta et electa 2 ; quae perfectaest (om. Kal iK\e\ey/jLti>r)) A. In 2 the word K^JDÔI et isperfecta the same whichnotes on §I(pvo-ei, Rom. 6, Magn. 8,Trail, i.The sentence would be simplified,if we could venture on the readingKoi nXrjpcofiaTL. In this case p.eye8os,like Trkrjpwixa, would be attributed toGod ;and here again a Valentiniantinge would be given to the languageof Ignatius, for pLeyedos appears tohave had a technical sense with thisschool :comp.Iren. i. 2. 2 8ia top.eyeBos tov fiadovs Kal to aveîxy 1 'ao-Tov toZ narpos, and esp. Anon, inEpiphan. Hcer. xxxi. 5 (see Stieren'sIrenaeus, p. 916 sq) tfv Tives "Ewoiavecpaaav, €T€poi Xdpiu oIkciws, 8id toiiriKexop-qy-qKivai avrr/v 6rjo-a.vpLo-p.aTatov p.eyedovs to7s eK tov p,eyedovs,oi 8e a.\r)3evo-avT6s ^tyrjv npoo-qyopevaav,oti 81 ev6vp.r]o-ecos j£0)pis \oyovto. ndvTa to p.eye0os eTe\eicoo-ev cosovv npoelrrov, 77 depdapros [atcovta](BovXridelo-a 8eap.a prjf-ai eOr/Xvve top. eye 80s en opetjei dvanavo-ecos avTov;comp. the Valentinian use of p.eye6r\for 'powers' in Iren. i. 13. 6, i. 14. 4,and see also i. 13. 3.I find moreoverthat in Syriac 'the greatness'(Snm) was used absolutely tosignify the Divine Majesty.To thepassage from Ephraem Syrus (Op.Syr. 1. p. 68), quoted by Michaelis(Castell. Lex. Syr. s. v. p. 843) forthis use, add two examples from theSyriac of Clem. Recogn. p. 21 1. 28,p. 26 1. 7 (ed. Lagarde), both whichpassages are altered in the Latin ofRuffinus, perhaps because he didnot understand this sense of p,eye6os.It is possible therefore that this readingkm Tr\rjpa>p.aTiis correct; but in theextant authorities which have it theKal must be regarded as a later (andvery obvious) insertion, and if itexisted in the original copy,it musthave dropped out at a date anteriorto any existing texts. The originalform of the Syriac was not X^DE'BI' and perfected (fulfilled),' as it standsin the Curetonian MSS, but KvD1E>31in (or by) the perfection (fulness)]or some similar expression, as theArmenian rendering shows (seePetermann ad loc). The wordKvDIB' is the rendering of rr\r}pwp.ain Rom. xi. 12, Ephes. i. 23, iv. 13.The substitution would be the moreeasy, because the former word occursin the immediate context as therendering (or loose paraphrase) ofrjvcop.evrj.1. els]For the construction etvcuels 'to be destined for, reserved for'comp. Ephes. i. 12 els to eivat els enaivovk.t.X., Acts viii. 23 els x°^V v 7rl ~Kpias...6pco ae ovto,I Cor. XIV. 22 alyXcocrcrai els o-qp.el6v elcriv.napdp.ovov aTpeirrov] ' abiding andunchangeable! Both adjectives mustbe connected with 8ogav, even thoughwe should read f}vcop.zvrjv k.t.\. afterwards; comp. Clem. Al. Strom, vii.IO (p. 866) ecr6p.evos, cos elnelv, (pcoseo-Ts, ttclvti] nduTcosarpenTou. For Trapdp,ovos comp.Philad. inscr. x a P^ a*°*wos Ka l napdp.ovos',for aTpewTos, which is used especiallyof the unchangeable thingsof eternity, see e.g. Clem. Horn. xx. 5ciTpenTov yap [o 0eos] Kal del cov, PhiloLeg. All. i. 15 (i. p. 53) anotov avTov[rbu Qeov] eivat. Kal dcpdapTov Kal aTpen-TOV.2.tjjHOfietn) k.t.X.]I have ventur-

TO THE EPHESIANS. 25rov, t]i/a)/uL6ur]kcu iitXeXey \xtvr\ ev 7radei d\t]6ivw ivhas occurred just before as the rendering of Tr\r)pwfj.aTi, and there is probablytherefore some corruption, as it does not represent ijvw/xevri. Cureton (1845) suggestedthat 2 read rjvva'p&rrp . ev irddei] GLAg ; in signo 2 : see thelower note.imitate [Rom. 6) the blood of;Hised to substitute datives for accusatives,passion the saint himself strives to Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, i.as the change is slight. But passion purifies the water of baptismif the accusatives be retained, they [Ephes. 1 8) ;the tree of the passionmust still be referred to the Church, is the stock from which the Churchand not connected with dogav. As has sprung [Smyrn. 1); the passioncoming after the infinitive, eu/at is a special feature which distinguishes[avTrjv]. . .tfvcofjLevqv k.t.X., they are justifiablethe Gospel [Philad. 9, Smyrn.:comp. Winer Gramm. § xliv. 7). In several passages indeed it isp. 402, lxvi. p. 782, Kiihner II. p. coordinated with the birth or the590 sq. But in the present instance resurrection [Ephes. 20, Magn. 11,they are especially awkward, as Smyrn. 1 2, etc.) ;but frequently, asbeing interposed between datives here, it stands in isolated grandeur,before and after, and also as being as the one central doctrine of theliable to confusion with the accusativesfaith.immediately preceding. For the Hence the importance that thefrequency of kvovv etc. in Ignatius seethe note on § 4.Passion should have been real [d\rj-Oivov), and not, as the Docetic teachersheld, a mere phantom sufferingiv nddei] This should probably beconnected with both the and death. On theprecedingopposition' ofwords. The 'passion' is at once the Ignatius to these Docetic views, seebond of their union and the the note on Trail.ground9. As this is theof their election. For the former idea only passage referring to Docetismcomp. Philad. 3 et tis iv in the CuretoniandWorpialetters, and as theyvtopy 7Tfpi7rarei, ovtos tco ndBei ov avy- Syriac MSS here read Klx&ls 'inKaTartdeTai; for the latter, Trail. 11 signo,' the fact has been pressed asiv tco nddei avTov TtpocTKakeiTai vfxds. arguing the priority of these lettersThis latter relation it has, because to the Vossian. Cureton at firstin foreordaining the Sacrifice of the supposed that it was a corruptCross God foreordained the call of reading for r^T»i 'in passione]the faithful. Thus their election was but afterwards was persuaded thatinvolved in Christ's passion.it was genuine and represented theThis word has a special prominenceGreek iv npoOeaec, which (as he sup-in the Epistles of Ignatius. posed) had been changed into iv nddeLIn Christ's passionis involved the by the Vossian interpolator to controvertthe Docetas, whose errors arepeace of one Church [Trail, inscr.)and the joy of another {Philad. combated elsewhere in the Vossianinscr.). Unto His passion the penitentletters, 'or perhaps indeed the Phantasiastaesinner must return [Smyrn. 5)of a later;period' [C. I. G.from His passion the false heretic p. 276 sq).An argument in favourdissents [Philad. 3) into His;passion of Cu-reton's reading is, that it producesall men must die [Magn. 5); Hisanother coincidence with S.

• •.ton2 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS(\\)lUi(Tl TOV WCLTpOSKCU'h)(TOV XpUTTOVTOV Oeov;i/((('i', t/7 tKK\t}(ria Tij agiOfiaKapiirnp rip outnp1 1i r»S mrpta ltd 1. X. rofi ©eofl fcp&»] GL fcofi; rarpto »td Kvplov //au^'I.X.tou•totems w* '•• tustri - ; «W rt dommi twin iesu cAritti[A] (omitting fr I'Aâri) sec the lower note. 3 r^s 'Arias] Gl [A] (which:transposes the whole clause) g om. -•;Ktti] GLgJ om. SA, 4 xw]see the lower note.5 'Arodegducyos] Gg* (uceftens'Li:gSAi\>;:.'. GLirpooptcreVyrcs koto irpodeoti' k.t.X.This view accordingly has boon a-dopted by several later writers, e.g.Bunsen [Hippolytusi.p. 04, ed\ »),Lipsius (Aicki, p. :a. S, ~T. p. 153)1 andothers. Nevertheless Cureton's termerview was unquestionably correctThe telling facts are these. (1) Theword KlxxS is not in itself a suitablerendering of rpoeWtr, and as amatter of fact is never so employedin the Peshito.As denoting a 'sign,"•mark,* it denotes an aim or purposebut this is somewhat differentfrom -b),.'; -.v. : ^û theother hand the Greek text has htwhich is exactly representedby rdsjjcs. (3) The two wordsinfrequently confused in theSyriac texts. Even in these IgnatianEpistles, the Armenian translatorfound this error twice in thetext which he had before him,Syriacin SI care tow w .:-' i > renderedsee Petermann p. xix\ andin Trail 11 iv rtj-r.ru renderedThe Syriac of this latterpassage is preserved v 1-'- *« P- *o°•rdX-jjLia. 1 may add a third inomthe Syriac Version ofthe Clementines p. -.;. 1. :; [ed. Lagarde',where one MS (the older ofthe two and the earliest knownSyriac MS, dated a. p. 411) hash^jl^.i and the other r^Zu>x, thelatter being correct, as appears fromthe Latin of Ruffmus Cii. and a fourth from Sexti e58] :-.pp. a6, :~ [ed. GUdemeistei .evwhere there is the same interchangebetween the two words KLxja=3,rclxxlra, in the MSS. As a veryslight knowledge of Syriac literaturehas enabled me to collect these instances,it may be presumed that theconfusion is common. Indeed thetraces of the letters so closely resembleeach other that it naturallywould be so. (4)The ArmenianVersion actually has :n passions here,so that KLxmi nmst have stood inthe Syriac text from which it wastranslated.1. rov 8eo€ 9fM»»]Where theDivine Name is assigned to Christin these epistles,it is generally withthe addition of the pronoun. l ourGod, J : ' God, 1 as below i; iS e ^/icor 1 X.evgOfMU, Rom, fUfUfr^Peivai rov -a-0ovs rov 8eoS uov: or it has somedenning words as in Smj m. 1 Sogd-1. \. roi Ocov to-- ovre>s 1'uas aocpi-(.-Til, Ef>/uS. 7 O -:-r MHTf Oeos.-The expression just below §1 eV8reS can hardly be regarded asan exception (see the note there).In the really exceptional passagesthere is more or less doubt aboutthe reading or the connexion :-. e/.;•.Trail.v. 6, 10. The authority forthe omiss *f wm here is quite inadequate;but, even if

.'ft) THE EPHESIA1 27'6 for avede&i/upr. fr/ior] gelTrail. 13.77Xet(rra...âip6tj/] This form ofsalutation runs through six of theseven Ignatian letters, sometimeswith words interposed as here andPom., sometimes in juxtaposition asPolyc, Magn., Trail., Smyrn. Theexception is Philad., where the openingsalutation runs on continuouslyinto the main subject of the letter, sothat there is no place for such wordsor any equivalent. The commonestform of salutation in the opening ofa Greek letter is âipeii/; and it isoccasionally strengthened, as here,by 7rXeto-ra. Of the Apostolic Epistleshowever S. James alone (i.1.comp. Acts xv. 23, has mx ai P* iVthe opening salutation.I. 'I heartily welcomed you in God.Your name is very dear to me; foryour character for love and faith withright judgment is not accidental, butnatural to you and inflamed ; byChrist's blood you did but fulfil thedictates of your nature, in imitatingthe loving-kindness of God. Forwhen you heard that I was on my

28 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[itov bvofJLa, b K€KTr](r6e (pvaei [eV ypw/urj 6p6r t kclij ZucaiaKara ttIvtiv kcu dyairt^v ev XpiGTip 'Irj&ov tw o"corr]pLi

i] TO THE EPHESIANS. 29Y\ixwv fMfjLviTai oWes Qeov, dva(û)7rvpri(ravTes ev ai/uartquia i?nitatores L ;the anacoluthon is obviated in 2A by conversion into a finiteverb with a connecting particle et estis i?nitatores. dvaôjTrvprjcravTfs]Gg* [Sev-Syr 172, 174]; et reaccendentes L; et incalescentes estis... et 2; def. A(see the next note).Bao-ikei&rjv...eTi (paa\v oi dpcfn Bacri-~Kei8r]v tv'mttlv apa Ka\ iK\oyr)v olneiaveivai.2. ttlcttiv Kai dydnrjv] A veryfrequent combination in this writer ;e.g.§ 14, 20, Magn. 1,13, Rom. inscr.(v. 1.), Philad. 11, Smyrn. inscr, 1,13. He explains himself on thispoint, § 14 dpxv C^V 5 Kai êXos, dpxr)pev ttlo-tis reXos Se dydirr), Smyrn. 6to yap o\ov £o~t\v niaTis Ka\ dydirr).See the simile in § 9. In Trail. 8faith and love are said to be the fleshand blood of Christ respectively.iv Xpiarra 'irjaov k.t.A.] The readingof the Syriac and Armenian maybe explained by the interchange of asingle letter in the Syriac, ^ for 3 ;see Clem. Rom. 60 (p. 292). Otherwisethe following reasons are in itsfavour. (1) It has an exact parallelin Rom. inscr. Kara, irlo-riv /cat aydnriv'Ij/ctov Xpiarov ; comp. below § 20 ivTfj avroii 7rio~T€i Kai iv ttj avToii aydnr).(2) It is more difficult than the otherreading, and would therefore lenditself more easily to correction.3. piprjTal ovtcs 0eoO]i. e. in'benevolence and love.' So alsoTrail. 1 ;and see below § 10, wherethe point of piprjTaX tov Kvpiov isiivieiKeia. The expression is borrowedfrom S. Paul, Ephes. v. 1, thusexhibiting another coincidence withthis same epistle: see the note oninscr. rfj evXoyqpevrj. Comp. Clem.Horn. xii. 26 XPH tov (piXavOpconlavdo~KovvTa piprjTTjv eivai tov 8fou,evepyerovvTa diKalovs Ka\ a8i.KOVS, cosavTos o Qebs iraaiv iv ra> vvv Koaptotov re rjXiov Ka\ tovs verovs avrov irape-XU)v. The same is the pointhere.The interpolator brings it out bywriting piprjTal ovres Oeov (f>i\av-6 p

comp.3o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[iQeov, to avyyeviKOV epyov TeXeiws dirt] pria are' clkovcravTSsyap SeSe/uevov diro Cvpias vireptov kolvovovo/uaTOS Kctl e'A7r/So9, eXirifyvTa ty\ irpocrevyY] vficovi Qeov] GL*2 Sev-Syr 7, 3 ; clef. A (but this defect witnesses to Qeov,the whole clause havipg dropped out owing to the homoeoteleuton) ; xP LcrT°v g*reXet'ws] GLg Sev-Syr -2,3; celeriter (as if raxôjs) 2 ;cum amove A.ciTr-qpriaaTe] g*L2A Sev-Syr i, 3; dirapTio-aTe G. 1 yap] GLg*; om.2* A. 5eoep4vov] GL ; pe dedepevov g dub. 2A. d?ro ; 1,vplas] GLg ;hisyria A ;ab operibus 2*. 4 eivirvxetv] GLg om. 2A : see the lower note.;A;dta. rod eTTLTvx^v] per poliri L*; per id quo dignor'L ; quando hoc dignor et perfero5td rod fxapTvplov g otd tov; papTvplov einTvxziv G : see the lower note.For similar modes of expression inearly Christian writers, see the noteson Clem. Rom. 2 to. nad/jpaTa avTov(with the Appendix; p. 402). It doesnot follow because a writer uses 'theblood of God and ' ' the blood of'Christ' as convertible expressions,that he would therefore speak ofChrist as God' absolutely. Thispassage is therefore no exception tothe rule as to the Ignatian usagelaid down above on inscr. tov Qeovthxuv.The 'blood of God' is theincentive which fans the naturalbenevolence of their character into aflame. On the energizing action ofthe blood of Christ, see the note onPhilad. inscr.1.avyyeviKou] 'natural,' literally'connate,'''congenital ' ; comp.Plut. Mor. p. 561 F KCtKias opioiorrjTaavyyeviKrjV ev veco fi\ao~Tavovcrav t]6ei.So o~vyyei>LK.bv voo-qpa, Plut. Vit.Pericl. 22. Here it refers back to6 KeKTijaBe qSvo-ei.The Ephesians hadperfected in action the dispositionwhich they possessed by nature.Zahn translates itfraternimi, addingquod decebat vos pra?stare erga*eum qui eidem genti a Christo redempti[redemptas?] vobiscum adscriptsest.' But this, though apossible sense, does not suit eitherthe context or the general usage ofthe word so well as the other.2. anb Svplas] A condensed expressionin place of ' hearing that Iwas come in bonds from Syria ;see Winer Gramm. § lxvi. p. 776(Moulton), Kiihner 11. p. 469 sq. Forother similar constructions of prepositionscomp. e.g. below, § 12 tcovels Qebv dvaipovpevcov, § 14 et? koXo-Kayadiav ciKokovOa eaTiv, § IJ alxpa-\(DTt.o-T]...eK tov...£t}v,and not unfrequentlyin Ignatius. For the particularexpression here see Smyrn.II oQev SeSepevos (comp. below,§ 2I) ;tov koivov ovopaTos] i.e. 'the Nameof Christ which we all bear in common.'For this application of t6ovopui see the note on § 3 below.3. eX7rt'Sos]So § 21 ev 'irjo-ovXpicrnS tt\ Koivfj eXiridi tfpcov, Philad.11 :comp. Philad. 5. For 77eXnlsqpwv, applied to Christ, see the noteMagn. 11.4. eTTiTvxtiv] A very common andcharacteristic expression in Ignatius.It occurs most frequently in theconnexion eiviTvyxdveiv Qeov ;seethe note on 1.Magn. His martyrdomwas the success, the triumph,to which he looked forward ;seeesp. Rom. 8 alTr/o-acrde nep\ epov, Ivaen-iTvx * also '•Polyc. 7, Trail.12, 13. So Mart. Ign. A?it. 5 tovarecfidvov Tijs ddXijaeoos e7riTvxil'Sid tov eTrcrvyetp]The genesis of

1] TO THE EPHESIANS. 31eTTLTVxeTv iv ' Pupy 6tipiOfxaxn(rai, iva lid tov eTriru-5 xeLV %vvr}6w padtjTth ehai, icrToprjorai kvrrovIda-are .ewel ovv Trjv 7ro\v7r\ri6eiav v/ucov iv ovo/uart Qeov direi-5 fiadrrrtp elvai] L ;add. dei 2A ;add. rod inrep ijfiwv eavrbv dveveyKovros (-pfyicavtosv. 1. in g) de$ Trpoacpopav ko.1 Ovaiav Gg (from Eph. v. 2 ; 1completes the quotationby adding in odorem bonae suavitatis) see the lower note. : Urroprjaai eo-irovoaaare]videre (leg. visere ?) festinastis L; studuistis tit veniretis et videretis me 2; vosstuduisHs recreate vie A (as if it had read ^rVJn for îmn); ora. Gg. Curetonsupplies the missing words, fie IMv iffvovdaêre; Pearson, Petermann, Lipsius, Zahn,and Funk, ISelv eo-irovoao-are : see the lower note. 6 eirel ovv] Gg* ; quia autem(8e)2 ; enim (as if i> yap TroXvirXrjOeiav) L ; ergo A. iroXuwXêtai'] g*;the corruptions in the text is asfollows. (1) The interpolator of theLong Recension has substituted omtov paprvpiov for Sia tov eViru^fli/to save a needless repetition ;andhe has also helped out the paBrfTijs,which appeared to him bare andunmeaning, with the addition oftov vnep rjpcov eavTov dveveyKovrosQecp irpoacpopav kcii Ova-lav^ borrowedfrom S. Paul, Ephes. v. 2. Boththese changes are after his usualmanner. But in doing so he hascarelessly thrust out the end of thesentence, ioropfja-at ea-irovbdcraTe, andthus left aKovo-avres without any finiteverb. (2) The genuine Ignatius hasbeen corrupted from the text of theinterpolator ;but the work has notbeen done thoroughly, and the wordeniTvx^v has been allowed to stand.For a similar instance of interpolationin the Greek MS from the LongRecension see § 2 after KaTrjpTio-pivot.In both cases however we have thealternative of supposing converselythat the interpolation was made firstin a MS of the genuine Ignatius andso passed into the Long Recension,but this is not probable. The Latin,Syriac, and Armenian Versions, whencorrectly read and interpreted,suggestthe true restoration of the text,which however has been overlookedby the editors generally.5. padrjTrjs] 'a learner? Thisalso is an idea which has takenpossession of Ignatius, and is repeatedagain and again by him. Hedoes not set himself up as a teacherof others at ; present he himself isonly beginning to be a learner : seeesp. § 3 vvv yap dpxrjv e^co tovfiadrjTfveaOaL ;comp. Trail. 5, Rom. 5(quoted below), and see Mart. Ign.Ant. I prf7roi...ecpay^dpevos...Trjs TeXeiastov padrjTov Tagecos. His discipleshipwill then only be complete, when heis crowned with martyrdom, Rom. 4 ;comp. Magn. 9, Polyc. 7. Hence heuses pa6r]Trjs elsewhere, as here, absolutelyTrail. :5 ov...napa tovto i"8t]kcu p.adr}Trjs elpi, Rom. 5 vvv apôpaifiadrjTrjs elvai. The Greek interpolatorand the Syriac translator, not understandingthis absolute use, have suppliedgenitive cases in different ways.This elpcoveta of Ignatius has a parallelin Socrates, who always professedhimself merely a learner : seeGrote's Plato 1. p. 239.lo-Toprjo-ai] Comp. Gal. i. 18 (withthe note). In restoring the Greekfrom the Versions, I have chosenthis word, because the Syriac renderingseems to point to something moreexpressive than Idelv, which isgenerallysupplied.6. ewel ovv k.t.X.] A resumptionof the original sentence 'Anode gape vos

32 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[i\t](pa ev 'O^crZ/ift), Tcp eV dyaTrrj dSiriyriTio, vfJitov Se[eV CttjOK:/] eTTKTKOTTUd' ov evô/uai Kara. 'Irjcrovv XpiaTovv/uds dyaTrav, Kai TravTas v/ud^ clvtco ev 6\xotOTr\Ti elvaCTro\vir\r)6lav G (so it reads certainly, though the word is written in a slovenly way ;there is no authority for iro\vir\7]ptav which has got into the common texts): see thelower note. airel\ri] This Onesimusseems to be a distinct person alikefrom S. Paul's convert the slave ofPhilemon, who, if still living, wouldbe too old at this time, and from hislater namesake the friend of Melito(Euseb. H. E. iv 26), who belongedto another generation and was obviouslya layman. Chronologicallythis notice stands about mid-waybetween the two, being separatedfrom each by about half a century.On the name Onesimus and thesee the introduc-persons bearing it,tion to the Epistle to Philemon inColossians etc. p. 310 sq. The nameoccurs in an Ephesian inscriptionBoeckh C. I. G. no. 2983.2. ev o-apKi] See the note onRom. 9 rfj 68

I] TO THE EPHESIANS. 33evXoyrjTos yap 6 X a P«r

34 TH£ EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["Qeov Slclkovov vfJLcov [k

n] TO THE EPHESIANS. 35irXapiov t^/9 d(f>' vfjLwv dya7rr]

36 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["\xr\v vfJLwv $ia 7ravTOS 9eavirep aîos co. Trpeirov ovveCTlV KCLTO. TTCLVTa TpOTTOV $0^d^€LV'lt](TO\JVXpUTTOVtov So^dcravTa v/mas* \va iv /uia vTroTayrj KctTtipTiv/xevoi,vTroracrcrofJievoi tio eiriiTKOTrto kcu tco TTpecrfivTepitp,KCtTCt TTCLVTa r]T€ qyiCLCT/JLeVOl.i Tpiirov oZv) txt GL; add. vpas g; add. vobis A. 3 Karrjp-TKTfxfrot.] L; r/T€ Ka.T7jpTMTiJ.iv 01 Tcp avTcp vot koX Trj avTTj yviifiT] ko.1 t6 avTb Xiyrjreir&vres irepl tov olvtov tva Gg (from 1 Cor. i. 10). This addition is wanting notonly in L, but also in A, where however the syntax is ;rearranged perfectos fieriin omni submissione ; ergo submissi estote episcopo etc. 4 viroTaaad/xevoi]'Ourjcrtfxos here,as there seems certainlyto be in S. Paul ;but this isnot probable.1. eavnep agios co]This doubtabout his ' worthiness ' is common inIgnatius; Magn. 12, 14, Trail. 4, 13,11. See also thePom. 9, Smyrn.note on 7]gia>8r)v, Magn. 2.7rpe7roi>...ecmz>] This phrase appearsagain, Magn. 3, 4, Rom. 10,Philad. 10, Smyrn. 7 ;while Trpe-rveioccurs in § 4 below, Magn. 3, Trail.12, Smyrn. 11, Polyc. 5, 7.2. 8o£a£eiv . . . tov 8o£daavTa] SeePhilad. IO doi-aaai to ovopa...Ka\ vpelsSoi-ao-6r)0'eo~8e.For similar turns ofexpression see the note on Smyrn.5 paWov he K.T.X.3. KdTrjpTio-fxevoi] ''joined together]' settled' ; comp. Philad. 8els evcoaiv KariipTiapevos, Smyr?i. IKaTrjpTio-pevovs ev aKivr}Tcp 7n'crrei.TheLatin translator has rendered it here,as elsewhere, by 'perfecti,' whichwould be dnTjpTio'p.evoi. The prominentidea in this word is ' fitting together';and its force is seen moreespecially in two technical uses. (1)It signifies 'to reconcile factions,'so that a political umpire who adjustsdifferences between contendingparties is called KaTapTio-Tijp ;e. g.Herod. V. 28 rj MiXtjtos. . .voo-r/o~ao~a egto. paAtcrra crracri p-^XP 1 ov H- ll/ ^dpioiKaTrjpTiaav'tovtovs yap Karaprtcr-Trjpas SK TrdvTUiV 'TLWrjVGiV eiXovTO olMiX^crioi. (2) It is a surgical termfor 'setting bones': e.g. Galen Op.XIX. p. 461 (ed. Kiihn) KarapTiaposio~Ti peTayayrj oo~tov 77oo~t

iin] TO THE EPHESIANS. 37III. Od §iaTCL

3§ THE. EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSI IIIv(j) v/ulwv V7ra\€«p6f}vai iricrTeiy vovdeaia, virofj-ovrj,dW fxa-€7T6iKpoOvfULia, r\ d'yairt] ovk ea /me (Tiwrrav 7repivjjLtov, Sid tovto TrpoeXafiov 7rapaKa\eiv i//zas, O7rcosl v

Ill]TO THE EPHESIANS. 39cvvrpex^Te Trj yvw/ur] tov Qeov. Kal yap 'Itio-ovs Xpi-5 O*T0S, TO dSlCCKplTOV fJ/ULCOV TOV£VJl/, TTCLTpOSY\ yvdfJLt],this one sentence, but nothing afterwards till § 8 orav yap k.t.X. iirel] G;i-rreidi] g. Trepl v/nwu] Gg; pro vobis L; de vobis A; a vobis 2 (a Syriacidiom). 5 T]p.u)v\ LA; i\x(av G; al. g.tovst) dix a 7T€pL€py€LaS fXXtJVlKCOVovoparcov ddXrjTas dpeTrjs dnepydêTai(piXoaocpia, yvp.vacrp.aTa irporiOelcratcls inaiveTas 7rpd£eis (speaking of theMosaic law), Epict. Diss. i.24. 1 6Qeos ere, cos d\ei7TTT]s; k.t.X., Clem.Alex. Strom, vii. 3 (p. 839) ovros 6a6\r]Tr)S dXr]9ciis 6 iv tco pieydXcocrradico tco KaXa Kocrp.co tt)v dXrjdivrjvvlktjv Kara ndvTcov arecpavov p,cvostg>v naOcov. ..nepiyiverai 6 tt€i6t)vios rcodXeLiTTr] yev6p.evos; comp.ib. vii. 11(p. 872) rj dya7TT] dXeicpovcra Kalyvpvdcracra KaraaKevdî tov tdiovdOXrjTrjv. But it came to be appliedmore especially, as here, to thestruggle for the martyr's crown.Hence the vision of Perpetua on theeve of her martyrdom, Act. SS. Per ft.et Fel. 10 (Ruinart p. 84) 'et cceperuntme fautores mei oleo defrigerequomodo solent in agonem] Tertull.ad Mart. 3 'Christus Jesus... vosspiritu unxit et ad hoc scamma produxit.'So too Basil. Eft. clxiv (11.p. 255) Gamier) ore p,ivTot eibop.€v tovdOXrjTTjV, ep.aKapio~ap.ev avTov tovdXe ittttjv os Tvapa. tco diKaico KpiTrjk.t.X. And in later writers this applicationbecomes common. S.Chrysostom, in his homily on Ignatius,repeats the saint's ownmetaphor; Oft. II. p. 598 B (ed.Bened.) al yap Kara, tt)v 6§6v noXeisawTpe-ôvcrai navToOev r)Xei(pov tovd6Xr)Tr)v Kal /xerd iroXXcov e£e7~ep.7rovtcov ecpodicov.3. TvpoiXafiov] i.e. 'I did not waitfor you/ 'I took the initiative,' 'I lostno time.' For the infinitive after7rpoXap.fidveiv comp.Mark xiv. 8.4. o-vvTpexrjTe] 'concur, combine,agree] and below § 4; as e.g. Clem.Horn. xx. 22 crvve.hpap.ov avTov tcoftovXrjp.aTL (comp. i. 10). The sense isnot uncommon in later writers.Trj yvc6p.T] tov Geov] This expressionis characteristic of Ignatius: Rom. 8,Smyrn. 6, Polyc. 8. So too yvwp.r]\r\aov Xpio-Tov here and Philad. inscr.5. dhiaKpiTov]' inseftarable''; comp.Magn. I 'irjcrov XpiaTov tov 81anavTos r)p.cov £fjv. The word has variousmeanings.In the active senseit signifies; (1) 'Unhesitating, tinwavering,single-minded, steadfast';e.g. James iii. 17 77dvcodev o-ocfiia...dftidicpiTos, dvvnoKpiTos, where it isbest explained by a previous expression,i. 6 p,rjhev 8iaKpivop.evos. Soelsewhere in these epistles, Magn.15 K€KTr]p.€voi ddidicpiTov nvevp-a, Trail.ap.cop.ov didvoiav Kal abiaKpiTov;Icomp. Heracleon in Orig. in Ioann.xiii. § IO (IV. p. 220) tyjv ddidicpiTovkol KaTaXXrjXov Trj (pvcrei eavTrjs nicrTiv,Clem. Alex. Peed. ii.3 (p. 190) dhia-KplTcp7tlctt€i: see the note on dhia-'kpltcos Pom. inscr. (2) Undiscriminating,indiscrimi?iate, indiscreet, reckless';e.g. Clem. Horn. iii. 5 to?s didt6 ddidnpiTov dXoyoLS £coois irapei-Kao-QftcTL. (3) ' Impartial 1, e.g. Clem.Alex. Strom, ii. 18 (p. 474) dyd-rrj...dp.epicjTos eo~Tiv iv 7rdo~iv, adiaxpiTos,kolvcovlkyj. So the adverb, Test. Duod.Patr. Zab. 7 dhiaKpiTcos irdcri cnrXayxvi(6p.evoieXedre. Its passive sensesare; (4) 'Inseparable, ins ar eft ate] ashere; comp. Aristot. de Somn. 3(p. 458) hid de to yivecrdat dBianpi-TcoTepov to alp,a p.erd tt)v tt)s Tpocpfjsnpoa(popav 6 vttvos yiveTai, ecos avhiaKpiBfj tov alp-aros to p.ev Ka6a-

4o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [mws kcli ol 67rio~K07roi ol kcltcc to. irepaTa opicrdevTes evy\t]crov XpicTov yvwfjif] eialv.IV.

IV]TO THE EPHESIANS. 41tw eiricTKOTru) cos %op$ai Kidapa. Sid tovto ev Ttj 6u.o-VOICL V/UCOV KCLlO-V/UCpCOVO)OLâTTf]'\t)(TOmXpKTTOS a$€TCtl.kcli ol kcct avSpa Se X°P ^ ywco'de, \va crv/Lxcptovoi SvTesev 6/uovoia, xpw/ua Oeov /Va/3oj/Tes, ev evoTtjTi a&t)Te evGL [A]; om. [g]. rod Qeod a£io»>] GL; at-iov 8v rod 8eou [g]; al. A.8 ylveade] G; yiveaOe [g]; facti estis L; estote (or facti estis) A. Possibly weshould read eylvecrde or eyeveade. 9 cjdTjTe] ctdere G.Trail. 2, Smyrn. 4, Polyc. 1, 4.dgiovopaarov] ' worthy of record]'worthy offame? The fondness ofIgnatius for the word agios, whichhas been already remarked (note on§ 2), extends to its compounds also.Thus we have dîaydir^Tos, dîayvos,dîerraivos, dîeir'iTevKTOS, d£iodavpaaros,dtjioBeos, d£iopandpio-Tos, di-id-7Tiaros, d^tonXoKos, d£ioirp€7n]s, in theseepistles. Some of these must havebeen coined for the occasion.6. cos xopSai KL0dpa] See anotherapplication of this metaphor inPhilad. I o~vvevpvdpio~Tai [6 eTrio~Konos\rats ivroXaisj cos x°Pâis Kidapa.Comp. Clem. Al. Protr. 1(p. 5)tov QeovX6yos...Tov dvBpcoirov, tyvx^vre koi crcopa avTov, dyico izvevpaTiap pocrapevos, x/z-aXAei tco Qeco didtov noXvcpcovov opydvov Kai TTpocradeiTovrcp tco opydvco tco dvQpcoixco'yap el Kidapa k.t.X.cri)ldia tovto] owing to this adjustment,this relation.''8. ol tear avdpa] ' the individualmembers' of the Church, who are to1 'form themselves {yivecrde) into aband ox chorus. Forthe characteristicIgnatian expression ol naT avbpacomp. below § 20, Trail. 13, Smyrn.5, 12, Polyc. 1.\opos\ So Pom. 2 iva ev dydnr)\opos yevop.evoi acrr)Te tco 7rarpi evClem. Alex.Xpio-Tco 'irjaov comp. :Strom, vii. 14 (p. 885) 77 eKKXrjaiaKvplov 6 nvevpariKos dyios xopos.'9. xpc3/za Geov] the scale ofGod 1 :comp. e.g. Antiphanes inAthen. xiv.p. 643 erreiTa to. p(Xr)peTafioXals koi xpc6p.ao~iv cos ev KeKparai,Plato Resp. X. p. 601 eirel yvpvcoOevTa.ye tcov TT\s povaiKrjs xP^H-drcov rd tcovnoirjTcov, avTa e(p avrcov Xeyopeva k.tX.(see also Legg. ii. p. 655). The termXpcopaTa c hues ' applied to sounds isonly one illustration of the very commontransference, by analogy, ofideas derived from one sense toanother (see Farrar Chapters onLanguage p. 297 sq). The wordXpcopa then, as a musical term, designatedan interval between two fulltones ; comp. Aristid. Quint, p. 18cos yap to pera£u XevKov

42 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS t IV(boovrj fJLiaSid 'lrj(rou XpLcrrovtw 7rctTpi,\va vfxwvkcciaKOv&r] kcci €7riyivcoo-Kri, Si cov ev 97rpaa-(reT€ ^.eXt]bvrastov viov clvtov. xptjcriiuLOvovv iarriv vâs ev dfxay^cpevorriTi elvai, iva koI Qeov iravTOTe êre^/re.V. CI yap eyw ev fJLiKpw XP° V(j P rTOla ^)Tr iv o"vvrj- 5deiav evirpdao-ovo-LV dcpBrjaovTai ; comp. § 1 5hi a>v XaXel Trpdao-r]k.t.X. There is noground for the conjectural reading81 ov. The Latin has not per quem(as it has hitherto been read), butper qucsj and the Armenian translatesin bonis laboribus vestris. Forev Tvpaao-eLvin the sense, not of'faring well,' but of 'acting well/comp. Smyrn. n.'\ie\ri\members? as Trail. 1 1 ZvTasp.4\r) avTov (see the note there).There is no play here, as Marklandand others have supposed, on theother meaning of the word, 'songs?Such an allusion would confuse themetaphor hopelessly, and would beunmeaning in itself.'V. Imyself have found muchhappiness in my brief intercoursewith your bishop much more then;must you, who are closely unitedwith him, as the Church is withChrist, and as Christ is with theFather. Let no man deceive himself.None shall eat the bread whostand apart from the altar. Theunited prayers of the bishop and

^>v]TO THE EPHESIANS.ovcrav dWa 7rvev /uLctTiKrjV, 7roo~cp /uaWov v/uds jmaKapita)tovs dvcLKeKpafJievovs ovtoos, oo^ r\ €KK\r]crLa 'Irjcrov Xpi-(TTU) Kcti ws 'Irjcrovs XpicrTOS Tip 7raTpi, \va iravTa eVevoTriTL n, crv/uLCpcova /urjSeis 7r\avacr6uy edv [xy\t*sr\ euros tov dvaacrTtipLOV, vcrTepelTai tov ctpTOv \toveinyivuxjKwv G; al. g. 4 perixv 7^ perix^re G. 8 rovsavaKeKpa/xevovs] g* (but vv.ll.); rovs euKeKpapivovs G; qui mixti estis A; conjunctosL : see the lower note. outojs] GL avr eul r, Euseb. V. C. iii. 12 comp.:Philo de Praem. et Poen. 16 (11. p.424), Plut. Vit. Rom. 29, Vit. Cat.25, and the words in Eur. Hipp. 253XprjV yap perpias els dXXrjXovs (piXiasdurjrovs dvaKipvaadai (with Valcknaer'snote).10.pr/dels irXaudcrOoi] As Smyrn.6. So too the Apostolic phrase(S. Paul and S. James) pr) rrXauaaOe,§ 16 below, Magn. 8, Philad. 3(see the note).11. rov Ovaiao-Trjpiov] The sameexpression occurs again Trail. 76 euros dvaiaarrj p iov cou Kadaposeanu k.t.X. The dvo-iaarrjpiou here isnot the altar, but the enclosure inwhich the altar stands, as the prepositioneuros requires. This meaningis consistent with the sense of theword, which (unlike fiapos) signifies'the place of sacrifice ' and it is;of itssupported also by examplesuse as applied to Christian churches ;e.g. Cone. Laod. Can. 19 povois i%bueluac rols lepariKols el orlev at eis to6vcnao-rr}piov (i.e. the sacrariun^ycomparedwith Can. 4} ov 8el yvvaiKasiu t

44 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vQeou^.eiyap eVos Kal SevTepov irpocev^t] TO&avTrjvi(TXVV €^€£, 7TOCT6J /ULaWoV t] T€ TOV kiriG'KOTTOV Kal 7ra-(rrjs Ttjs eKKXriffias. 6 ovv jur] ipxo/uevos67rl to avTOoutos rjfiti v7repr](paueTKal kavrov $L€Kpivev' yeypawraiyap, YnepH(J>ANoic 6 0eoc antitaccetai. o"7roi>oa- 51 re] Gg Dam-Rup; om. LA. 4 ovtos] GA ; sic (otfrws) L; al. g.iiireprjcpavei] inrepupavei G, and so vwepupdvou just below. diiKpwev] G;diaKplvet Dam-Rup; condemnavit L; al. g; def. A. 5 ydp] GLA; 5eo-rqpiov. (For the vaos, as confined tothe holy place and distinguishedfrom the court of the altar, see Clem.Rom. 41.)The reference here is to the planof the tabernacle or temple. TheOvaiaoTrjpiov is the court of the congregation,the precinct of the altar,as distinguished from the outer court.The application of this imagery,which Ignatius had in view, appearsfrom the continuation of the parallelpassage already quoted, Trail. 7 6 detKTos OvcriacTTTjpiov cov ov tcadapos eanv,TovreuTiv, o )((Dp\s iincTKoTTov Kal npeo--Qvrepiov Kai bianovov npacrcroiv ti,ovtos ov Kadapos eariv rfjawe itinera.The man who separates himself fromthe assembly of the faithful, lawfullygathered about itsbishop and presbyters,excludes himself, as itwere,from the court of the altar and fromthe spiritual sacrifices of the Church.He becomes as a Gentile (Matt, xviii.17) ;he is impure, as the heathen isimpure. See esp. Clem. Alex. Strom.vii. 6 (p. 848) ecrri yovv to irap rjp.lvBvatacTTrjpiov ivravOa to iiriyeiov toa6poicrpa tcov raty ev)(a.ls avaneipevoiv,plav Sa7rep c\ov (jxovfju ttju kolvtjv notplav yv(opr)v k.t.\. (with the wholecontext). Thus Bvo-iaaTijpiou, beingat once the place of sacrifice and thecourt of the congregation, was usedmetaphorically for the Church ofChrist, the 6vaiao-rijpiov epyjsvxov, asS. Chrysostom terms it. Somewhatsimilarly in Polyc. Phil. 4 yivcoo-Kovo-asoTi elalv 0vai.ao~T7Jpiov Oeou, it is appliedto a section of the Church, thebody of widows ' ' see also ; Apost.Const, iii. 6, 14, iv. 3.Thus S. Ignatius does not hererefer to a literal altar, meaning theLord's table. Too much stress perhapshas been laid on the fact thatthe early Christians were reproachedby the Gentiles with having notemples and no altars, and that theApologists acknowledged the truthof the charge, explaining that theiraltars, temples, and sacrifices alikewere spiritual:e.g. Minuc. Fel. Oct.32, Orig. c. Cels. viii. 17. But, independentlyof this, the literal interpretationwill not stand here, becausethe place for the Christian laity wouldnot be ivrbs tov Ovo-iao-Trjpiov, In factthe imagery here is explained bythe following words, where 6 eViovconosKal naaa r] €K

VI]TO THE EPHESIANS. 45(TlOfJL€VOVV /UL7dvTiTd(T

4 6 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [v.ttXelovcos clvtov (po(3eicr6oo. iravTa yap bv Trefjuret 6oiKO$eo-7roTtis eU iSiav oiKOvo/ULiav, ovtcos SeT r)fiasavrovSeêcrdai, w? avrov tov ire\xâvTa, tov ovv eiriGKOTrovStjXovoTi W9 avTov tov Kvpiov SeT irpocrftXeTreiv.avTosjulevovv 'Ovt'icri/uLOs vTrepeiraivei v/ulwv t\]v ev Oeco ev- 5Taîav, oti irdvTes kclto. dXridetav Z/JTeKai otl ev vfiivi Tr\ei6vu$] G (written irXeidvusavTov)', wXelov [g] ;irXeov Dam-Rup 5 Antoniri/xiret.] GLg Dam-Rup 5 Anton; hv 71-4171-77 Dam-Rup 1;viittct A. 1 oirrws8ei 7)1x0.^ clitov] GL Anton ; ourws ripas Set Dam-Rup 1 ;ovtws de? vpas Dam-Rup 5 ;ovtus avrov del i)pas g. 3 8exe

'vn] TO THE EPHESIANS. 47oudejULia a'lpecrisKaroiKer a\V ov$e cxKOvere twos irXeovfj wept'Irjcrov Xpi&TOv XaXovvTOs ev dXrideia,VII. Gioodacriv yap Ttves $o\cg 7rovt]pw to ovo/maaWa Tiva7T€pi(pep€iv f it pacrcr ovtes dvd^taQeou' ovs Se?6KK\iveiv elcrlvyap Kvves \vo-crcovT6s,v/uas cos diipiaXadpoSfJKTai, ovs Sel vjdds (pvXacrcrecrdai bvTas $vo"6epa-7T6VTOVS. eh laTpOS eCTTLV, CrapKLKOS KCLl TTVeV/ULaTLKOS,/j.4vtoi [g]. 8 rj irepl] quam (rJTep) L; rj jibvov g (a paraphrase); etirep G.In A the sentence is translated et non audiatis quemquam,si non in veritatc de iesuchristo loquaticr vobiscum. See the lower note. 9 to ovofxa] txt GLg (mss,but 1 adds christi)', add. bonorum A; add. x/hotou Dam-Rup1. See § 3 for similarglosses. 10 d'XXa tlpcl] So app. most mss of g*, and Dam-Rup (Lequien) ;aXXct nva (sic)G;sed (d\Xa) quaedam L; et revera (om. nva) A. 12 \adpodiJKTai]G Dam-Rup; \adpo8rJKTOL g (mss). 13 eh] txt GLA AthanTheodt Gelas Sev-Syr 5, 6; add. yhp Anon-Syr^ al. g. aapKiKos] txt[L] [A] Athan Gelas Theodt Sev-Syr (twice) Anon-Sy^; add. re G; al. g.wild beasts. They are like maddogs, whose bite is hard to heal.There is only one sure Physician,flesh and spirit, create and increate,God in man, Life in death, the Son ofMary and the Son of God, passiblefirst and then impassible, even JesusChrist our Lord.'9. to ovojia k.tX] Comp. Polyc.Phil. 6 tcov \j/€vba8eX(pa>vkcl\ tc2v ivvnoKpicrei cfiepovTcov to ovofia tovKvpiov. For the absolute use of toovo\ia see above § 3.10. aWaTiva] certain other things?It seems necessary to read a'AXa,since the oppositive conjunctiondXAa would be quite out of placeafter 86\a> novrjpcS.1 1. drjpia] So Smyrn. /\.7rpo(pv\dao-coSe vp.as dnb tc2>v 6rjpia>v tSv dv6pcoTrop.opcpcovk.tX In Philad. 2 they arecalled 'wolves.'12. \adpo8fJKTat] Various forms ofthe word occur, \adpo8r}KTT)s, as here,beingthe commonest, comp. Chrysost.Horn, ill Ephes. xv. Kaddrrep ol XadpobrJKTdlTCOV KVVCOV ol TOV p.tV TVpOO~LOVTCLovdev v\aKTOvo~iv k.t.A. (Op. XT. p. 115a) ; Xadpo&fjKTos (?) in the correspondingpassage of the Pseudo-Ignatius:XadpoddKTrjs Pallad. Vit. Chrys.(Chrys.Op. XIII. p. 2l); \adpai68r)KTOS, PhotillSin Oecum. ad Phil. iii. 2 ; \a8podd

4 8 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vnyevvrjTos icai dyevvriTOS, ev dvBpwww 0eos, ev BavctTU)£W) dXrjdivv, Kal €K Mapias kcii e/c Oeov 9 wpcoTOV iraQr\-tos Kai tot€ d7ra6t]s, 'Itjcovs XpicrTOs6 Kvpios rifxwv.i yewyrbs kclI dyivvtjros] G, and so app. Athan (though some MSS and theedd. read yevr/rbs ko.1 ayhyTos) ; genitus et ingenitus L ; /actus et non foetus AGelas Sev-Syr (twice) Anon-Sy^; yevvTjrbs ef dyewfyrov Theodt. The wordssubstituted in g are 6 p.6vos dXrjdivbs 6ebs 6 dyhvr)TO$...Tov be p.ovoyevovs irarripKv pev to 7rpa>Tov nvevpa,eyevero

vm] TO THE EPHESIANS. 49VIII. Mr, ovv to f/xas WC7T€piâwaTacrde, o\oi ovtes Qeov. otclv OTav yap /uLride/ULia un$5eâTrarcLTijOy worTrep ovle€7ri-6v/ula ivrjpeKTTai ev vjjuv r] Swa/mevr] v/uas /3a(ravi(rat,does not write the iota subscript) G; in immortali vita vera L; al. g. i koX€k] GLA Athan Theodt Sev-Syr 5 ; iic(om. /cat) Sev-Syr 6 Gelas Anon-Syr x ;al. g. 3 'Irjaovs Xpurrbs 6 Kvolos ijfiQv] A Theodt Sev-Syr (twice)Anon-Syrx ;dominus noster iesus christus Gelas; domimis christus noster ~L; om. G;al. g. 5 oral? yap] 2 commences again here and continues to the end ofthe chapter. eindvixla] 2A g; £pt? GL, see below. 6 evqpe«TTai\plantata est SA; complexa est (eveipriTcu?) L; hveipiurai G; inrdpxv [g*]. Theimpossible word iveipiarai is retained even by the latest editors (e.g. Hefele,Jacobson, Cureton, Dressel, Petermann, Lipsius, etc.), except Zahn and Funk.Dressel has accidentally transposed the words, heipio-Tou epts, in his text.rate as regards His deity.' Thewords y€vvrjrbskcu dyiuvrjro? are hereused to signify 'create and increate,'in which sense the more carefuldogmatic language of a later agewould have employed in preferencethe forms yevrjrbskcu ayivrjTos withthe singlev. See the excursus at theend of this epistle.ev dvOpwrro) 0eo?] This reading isdemanded alike by the great preponderanceof authorities and by theantithetical character of the sentence.to ttciOosThe substitution iv a-apKi yevopievosQeos may have been due to the fear ofcountenancing the Apollinarian doctrinethat the Logos took the placeof the human vovs in Christ.ev davaTcp /c.r.X.]For His death isour life, His passion is our resurrection;comp. e.g. Smyrn. 5o icrriv rjfxav dvdaracris. Here againthere is reference to His two natures.He died as man : He lives and giveslife as the Eternal Word.2. e'/cMapias] See below § 18,Trail. 9,and comp. Smyrn.1.He might have said with7rpc3roz/]equal truth npaiTov d7radr)skcu TorenaOrjTos, as in Polyc. 3 (alreadyquoted) tov dnadri, tov St' rjp.ds nadrjrov,but in these antitheses he commenceswith the humanity, as being the pointattacked by the Docetic teachers.IGN. II.VIII. 'Suffer not yourselves tobe led astray ;for now ye are whollygiven to God. So long as ye arefree from any evil craving, ye liveafter God. I would gladly devotemyself for the renowned Church ofEphesus. Carnal men are incapableof spiritual things, as spiritual menare incapable of carnal things. Withyou, even the things done after theflesh are spiritual, for they are donein Christ.'5. ovTes Qeov] See the note on§ 5 "wa (op.ev Qeov.eiridvfjLia]The combination ofauthorities leaves no doubt thatthis is the correct reading; comp.Ephes. iv. 22 Kara rets emOu/ilas tt}$dnaT-qs. For the connexion of unrestraineddesire {eTviBvp-la) with falseteaching see 2 Tim. iii. 6 alxp-cuXcorevovresyvvaiKapia... dyoueva eT7idvp.ia.is7Toiki\cus, 2 Pet. ii. 18 tjeXedôvaiv evcmBvfiiais crapKos (comp. ver. 10), Jude16, 18. The reading epis, though notinappropriate in itself (comp. Clem.Alex. Strom, vii. 16, p. 894, eptv rjv evrat? alpeaeo-L TrpoKpireov),must beIt may have found itsrejected here.way into the text from a marginalnote attempting to give a derivationof eveipicrrai.6. ev7Jpeio-Tai]is inherent, islfixed? So it is necessary to read

5o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [viiiapa Kara Qeov ^fJTe. 7repiyp-t]iULa vjjlwv Kai dyviôfiaivjJLvov '£(pecricov e'/cfcA^cnas Trjs SLafiorjTOV tois aicocriv.i apa] apa G (so certainly). -jreptyruxa vp.uv koX kyvlôfuu] G (butwith a smooth breathing dyplô/xaL); peripsima vestri et castijicer {i.e. ayvifafiai, butthe MSS castificct) a vestra etc. L*; gaudeo in vobis et supplico pro vobis SA. Infor eveipMTTai, in which the editorsgenerally have acquiesced, but whichthey do not attempt to justify. Thefrequent itacisms in the MS renderthe change obvious. Bunsen (Br. p.88) saw that iveipio-rai was impossible,but substituted ivepyfjTai. Zahn firstintroduced the correct word into thetext. For ivepeibeiv (-becrBai) com p.Dioscorid. ii.23 (p. 367, Kiihn) tcovevrjpeiKorcov crTop.ax

VIIl]TO THE EPHESIANS. 51ol crapKiKolTa irvev}iaTiKa irpacrcreiv ov a VCLVTCLl ovOL TrveVfJLCLTlKOl TCL O-apKlKCt, WCTTTep OV06 Y] 7TLCTTLS Ta T*Js5 aTncTLas ov$e r\ diriCTia Ta ty\s 7rio-T€a)s. a 5e Kalg it is altered into Trepi\{/7]fj.a vfxQv Kal tt}s ayvoTaT-rjs tv. But, as Trail. 13 (alreadyquoted) agrees in the same expression,it is highly improbable that thescribes should have made the sameerror and introduced the same difficultyin both passages. A muchmore easy change than any hithertoproposed would be &[-

52 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [viiiKara crapKa 7rpa(T(reT6,ravra irvev\iaTiKa e&Tiv %iv'Irjaov yap XpicrTw irdvTa 7rpa(T(reTe,IX. "Gyvcov Se 7rapo$ev

IX] TO THE EPHESIANS. 535 (5v7 'aures continuo o&cludeus, velutne blasphemia polluantur' (comp.ib.ii.40, 52). In Clem. Alex. Protr. 10(PP- 73j 83) dno^veiv ra cora is used ofresisting good influences ; comp.Clem. Horn. i. 12 fivovres ra>v crco'êcr-6ai 6e\6vTa>v rds duods. For the purportcomp. Trail. 9 KaxpcoBrjre ovvK.T.X.6. Xidoi vaov] The metaphor, and inpart even the language, issuggestedby—Ephes. 20 ii. 22; comp.1 Pet.ji. 5. The metaphoris elaboratelycarried out in Hermas Sim. ix. Seebelow § 15 (note). The transition inthe metaphor is violent, after themanner of Ignatius. It can hardlybe bridged over, I think, by a referenceto the idea of seed sown onrocky ground (Matt. xiii. 4), as Zahnsuggests.TrporjToifiao-fxevoi] So I have venturedto substitute for Trarpos -qroipaap,evoi,i.e. npOHTOIMACMCNOI fornpcHTOiM^CMCNOi. This was Markland'sconjecture, but it had occurredof the fact.to me without knowledgeCertainly irarpos is awkward, whereQeov narpos follows so closely; whileanother coinci-7rpoT)Toipao-p.evoi givesdence with the same Epistle of S.Paul (Ephes.ii. 10 ols TrporjroLixaaev6Qeos, comp. Rom. ix. 23 o-Kevrje\eovs a TTpor)roip.acrev els 86£;av)whichhas so largely influenced this letter,and more especially this context.An alternative correction would beto substitute ttvs for irps, irvevparosfor irarpos; see the note on Smyrn.13. For vaoi nvev/xaros comp. I Cor.vi. 19. But the mention of the Spiritcomes in properly at a later stage.8. ii-qxavrjs]See Hippol. de Antichr.59 (p. 31 Lagarde)

54 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IX^pdfjievoL tco TTvevfJLariTw dylcp'Y\ Si TTMTTIS VfXWV dva-70)761)5 v/uLwv, y\ Se dyoLTrt] 6$os r\dvacpepovcaeis Qeov.1 rip irveifiaTL r$ cVyi'oj]G ; tQ ayicp irvevpari g ; spiritu sancto L ;qui est spiritussanctus*L\ rip irvevpari [Antioch]; def. A. vpwv] GL2; om. A; V"'' Dam-Rup 6, and so in the next line; al.g Antioch. dvaywyevs] G Dam-Rup;dveXKOvrai, evappoaOrjaopevottco OeicoXo-yo) (speaking of the cross), Chrysost.Horn. 3 in Ephes. {Op. xi. p. 19) a>o-Tvep bid rivos eXKcov pr}-)âvr]sei svy\tos avrrjv \jt)v eKKXr/o-iav] dvrjyayepeya.os] by attraction for rj;see onMagn. 7, and Winer § xxi. p. 206 sq.I. dvaycoyevs] a ' lifting engine.' Noother example of this sense of theword isgiven in the lexicons earlierthan Eustath. Opusc. p. 328 (ed. Tafel)Apyov ...ov r} TvoirjTov TvKadTLKrj elsttoXXovs rjvoi£ev ocpdaXpovs Kai ftpveivcocnrep noXXals e7roirjcrev byj/eaiv, elspvpla op,para KaTarpr)crao~a, cos biappelvOVTCO TO OITTIKOV TOV 0X0V 0~(6pa.TOS, OiSore noXvTprjTov tivos dvayayecos vbcopiroXvppovv ei-aKovTiêrai. This comparisonto the many eyes of Argusseems to show that the dvaywyevsdescribed by Eustathius is, as afriend suggests to me, an engine likeBarker's Mill. The dvaycoyevs contemplatedby Ignatius may not havebeen of the same kind, for the worditself is not special ;but there wouldbe no anachronism in this identification,since (as am I informed on competentauthority) the principle of Barker'sMill was known before his time.I have not found the word in theMathematici Veteres, where itmighthave been expected to occur.The metaphor is extravagant, butnot otherwise ill-conceived. Theframework, or crane, isthe Cross ofChrist; the connecting instrument,the rope, is the Holy Spirit; themotive power, which sets and keepsthe machinery in motion, is faith ;the path (conceived here apparentlyasan inclined plane), up which thespiritual stones are raised that theymay be fitted into the building, islove.3. core ovv k.t.X.] The mention ofthe 'way' suggests a wholly differentimage to the writer. The membersof the Ephesian Church are nowcompared to a festive procession, inwhich each person bears somesacred vessel or emblem, a statue ofa god, a model of a shrine, and thelike; comp. Epist. Jer. 4 vw\ beo^reo~6e ev Baj3vXcZvi 6eovs dpyvpovsKai xpvaovs Ka\ £vXivovs eV copoisalpopevovs. How large a place thesereligious festivities occupied in thelife of a Greek may be inferred fromAristoph. Lys. 641 sq eirrd pev err]yeyaxr evOvs rj ppr](f)6povv...KdKavr]-obopovv ttot ova a irals koXt) k.t.X.Hence such words as dvOocfiopos, babocpopos,epprjCpopos, 6vpo~o(p6pos, Kavrj-(fiopOS, KlO~TO(p6pOS, XtKVOCpOpOS, 7TaO~roqbopos,vdpo

ix] TO THE EPHESIANS. 55i(TT€ ovv Kal avvoôi 7ravT€s, 6eo(p6pOL kcli vaocpopoi,paraphrased marei dvayope'vovs [g]; dyuyetis [Antioch]; dux L; praeparator A.1 apacpepovaa] G Antioch; referens L; dixa (pepovaa Dam-Rup; dub. SA; al. g.eh] G; ci's t6v Antioch; irpbs Dam-Rup; irpbs tov [g]. 3 vaocpopoi] GLg;om. A; paraphrased vabs QeoO by Antioch.yeTLKd k.t.X. Accordingly elsewhere(C. I. G. no. 2963 c) we read of oltov...k6 piupco£vXiva> KaTaKexpvo~a>peva> irpoeKKopi-(ovai k.t.X., Diod. Sic. i. 97 tQ>v vatav

56 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[IXXpi&TO(pof)oi> dyiocpopoi, kcltcc iravTa KeKOo-fMifjievoi ivivToXaTs ' Ifjcov Xpio'TOv' oh kcli dyaWi(jojJL6VOs rjîcodf]v ySi ibv ypa

IX]TO THE EPHESIANS. 57KctTdv6pco7rcou (iiov ovZev dyaTraTe, el /uri \xovov tov5 Oeov.X. Kal vireptwv dWcou Se dvOpwiruiv d%ia\e'nrTU)sderanging the connexion of the words). 4 kclt' dvOpLoircov filov k.t.X.]tear' dXXov fiiov k.t.X. GL; see the lower note. My conjecture is supported bythe paraphrase in g ovde Kara adpKa ay curare dXXd Kara deov. The text was earlycorrupted, as appears from the confused rendering of A, alium quendam non diligitissed eum qui secundum deum vivit. 6 Kal virtp tuv o\\wc de] GLg ; etproaliis A ; super omnibus 2. 2 commences again here and continues as far as dderrjd^.ddiaXdiTTWs] GLg ; om. 2A. See the lower note.'decorated with gold ornaments or COmp. Rom. 8 ovkcti 6iXa> Kara dvwearinggold embroidery ' ; comp. 6pco7rovs £f)v, Trail. 2 (paiveade p.01Wesseling on Diod. Sic. iv. 83 xpvo-o- ov koto, dvdpumovs £g>vt€s. In this(popelv rfj 'Acfapodirr].The fondness case el will be ' butp.rj only! Inof the Ephesians for fine dresses other words it will not refer to theis commemorated by the Ephesian whole of the foregoing sentence, butDemocritus quoted in Athenaeus xii. to ovdev dyanare alone ; comp. Matt,p. 525; it is rebuked by S. Paul, I xii. 4, Luke iv. 26, 27, etc., and seeTim. ii. 9, 10. The interpretation of the note on Gal. i. 19. The commentatorsfail to make anything ofHilgenfeld (A. V. p. 250), 'durch dieGebote Christi organisirt, geordnet,' KaT aXXov filov. Zahn accepts Markland'sconjecture Kad' oXov fiiov, butseems to me quite impossible, whetherthe preposition iv be retained or not. this is a violent change and does notl2. oh koX k.t.X.] wherein alsorejoicing I was yield a very good sense.'permitted to associate X. Pray also for unbelievers.with you by letter, and to congratulateyou, that ye love nothing after Let them learn from your deeds, ifThere is hope of their repentance.the common life of men, btit God they will learn from nothing else.only! The reading dyaXXiwp.evo^ Requite them with good for evil;should probably be adopted on the with meekness for their wrath, withground of external authority and if;humility for their boastfulness, withso, oh is more naturally taken as a prayers for their revilings, withneuter with dyaXXia>p.evos.It may staunchness in the faith for theirhowever be a masculine governed errors, with gentleness for theirby and 7rpoo-op.iXfjo-ai explained afterwardsby v/juv see Winer Gramm. thers by your conduct. Imitate not:wrath. Show yourselves their bro-§ xxii. p. 184 sq. For the whole them but the Lord. Vie with eachexpression comp. Magn. 1 dyaXXicofxevosirpo€iXdfxr]vother who shall suffer rather thaniv 7rtcrrei 'ir/croO do the most wrong. Let no rankXptcrroC npoo-XaXfjaai vpuv' Karaîcodels weed of the devil spring up in you ;yap k.t.X. 3and for;dgiovcrdai, a characteristicexpression of Ignatius, the 6. aSiaAeiVrcoy] See i Thess. v. 17,but live in chastity and soberness.note on Magn. 1.where also we have the expression4. KaT dvdpdncov $Lov\ So I have ddiaXei7TT(os TvpocrevxewOe comp. HermasSim. ix. 11. The same adverbor perhaps read &ninon = dv0p

58 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xTrpOGevyea-Qe*6(ttiv yap avrols[eV] e\7ris /ueTavoLas,'iva Oeov TV)£a)ariv. eiriTpeâTeovv clvtoIs kclv 6k tcovepycov vfjuv /uLadrjTeudrjvai. 7rpos t«9 opyas avrcov f/ueFs,vva^ avrwv voxels Taireivo-7rpaels 97rpos Tct£ fjieya\opr]jjLOG(ppoves, 7rpo9 ras /SXacrCpf]/mlas ccvtwv voxels ras 7rpo

x] TO THE EPHESIANS. 59%ds, 7rp09 ty\v 7r\avrjv avTwv Vjueh eAp

6o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xSta/3o\ov fioTCLvr] tis eupedrj ev vpuv a\X ev Tract]dyveia kcli crcocppocrvvr] jueveTe ev Xpia~rtp 'lycrou crapKi-KIOS KCLIXI.TTVeVfJLaTlKLOS.GcrâTOL Ktxipoi.Xolttov a\(ryyvQio[AeV) (f>o^rjipe'vere] G; maneatis L; ut stetis A; as if they had read /j.hr)Te, which isperhaps correct; al. g. Xpurry 'I^troO A [g]; Irjaov xPL

XI]TO THE EPHESIANS. 6l5 dw/ULev ty\v jJLaKpodvfJiiavtov Qeou, *iva juri rjfjuv eis Kplfxayevtirai. t]yap ty\v ixeWovcrav opyriu (po/3rj6w/uLev rjty\v evecTwcrav x a P LV cty a T^lcrcoiueu, ev tcov $uo* jjlovov evXpiCTTw 'Ir/cov evpedrjvai eU to dXrjdivov ffjv. X W P^tovtov /mrjSev v/ulTv irpeireTiay ev to tcc SecrjULa Trepicbepoo,ets Kplfxa rjfjuv Dam-Rup; vobis... in judicium A; al. g. 7 x&P'"] GLADam-Rup; x a P av g* (mss, but 1 has gratia m). £v rQ>v dvo] GL; ev t$ vvvfi'iu) g Dam-Rup. Something like this may have been the reading of A which translatesttju eve is shownfrom the authorities to have been asearly as the 4th century, but cannotbe correct.povov K.r.A.] i. e. povov [ovtco Trotrjo-a)-pev (Sore] evpeOrjvai. For similarelliptical uses of the infinitive seeKiihner II. p. 590. There is a tendencyto ellipsis with povov : comp.Rom. 5 povov Iva 'irjo-ov Xpio-rov initu^co,Smym. 4 povov iv r

62 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [XItoi5s TrvevfJLctTiKom nxapyapiTas'ev oh yevoiro jjloldva-(TTY\vai Trj irpoo'ev'xfi vjuluv, fjs yeuoiTO /uol dei \xeToyovelvai, iva ev KXripco 'G

xn] TO THE EPHESIANS. 63XII. OlSa t'is elfJLikcci Tieriv ypd(j)w. eyw Kara-KpiTOs, v/ueTs tjAerj/uevor iyco 1/V0 kivSvvov, v/ueh icrTrjpiyfjievoi.7rdpodos eare toov eU Qeov dvaipovfjLevuW)flavXov orvju/uvcTTaLtov ^yiacriuevov, tov fue/uapTvptj'g* (mss). The reading irdpodos underlies the rendering in A ad vos viatoresqui propter dezim martyres-fiunt. 9 ijyLacrphov] So G; not ayiaapivovas stated in Dressel.in whose footsteps I would faintread, and who makes mention ofyou in all his letters.'6.eya> k.t.X.] See a similar passagein Rom. 4 Ot^ as Herpos KaiIlavXos 8iaTa(ro~op.ai vplv' eKeivoidnocTToXoi., £ya> KaranpiTOs k.t.X., andcomp. Trail. 3 Iva av KardnpiTosas dnoaToXos vplv diaTao~o~apai. Inall these passages his civil status,as narciKpiTos, is an emblem of hisspiritual status : ' I am under sentenceof condemnation ;while yehave obtained mercy and are pardoned.'7. vrrb klv8vpov] Comp. Trail.13 en yap V7rb klvBvvov Heel fit.alludes to the danger of his flinchingbefore the terrors of death, or otherwiseyielding to the allurements ofthe world.lye arc a way of8. -rrdpodos eare~\transit? They had escorted S. Paulfirst, and now they were escortingIgnatius on his way to martyrdom.Their spiritual position, he seemsto say, corresponds to their geographicalposition. As they conductedthe martyrs on their way in thebody, so they animated their soulswith fresh strength and courage.The reference to S. Paul will hardlybe satisfied by the interview with theEphesian elders in Acts xx. 17 sq,for he was not then on his way todeath, if (as is most probable) he wasbutliberated from his first captivity :the notices in the Pastoral Epistlesshow that he was again at Ephesusshortly before his final trial and martyrdomTim. (1 i. 3, 2 Tim. i. 18).Probably Ignatius was thinking ofother martyrs also of whom we knownothing. See e.g. Polyc. Phil. 1crvve^dprjv vplv npoTrep^racnv . . . tovseveiXrjpevovs Toils dyiOTrpeneo-i Becrpolsk.t.X. ,and lb.9 dcrKelv Ttacrav vTropovrjvtjv Kai e'ibere kot dcpflaXpovs, ov povovev tois p.aKapiots "lyvaria Ka\ ZacripaKa\ t 'Pov(pa K.T.X.rav els Qebv k.t.X.]'who are slaintinto God^ a condensed expressionfor 'who are put to death and thusconducted to God'; comp. § 1 de8epivovdnb Svplas (with the note). Theword dvaipovpevav is a trapa Trpoabo-Kiau, where we should look for somesuch expression as TvpoTvepiropevav.9. UavXov crvppvo-Tai] i.e. ' fellowrecipients,fellow - students, of themysteries, with Paul.' For the wordsee Orig. in Ies. Naue Horn. 7(II. p. 413) ' Paulum nobis communiteradhibeamus magistrum ; ipseenim est symmystes Christi,' Hippol.in Daniel, p. 174 (Lagarde) as o-vppvo-TaiKai deoo-efiels dvdpes (i.e. coreligionists),Constantine in Theodt.H.R. i.19 6 Trjs TvpavviKfjs apoTrjTosavppLva-Trjs. This was signally trueof the Ephesians, among whomS. Paul resided for an exceptionallylong time (Acts xix. 10 sq, xx. 31),with whom he was on terms of themost affectionate intimacy (Acts xx.18 sq, 36), and who were the chief,though probably not the sole, recipientsof the most profound of all his

see64 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xn/UL6VOV, dpLOfiaKapLCTTOVy OV yeVOLTO /ULOlV7TO Ta \")(yY\epistles. The propriety of the languagehere is still further enhancedby the fact that S. Paul, in theEpistle to the Ephesians more especially,dwells on the Gospel dispensationas nvorrjpiov (i. 9, iii. 3, 4>9, v. 32, vi. 19). Elsewhere (Phil. iv.12) he speaks of himself as p.€p,vrjfievos.In later ecclesiastical languagethe words pvarrrjpiov, pvarrjs,/ifcrriKos-, a/xva-TOs, dpvrjros, etc., wereused with especial reference to thesacraments, more particularly to theeucharist (Bingham Christ. Ant. I.iv. 2). But there is no trace of thismeaning in Ignatius, who still usesthese terms, as they are used byS. Paul, of the doctrines and lessonsof Christianity. For the force andsignificance of this use in the Apostle,see the notes on Col. i. 26.If it be asked why S. John alsois not mentioned here, the answer issimple. Ignatius is speaking of therelations of the Ephesians withmartyrs (tu>v els Qeov dvatpovpeveav) ;but S. John died peaceably in extremeold age at Ephesus. He is doubtlessincluded in the cnrocrTokoi mentionedbefore; but here there is no placefor him. It should be added also,that the life of S. Paul had a peculiarattraction for Ignatius, owing to thesimilarity of their outward circumstances.He too, like Paul, had beenan 6KTpcopa he; too, like Paul, wasjourneyingfrom Asia to Rome,there to win the crown of martyrdom.If Ignatius shows a full knowledgeand appreciationof the teachi?ig ofS. John, his heart clings to the exampleof S. Paul.'tov pcpaprvp-qpevov] attested, andhence ' approved] ' of good report ' ;as e.g. Acts vi. 3, x. 22, xvi. 2, xxii.5, 1 Tim. v. 10. So Clem. Rom. 47aftoaTohois pepapTvpr/pevots',alsoClem. Rom. 17 (note), 18, 19, 44, andPhilad. 5, 11. It must not howeverbe confined to the opinion of theChurch, but will refer rather to thetestimony of God as given in S.Paul's own life and work :comp.Heb. xi. 2, 4, 5> 39 papTvprjOevres 5ta7-77? TTiWeaff. Thus indirectly it mayrefer to his martyrdom because this;is God's chief act of attestation. Butthe Anglo-Latin translator iswrongin rendering it martyrizati, i.e. ' putto death as a martyr ' ;because thepassiveis not used in this senseeven in very late Greek. 'To bea martyr' is not paprvpetadai, butpaprvpelv ( to bear testimony.' Evenin Latin the passive martyrizariis a solecism, though a commonone ;and martyrizareis the morecorrect word. On the use of thesewords, paprvs, paprvpelv, etc., as referringespecially to the testimonyborne by the death of the witness,see the note on Clem. Rom. 5.1. d£iopaKapl(TTov\ See the note onthis word above, inscr.vtto ra "x vr ]~\ Comp. 1 Pet. ii. 21,and esp. Mart. Polyc. 22 Ilo\vKap7rosov yevoiro iv rfj fiav tov dnoaToKov Haiikov',but adverse winds prevented himfrom landing at Puteoli and so enteringRome by the Appian Way asS. Paul had done. 'Ynb ra "ixvr )nerestands for the more usual Kara ra*X vr )or *v T01S ix v(0 ~ tv- With the accusativevno often signifies 'close to,'e.g. Thuc. v. 10 vnb ras nvXas,Soph. EL 720 vV avrfjv ia-xdrr^vo-rrfk-qv (see the note On V7revavrio? }

xn] TO THE EPHESIANS. 65evpedfjvcu, otclv Oeou €7tltv)^co'69 eV Tracrt] €7ri

66 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xiiiXIIT.C7rofSa^€T€ ovv irvKvorepov (rvvep-êcrdaieisevyapMTTiav Qeov kcli eU hoâv* ot

xiv] TO THE EPHESIANS. 67XIV.'COv ovSeu Xavdavei vfj.as, eav reAeicos els'h](TOvv XpicrTOv kyr\Te Tr}V ttmttlv Kal ty\v ctyctTrriv vjtisecrTLV cipxr 1 t®?s KaL TeA.09* ctp^t] /uleu ttig'tis, tcAos Se3dyairri' tcl Se Svo ev evorr]TL yevojdeva Qeos ecttiv, ra(but adds 1 enini) [Dam-Vat 1] [Dam-Rup 2] [Anton 2]; add. yap S v7rasTroXe/uLos] Gg Dam-Vat Dam-Rup ; 7ras 6 TroXepos Anton ;dub. LSÂ.6 Karapyelrai] g Dam-Vat Dam-Rup; KarapyeiTe G; evacuatur L; KaraXveratAnton; impediuntur A; frustrantur S S 1 4 . 7 reXet'ws] GLS 4Ag; om. Dam-Rup 6. els] GLg Dam-Rup; om. S A. 4 8 'Irjaovv Xpiarbv] GLS 4[A] ;Xpt-GTov Irjaovv Dam-Rup; xpivrbv [g]. tJtis ecrriv] GS 4g Dam-Rup; quae suntL; J7aLv iirayyeXXopevov oseo-Tiv avTos. See also a similarexpression in Magn. 15 KeKrrjpevoiddidapiTov irvevpa, os ecrTtv IrjaovsXpio-Tos. The combination of authoritiesleaves no doubt about the5-2

68 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xivSe aWa irdvTa eU KctXoKayadiav ctKoXovda ecrriv. ov-Sek 7ricrTiv eirayyeWofJievos dfxapTavei ovde dycnrrivKSKTrj/ULevo^ /ULLceT. cpANepoN to AeNApoN And toy KApnoyaytoy' ovto)s ol e7rayyeX\6fJievoi Xpicrrov eivai,irpdcrcrovcriv6(p6ricrovTai,Si covov yap vvv eirayyeXia^ to 5epyov, a'AA' ev dvvdjuei 7ri

xv] TO THE EPHESIANS. 6 9XV. * Afjieivov 6

JO THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xvihv (riya ytvuio-KriTai.Kcti to. KpwjTTa rj/uwv iyyvsovSeu XavQdvei tov Kvpiov,d\\aavrw ecrTiv. Travra ovvTroitofjLev, cos avrov ev r\\xiv kcltoikovvtos, *iva w^xev avrovvaol kcli avros ev tfjuuv0eoV oirepKal earriv Kal (pavrjiyiviba-K-qrai] G; yivuxTKerai Antioch (ed.); al. g. ovdev] txt GL [S 2]Ag; add. yap Antioch. 2 avr$] Gg*; avrov Antioch. kanv\Gg; elo-iv Antioch. 3 avrov vaol] GLg; templum ejus A; templa dei S 2 .4 avrbs] txt gL; add. y G [S 2][A]. Oe6s] txt gS 2 ; add. ijfiuv GLAepos vlos, eKclvov Xiyco tov aiooTrcovTa, rjplv,Tatian ad Grcec. 15 « pev cosov iraverai XaXoov. Somewhat similarlyClem. Rom. 21 to iirieiKes rrjsvabs 77,KaroiKelv iv avreZ (SovXerai Qeosdid rov rrpeo-fievovros nvevparos. SeeyXojo~o~r]S avrcov did rrjs aiyrjs (pavepov on Mart. Ant. 2.7roir)o-dra)o-av.See the note on Philad. 1 .Geos] ' as God 1 i.e. 'that He; mayThe meaning of Philo Qui's rer. div. be the God of this spiritual temple53 I 1 - P- 5 1 J ) quoted by Zahn, onpocprjtt]s,Kai o7t6t€ Xtyeiv 8oo~Kr)Tai might refer to recognition onep Kal eariv k.t.X.] i.e. ' It is theby God (a meaning suggested by the case that God dwells in us now, andwords following ovdev XavOdvei k.t.X.) ;this fact will be made clearly manifestbut this is hardly so appropriate.to our eyes hereafter from our1. ovdev k.t.X.] Clem. Rom. 27 deeds of love towards Him'; comp.TTCLvra iyyvs avrco io~riv...7rdvra ivco- § 14 St oov jrpdaaovaiv ocpdrjaovrai.' '7Tiov avrov elaiv Kal ovdev XeXrjOev rfjv5. diKaicos] rightly] i.e. as infiovXrjv avrov.duty bound'' ; comp. Magn. 9 ov2. avrcp] For the dative with dtKaicos dvepevov, I Cor. xv. 34 iKvrjy\raTeiyyvs comp. Ps. cxliv (cxlv). 18, Acts diKaicos. Hence it sometimes signifies'truly'; see Lobeck on Soph.ix. 38, xxvii. 8, Clem. Rom. I.e.,Herm.Vis. ii.3 see Bleek;Hebrderbr. II. 2. Aj\ 547-'p. 209. The genitive is the more XVI. Be not deceived. To violatethe house of God is to forfeitusual case, and in classical Greekthe dative isvery rare; Kiihner II. the kingdom of heaven. If thosep. 357. The authorities leave no who desecrated the temple of theirdoubt about the reading here.bodies were punished with death,4. vao\] Comp. 1 Cor. iii. 16, 17,what fate must await such as defilevi. 19, 2 Cor. vi. 16; and Philad. 7 the temple of the faith, for whichttjv ordpua vpoov cos vabv Qeov rt]pe7re, Christ died? They are filthy indeed,and will go into unquenchableBarnab. 16 "iva 6 vabs tov Kvpiovevdo^cos olKodoprj6r]...dio iv r&) Karoi- fire— they and their disciples.'KT]Trjpico fjpwv aXrjdcos o Qebs KaroiKel iv 7. M?) nXavdo-6e\ See the notes

xvi] TO THE EPHESIANS. 7 15 creTai wpo 7rpocrco7rov iJ/ulcov, e£ ihv SiKaicos dyaircojjievclutov.XVI. Mr\ 7r\avacr6e, d$e\(poi juov ol oiKO(p66poiBaciAcian Oeoy oy kAhponomh'coycin. el ovv ol kcltcicrdpica Tavra 7rpacrcrovTes diredavov, 7Too"gj fJidXKov eav(but A omits h r]fjuv). 0Trep...7]fiuv] GL; om. S 2A (perhaps owing tohomoeoteleuton); al. g. 7 oi] GS 4Ag; om. Dam-Rup i. g -rrpdaaovresdiridavov'] GLS 4 A; wdaxovres diredvrjaKOv Dam-Rup; al. g. edv] GDam-Rup; qui (plur.) S 4A (omitting eai>); si quis L; al. g.explanation which I have adopted be;on § 5 prjbeh nXavdadco above, and onIgnatius here makes of it. If the teaching.Philad. 3.correct, the following airedavov willol oUocpdopot] The whole passageis founded on S. Paul's lan-Numbers xxv. 1—probably refer to the incident in9, to which also S.guage in the First Epistle to the Paul alludes in the same epistle, x. 8Corinthians ; comp. pr)8e TTOpveva>pev, Kadcos Tives clvtcHviii. 16 ovk o'l-8aT€ OTL VaOS QeOV eOTf, KOI TO enopvevaav,

72 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xvitt'lvtiv Qeov ev KaKohihacrKaXia (pdeiprj, vTrept)s 'IncrovsXpiCTOS ecrravpcddr]'6 tolovtos pvirapos yevopevos eUto 7rvpto ao-fiea-TOV ^wprja'ei, o/uloicoskcci 6 dicovwvavTOv.XVII. Aia tovto \xvpov eXafiev ewi Trjs KecpaXrjs 5[airrou] 6 Kvpios, 'Iva irvin ty\ eKKXtjaia dtydapo'iav. fit]1 tt'igtiv Qeov] GLA; fidem veram S 4 ;om. Dam-Rup; al. g. KaKodidaaicaXia]Dam-Rup; /ca/07 5i5acr/ca\i'ci G; al. g: comp. Philad. 2. See Trail. 6, where in asimilar case Dam-Rup alone has preserved the correct reading KaTa$-ioTrc8ei aXet(p6pevoi k.t.X., whereClement explains the anointed feetof the Lord to mean the Apostleswho received the fragrant chrism ofthe Holy Spirit. Comp. Clem. Horn.xiii. 15 r) awcppcov yvvr) ttjv enKXrjcriavdyaOrj Tip.fi pvpiêi, Orig.c. Cels.vi. 79 ct« Xpicrrbs KecpaXrj eaTiv ttjseKKkrjo-ias, p,a XpiaTov kmtt)v eKKkrjO'iav, to pvpov airo KecpaXfjsKaTafiefirjuev k.t.X. (with the whole context),Macar. Magn. Apocr. iii. 14 (p.23) to ovpaviov pvpov (said of Christ,in reference to the incident at Beth-

XVIl] TO THE EPHESIANS.'*>dXeKpeo-Oe Suo-toS'iav t*7? SâcrfcaX/as rod apyovros rovaitovos tovtov, fxrj al-^fjiaXoiTLan vixas e'/c rod 7rpOKei/uLevov(îjv.io Oeo vSid tl he ov 7rdvT6s (ppoPL/uoi jivo/meSa A«/3o^T65yvioa-LVy o icrriv'Irjaous XpurTOs ; tlpuoptdsdiroWvixeda dyvoovvres to yapuriia o 7re7rofJi(bev d\r\-6cos 6 Kuptos;om. g Antioch 2. /at? aXeicpeaBe] GLA; prjdels ovv aXeKptedw [Antioch] ; /it?a.\ei(piadu}...7] ay ia rod deov eKKXrjcrla [g*]. 7 tt?s 5i5a For alxpaXario-T) comp. Philad.2 alxpa) TL Cova ' lv tovs 6eo8popovs,2 Tim. iii. 6 alxpaXcorl£ovres yvvat-Kapia (the correct reading).rov npoKecpevov {jjv\ 'the life whichis set before us] i.e. 'for us to pursue.'For this sense of irpoKelpevos comp.Heb. vi. 18, xii. I,2. For the substantivaluse of £fjv see the note on§ 11 above.9. Xaftovres]lby receiving? Itmight however be translated 'seeingthat we received] but the words inthe following clause, pcopcos, dyvoovvrcs,point to the former interpretation.10. o eariv K.r.X.] Comp. Magn. 10pcrafidXeo-Oe els veav (vpr)V o eariv'Irjo-ovs Xpicrros, Col. ii. 2 eviyvwiv

74 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xvmXVIII. flepiîua to efJiov Trvevpa tov (TTavpov,6 eo-Tiv (TKavlaXov toTs aTricrTOvcriv, n\xiv Se crcorriplaKOI fyrjaltovios. noy cocpoc; noy cyzhththc;XtjcnsTtovXeyofievoivttov kciv-crvveTtov ; 6 yap Geo? y\}xu>vi TreplifnjfM k.t.X.] 2 begins again here and continues to far? aluvios. It omitsthe rest of the chapter and commences again with § 19.GL2A; cruets tuae al.Anon-Syr2 ; g.tov crravpov]2 0] G; quae (i.e.crux = os) L; dub. 2A Anon-Syr2;al. g. Vfiiv de] GL Anon-Syr2;vfuv 5t 2; sed vobis fidelibus A; rots hk ttkxto?s [g].

XVlli] TO 1U THE Ltiti EPHESIANS.UfrittSIANS.Jc5 'ItlffOVS 6 XpiCTTOS 6KVO(f)Op))6t]V7TO MaplCtS KCtT OIKOVO-/mtav, eK (nrepfJiaTOs jmev Aavelh TrvevfjLaros hedyiov6s iyevvrjdri kcli e(3ct7rTi(r6ri iva tw irddei to vScopKm ,6api(rrj.Tim-Syr ; add. ttjs irapdevov G'. kclt' olKovofxiav] KaroLKovofilav G.olKovo/jtiav] g* ; add. dei patris [A] (the whole sentence being in brackets); add.dei GG'L Theodt Tim-Syr 6 Aauei

76 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xixXIX. Kat e\a6ev tov apôvratov aicovos tovtovi ko.1] GG'LAg Orig (Gk, but omitted in Jerome's version) Euseb Andr-Cret Tim-Syr; sed Anon-Syr2 ;om. 2. i Maplas] txtGL etc ;add. ttjs aeiirapdivov /ecu &€Ot6kov G\ ro/ceros] GG'g etc. ;purifying effect to the baptismal waters.The baptism was only the inaugurationof this sanctifying process.XIX. 'This divine economy washidden from the prince of thisworld. The virginity of Mary, herchild-bearing, the death of the— Lordthese three mysteries, though destinedto be proclaimed aloud, werewrought in the silence of God. Theannouncement was first made to allthe ages by the appearance of a star,which outshone all the celestialand to which sun and moonThey werelights,and stars did obeisance.terrified at this strange apparition.Magic vanished before it ; ignorancewas done away the ancient;kingdomof evil was destroyed, when God appearedin the form of Man. Thusthe eternal counsel of God was inaugurated.And the whole universewas confounded because the dissolutionof death was purposed.'i. Ka\ Tkadev k.t.A.] This passageis more frequently quoted by thefathers than any other in the IgnatianEpistles. It is cited or referredto by Origen {Horn. i?i Luc. vi, Op.III. p. 938 a), by Eusebius {Quaest. adSteph. 1, Op. iv. p. 881. ed. Migne),by Basil (Horn, in Sand. Chr. Gen.3, Op. 11. p. 598 B), by Jerome{Comm. in Matt. i. § 1, Op. vn. p.12 b), by Jovius Monachus {de Oecon.vii, in Phot. Bid/, ccxxii, p. 622),by Andreas Cretensis (Horn, inNativ. B. Virg. ii, in Pearson V. I.p. 87), and by an anonymous Monophysitewriter preserved in a Syriacversion (Cureton C. I. p. 219 ; see*k P- 359)5 besides Timotheus ofAlexandria (Cureton C. I. p. 211)who has quoted also the previouscontext. Of these writers however,Basil and Jerome have obviouslytaken the reference, not from Ignatiushimself, but from Origen, whosecomment they mix up with the statementof Ignatius, as Cotelier haspointed out. The passage was apparentlyalso in the mind of the commentatorwho bears the name ofTheophilus of Antioch {in Evang. i,p. 280 Otto), of Ephrem Syrus{Hymn. 19, quoted by Merx, p. 74sq), of S. Ambrose on Luke i. 27{Op. 1. p. 1 28 1 'ut virginitas Mariasfalleret principem mundi'), of Cyrillonasthe Syrian poet (Bickell Consp.Rer. Syr. Lit. pp. 34, 35, quoted byZahn /. v. A. p. 187), of Anastasius{de Beet. Ver. Dogm. quoted by PearsonV. I. p. 81), and certainly of aSyrian Commentator on S. John(Cureton C. I. p. 285 this was either;Harith-bar-Sisin, or Lazarus of Beth-Kandasa ;see Wright Catal. Syr.Manuscr. Brit. Mus. pp. 608, 610).The idea that the Deceiver washimself deceived by God's mysteriousreserve is found in many connexionsin the early fathers;see for instance,besides the passages already quoted,Justin Martyr in Iren. v. 26. 2 2a-Tavas...p.rjheTTOi ciScoy avrov tt]v Kara-Kpicriv, Hippol. Op. p. 38 (Lagarde)Idoi) 6 Kvptos 7rapayiv€Tai \iros, fiovos,yvpvos, aivpo

xix] TO THE EPHESIANS. J Jr\TrapOevia Mapla? Kal 6 tok€to

7* THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xixXovfiev Qeov ao^tav ev p.v a t i] p i a>, ttjvdnoKeKpvuiitvrjv, r/v npocdpicrev o QebsTrpb tvostovtov eyvooKev'elyap eyucoaav, ovkav tov Kvpiov ttjs 86^t]s eo~Tavpa)o-avk.t.X., where, as here, the referenceis to the mystery of the atonementthrough the cross of Christ, and onwhich passage Chrysostom says to 8eOvk eyvaxrav epo\ doKel ov Trepi XpiarovevTavda elprjcrdaidXXa 7rep\ avrrjs tov7rpdyp,aTos ttjs olKOvopias, oiov, tlefiovXeTO 6 ddvaTOs kcu 6 crTavpos,ovk rj8eio-av.As Ignatius has quotedthe context of this passage of S. Pauljust before, we must suppose that hehad the Apostle's words in his mindhere. It isprobable indeed that byoi dpxovTfs tov aloovos tovtov S. Paulmeans earthly rulers, such as Pilateand Herod ;but very many ancientcommentators (e.g.Marcion in Tertull.adv. Marc. v. 6 ; Origen Sel. inPsalm, II. ii, p. 538 Tives in ; Chrysost.on I Cor. ii. 6; Ambrosiasterad loe.),and some modern, haveinterpreted the words of spiritualpowers, and Ignatius is likely tohave done the same. Even if hedid not, he would stillregard theearthly rulers as acting under thedpxcov tov alwvos tovtov in this crime.Indeed the mention of the ' deathof Christ' is required by the context.Here, as elsewhere in Ignatius, thenddos is the centre round which histhoughts revolve. The Incarnationhas itsimportance mainly in thefact that it leads up to the Passion.It is only the beginning of the end(dpxV v 8e iXdp.(3avev). The wholepassage opens and closes with thedeath of Christ. Itopens with themention of the 'Cross' which is'salvation and life eternal' (§ 18 beginning)it closes with the reference;to the 'dissolution of death' throughthe sacrifice of Calvary (§19 end).Both these passages,it will be observed,appear in the Curetonianletters themselves. And, while themention of Christ's death is thussuggested by the parallel in S. Pauland required by the context of Ignatiushimself, this mode of regardingit entirely accords with the languageof other fathers, who speak in thesame way of Satan's ignorance respectingit; e.g. Orig. Sel. in Psalm.xxxiv. 8 (commenting on the wordseXdeTco avTols irayls r\v ov yivacrKovcrik.t.X., Op. II. p. 650) voixiôi irepX tovo~Tavpov Xeyetv avrov, ets ov ep.7re7TTa>Kevo didftoXos dyvocov k.t.X., Co77im. inMatt. T. xiii § 6, Op. III. p. 583 (comp.Comm. in Matth. T. xiii § 9, Op. III.p. 583? w oi 7rapaXa(S6vTes avTov. ..eK tovKvpiov €K[xvKTT)pio-6a>criv, els KdTaXvo~lvttjs I8ias (Sao-iXeias kcu dpxrjs uapdTrpoaboKiav 7rapaXa^6vTes...t)i ov evKaivoTfjTi £

xix] TO THE EPHESIANS. 79davctTOS tov Kvpiov' Tp'ia \ivarrr\pia Kpavyrjs, cctlvu iv1 tov Kvpiov] GG'LSAg Tim-Syr Anon-Syr ;toO xpwtov Euseb Andr-Cret.rpia fivaTripia] GG'LA (which adds mirabilia) g Euseb Andr-Cret Tim-Syr; ettria mysteria 2 22 3.Kpavyrjs] GG'LS etc ; (ppiKra Andr-Cret ;see thelower note. driva] GG'LS etc; om. A.Greekhave been corrected from thewhat has gone before, has never yettext. But such a solution is highly been adequately explained. Whatimprobable in itself; for elsewhere in this case are the ' three mysteriesof crying'? Cureton altogether2 3 follows the Curetonian text closelyin all the omissions and divergences evades this difficulty when he saysfrom the Greek. In the only other (C. I. p. 286) that they may 'refer topassage of importance in which it the song of the angelic host,' Lukeexhibits a variation, Rom. 9 kqx ii.yap 14; for there is nothing in thisal p.r) nporrriKovcrai poi rrj 6Sco, where song which explains such a reference.with the Greek it retains the negativeixrj,Ritschl {Entstehiuig p. 578, ed. 1)which 2 2 omits, .it clearly and Lipsius (Aecht. p. 133) agreepreserves the original reading (see that two of the three were (1) thethe note there). Even in smaller voice at the baptism, (2) the voice atmatters it is not uncommonly more the transfiguration. For the thirdcorrect than 2 2 (see Zahn /. v. A. Lipsius suggests the angelic announcementof the conception asp. 187). Again the Armenian Version,which was translated from the made either to Joseph (Matt. i. 20)Syriac, has the clause here as in the or to the Virgin herself (Luke i. 26) ;Greek ;and it isquoted or referred while Ritschl supposes that Ignatiusto in Syriac writers (see the referencesgiven above), who were a third proclamation similar to theused some other Gospel containingscarcely likely to have gotit from two others. But, if the transfigurationis allowed a place here, whythe Greek. Moreover the omissionin 2 is 2 readily explained. The eye not the death ? And again, in whatof the transcriber would be confused sense can the announcements ofbetween words differing so slightly Matt. i. 20, Luke i. 26 be calledas en .l\ci£act 'and her child-bearing,'and cn^C\273C\ 'and the death private Volkmar ? (see Lipsius S.Kpavyrjs, seeing that they were strictlyT. p. 9 sq)of,' so that the latter word finds all the three \xvo~tj\-mighteasily drop out pia Kpavyrjsand in S. Mark, explainingas a matter of;them of the voice atfact this same the baptism,confusion is actually the voice at the transfiguration, andmade in Rom. 6, where tokctos isthe exclamation of the centurion atrightly translated in the Curetonianthe crucifixion (Mark xv. 39). Astext dolores partus, but an extracthe includes this last, it is difficultelsewhere preserved givesit withto see on what grounds he rejects 6the corrupt reading K^GSfl for Oavaros tov Kvpiov.K\i\c\5rt. and accordingly the Armenianversion has dolores mortis clamation,' a stronger word thanI.Kpavyys] 'of crying, of pro-(see the notes on the passage). (2) Kr)P v£ea>s see Athenag. Suppl. 1 1:The reading of 2 2 ,which distinguishesthe three mysteries from cttov p.cTa noXXfjs Kpavyrjs€7TLTpe\j/aT€ ivTavBa tov Xoyov eâ

8o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [XIXY\arvyia Qeov 7rwsewpd^dr].ovv rdls ecpaveptadr] aicoa-iu;ctcrTrjp ev ovpavco eXafxêv virep iravras tovs darTepas,i GeoD] GG'LSA Euseb Andr-Cret Tim-Syr ; om. g.ttws ovv ...airroh]In place of all this 2 has merely a latere (a Syriasm for diro or ck or wapa) stellae.votos em napp-qcriav avayayeiv a>s emftao-iXeoav cf)i\o(r6v aTroXoyovp.evov(comp. Luke i.42 Kpavyfj p,eydXrj,probably the correct reading). Comp.also Philad. 7 eKpavyaaa, with thenote. Here Kpavyrj is the correlativeto jjcrvxia, as revelation is tomystery. 'These mysteries/ Ignatiuswould say, were foreordained'and prepared in silence by God, thatthey might be proclaimed aloud toa startled world.' It is an exaggeratedexpression of the truth statedin Rom. xvi. 25 to Ktjpvyfia 'lrjo-ovXpio-rov Kara aTTOKokv^nv p.vo-Trjp iovXpovois alcoviois o~€o~ ty rjfxevov (pavepcaSevTosfte vvv k.t.X., Ephes. iii.9 TOV p.V(TT7] p'lOV TOV O.TT OK€ K pV }lfxevovdnb tcov alcovcov ev rc5 Qea>...iva y v(tipio~6f) vvv reus dpxeus koireus ef-ovcriais ev toIs errovpaviois k.t.X.(with the parallel passage Col. i. 26sq) comp. also 1 Cor. ii. 7 sq (already;quoted), 2 Tim. i. 10. For the useof fivo-rrjpiov in S. Paul as suggestingthe idea of revelation, see the noteon Col. i. 26. The expression p.vo-TrjpiaKpavyrjs involves a studiedcontradiction in terms ;for, as Chrysostomsays (Op. II. p. 375), evBa \xv-(TTijpia, TroXXr) criyr).The substitution of qbpiKTa for Kpavyrjsin Andreas Cretensis is not tobe explained with Merx (p. 76) asa corruption of upvirrd, this againbeing corrupted from Kpavyrjs. It ismerely the substitution, in a loosequotation, of a common epithet ofp.vo-Trjpiov (occurring in the liturgies)for a not very intelligible expression.The epithet cppiKTov is found withfivo-TrjpLov, e.g. Joseph. B. J. ii. 8. 5,Hippol. p. 17 (Lagarde), Lit. D.Marc. p. 16, Lit. S. Basil, p. 164(ed. Neale). So in Chrysostom thefivo-Tripia (i. e. the eucharist) are styledcppiKTa, 4>piKc68r), Op. VII. p. 310, VIII.p. 273, x. p. 393, and elsewhere.Bunsen would read evapyrj for Kpav-Comp. Magn.yrjs-ev r)o-vxiq...eivpdx8ri\8 6 qyavepcoaas eavrov 81a 'irjcrov Xpiarovtov vlov avrov, os ecrriv avTov Xoyosdrrb aiyrjs irpoeXdoav (with the note).On this silence of God compareDionys. Areop. de Div. Nom. xi -rrepXp,ev ovv avTrjs, o tl 7rore ecrn, rrjsdeias elprjvrjs Ka\ rjcrvxiask.t.X. Seealso the language of Marcellus ofAncyra quoted on Magn. 8.1. rols al&o-iv] 'to the ages' pastand future, which are here personified.It seems probable that in S.Paul's expression, nvo-rrjpiov diroKe-Kpvp,p,evov ano tu>v alcovav (Eph. iii. 9,Col. i.26), the preposition should betaken as temporal (see the note onthe latter passage) ; but Ignatiusmay have understood it otherwise.At all events this personification of'the aeons' is a step towards theValentinian phraseology, and affordsanother illustration of the Gnostictinge which colours the language ofIgnatius.2. do-Trip] In the evangelical narrative(Matt. ii. 2 sq) the incidentof the star isvery simply told but;this simplicity was early overlaid bygross exaggerations. So we find ittreated in the Protevange/ium, § 21e'idopev darepa 7rap,[xeyedr) Xdp,y\ravra evto7s ao-rpois tovtois ko.1 dfxjSXvvovTaavrovs, coore tovs darepas p.r)(paivecrOai.[I may here mention by way ofcaution, that Lipsius (Aecht. p. 135)

xix] TO THE EPHESIANS. 81Kai to (pcosavrov dv6K\a\r]TOV rjv, kcli ^€vi

82 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xixfjXid) Kai creArjvrj x P^ iyêT0 d&Tepi, avros Si r\vV7T€pl3d\\a)v to ° s G (but with a blot which may be intended as a correctioninto X°P°s)- eytv€To] GG'; iyivovro g.2 re] GG'Ag; autem {8e) L.3 odev] GG'; 'ivOev [g].From this point 2 reads ^/w/« adhuc in manifestatione filiicocpit aboleri magia et omnia vinculo, evanuerunt et regnutn vetus et error malitiaedestruebatur. hide comtnota sunt simul omnia et dissolutio mortis excogitata est, eterat initium Mi quod in deo {apud deum) perfectum est, where the epistle ends, sothat §§ 20, 21 are omitted altogether. iXveTo...diecpd€ipeTo, Qeov k.t.X.]iXvero iraaa fxayeia (/xayia), Kai ttoLs 5ecr/j.6s 7]e 'there was -trouble,its rays into the house of darkness, perplexity, to know whence cameetc.'; Marcellus in Euseb. c. Marc. this strange appearance which waslh 3 (P- 48) ovtos yap rjv 6 TrjviKavra so unlike them? For KaivoTys comp.(pave\s aarrjp 6 cpepoov re Kai 8r)\a>v ttjv Orig. c. Cels. i. 58 (1. p. 373) tovqpepav roT? pdyois, explaining Ps. 6(p6ivTa daTepa iv Tjj dvaroXfj Kaivovcix (ex). 3. There is the same contradistinctioneivai vop,L£op.ev kcu p.rjdev\ twv o~vvqBa>vas here, between aarpa TvapanXrjo-iov k.t.X.'the constellations' and da-Trjp 'the 3. odev eXveTo] The critical notesingle star,' in Protev. 21 (quotedwill explain the diplomatic groundsabove).on which I have placed bie(p6eiptTo1.x°P° s *yev€To] Comp. § 4, Rotn. brackets, as probably a later and2.spurious addition. The gain to the

xix] TO THE EPHESIANS. &$iroQev r\ KdivoTm r\ dvofjLOiosctvToIs. b6ev eXvero 7Ta(Ta/uiayeia Kai iras Seo'/ULOS, tjws (pavepovp.evov] GG'L; qmim deus homo manifestaretur Sev-Syr;Qeov us avdpwTrov

8 4 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xixpeiTO iraXauc ($aai\eia, Oeov [pie

xx] TO THE EPHESIANS. 85XX. 'Gav jul€ KctTaîcoo-ri 'Irjcrovs XpKTTos ev ty\Trpocrev^rj vjulcov, kcli deAri/ma rj, ev tco Sevrepco fiifiXiSiw,6 /uteAAu) ypcKpetv v/uuv, 7rpocrSriAa)crct) u/uuv t)s rippafirivOLKOvo/uuas eh tov kclivov av6pco7rov 'hjcrovv Xpicrrov, evavveKtveiTo) LAg Sev-Syr; the order of the two sentences, 6.pxnv & k.t.\. andivdev k.t.X., is transposed in 2.please the Lord to reveal it to me.Only let me hear that you all meettogether in one in the faith of JesusChrist, who is both Son of God andSon of Man, and that you are obedientto your bishop and presbyters,breaking one bread, which is themedicine of incorruptibility and theantidote against death.'5. KaTa^Laxrrj] A favourite Ignatianword; Magn. 1, Trail. 12, Rom.2, Philad. 10, S?ny?-n. 11, Polyc. 1,7, 8.ev rrj irpoo-evxfl vpa>v\i. e. l throughyour prayers.' The same expressionoccurs in a similar context, Philad.gratefully acknowledges the effectsof their prayers on behalf of the latter[Philad. 10, Smyrn. 4, Polyc. 7);or he gives them general injunctionsrespecting prayer (§ 5, 10, Magn. 7,Trail. 12, Smyrn. 6, Polyc. 1).6. OeX-qpa] i. e. 'the Divme will.'It is used thus absolutely severaltimes in Ignatius, either with thedefinitearticle (Polyc. 8 ,and in the latter BiX-qpa is almostuniversally misunderstood as applyingto Apollos himself. So too Clem.Alex. Strom, vi. 18 (p. 826) deXrjpaTiOeXrjpa kcu r« dyla nvevpaTi to dyiovnvevpa deoipelv edi£ovTes. On the Otherhand of the devil Heracleon said thathe pr] ex elv QeXrjpa, dXX' eiriOvplas, Orig.in Ioann. xx. § 20 (iv. p. 339). Thetranslators and transcribers of Ignatiushowever, not understanding thisabsolute use, have in several instancessupplied genitive cases : see thecritical notes on Rom. 1, Smyrn. 1,11. Compare the absolute use of r)Xup ro 1 ?, ovopa, etc.iv ra devTepa k.t.X.]There is noreason to think that this design wasever fulfilled : see above, p. 18.'7. 7rpoo-8rp\a)croi k.t.X.]/ will goon to expound the eco?wmy (of theIncarnation) upon which I commenced?See the note on § 18 /car'OLK.ovop.iav.'8. els tov Kaivbv k.t.X.] referringto the new Man, Jesus Christ? thewords being closely connected witholKovopias. The Kaivos avOpanros ofIgnatius is equivalent to the eVâroy'A§ap, the bevTepos avOpconos, of S.Paul 1 (Cor. xv. 45, 47)- The Apostlehimself seems to use 6 Kaivos avdpa>-TTos- in a different sense, Ephes. iv. 24evbvaaadai tov Kaivbv avdpconov, thoughA. A

86 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xxty\ avrov 7TL(TTei Ktxl ev rfj avrov dya7rri, ev iradei avrovkclI dvao-rdcrei, /udXicrra edv 6 Kvpios fiOL aTTOKaXv^srrforif ol tear dvlpa KOtvrj wavres ev X^P iTi e '£ ovopctTOscrvvepx^crde ev /una Trio-rei kcli evl 'Iricrov Xpia-rtp rcoKara crdpKa Ik yevovs AaveiS, rco vlco dvdpcoTrov kcli vlco 53 ori] GL[A] ; et n Theodt ;om. Gelas (treating irvvipxeffde as an imperativeconvenite); al. g: see the lower note. Xap tTt ] G[g]; rrj x^ptrtTheodt. 4 evl] Theodt; in uno Gelas; ev GL, and so S 2 (which hasit is quite possible that Ignatiustook this to mean evdvcraaOai rbvXpiCTTOV.ev ry avrov k.t.X.] 'consisting intowards Him and love towardsfaithHim? This again must be closelyconnected with ol

xxi] TO THE EPHESIANS. *7\ «Oeov, ek to vwaKOveiv v/uias tw €7na-/co7ra) kcli too 7rpea--fivTepia) d7repL(T7ra(rTcp Stai/ola' eva aprov kXwvtcs 6Icttlv (pap/uctKOV ddavao-ias, dvrihoTOs tou /ulvj dirodaveivdWa *Cf\vev ' Irjcrov XptcrTcoSid ttclvtos.[OXXI.'Avtl\Isvxov v/ulcou eyco, Kai wv eTrefJiylrarein una fide in iesu christo); al.Ag. See the converse error, Ephes. n.t£] G; om. Theodt; al. g. 5 Aaveid] dd.8 G. dvdp&irov...Qeov] G; rov avdpdoirov...Tov 6eov Theodt; al. g. 7 K\uvre$] gLA;kXQvtos G. 0] gL; 6's G; dub. A. 10 wv] g (but1 has quern) \6v GLA.'7. dwe pio-nao-Tco] undistracted^jWisd. xvi. 11, Ecclus. xli. 1. Sodnepio-rvdo-ru>s, I Cor. vii. 35. Thewords are not uncommon in classicalwriters of the age of Polybius andlater, more especially in Stoic circles ;e.g. Epict. i. 29. 52, ii. 21. 22, etc.,M. Antonin. iii. 6.eva aprov kXcovtcs] The referencewill be to the agape, but moreespecially to the eucharistic bread,in which the agape culminated, andwhich was the chief bond of Christianunion ;comp. Philad. 4 o-ttovdaaareovv p.ia ev xapio-riq xpf)o~dai'p.ia yap aapg rov Kvpiov k.t.A., Smyrn.8 roiis [xepLo-povs

'.88 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xxitts Qeov TL{JLr)veU Cfjivpvavodev kcli ypa(j>0) vfixiu e^x a"piaTtov Tip Kvpitp, dyairvov rioXvKapTrov w? Kai vfj.as.fJLVt]fJLOV£U€Tl (JLOV, 0)9 Kftl VfJLWV' 'lr](TOV^ XpLCTTOS. TTpOCTevêadevirep tj]? eKKAricrias Trjs ev Cupia,3 Kal] GAg; om. L (the omission of ct after ut being easy).bvev oeoe-ytvov . . .Ka.8apv)(IVT(0V $'t(J€ TT]V f/JLTjl/ \j/VX^]V,lb. VCT. \J Sowep uvri-^rvôv yeyovorasTTJS TOV tQvOVS OfXCipTLUSCOllip.Kings xx. 39 Kal tarrai 77 "i^^xh

xxi]TO THE EPHESIANS. 895 /xeVos ek'Pwjjlyiv dirayofJiaL, ecâro^ wv tcov eVe? ttkttlov,(jocnrep tj^KjoOrjv eis 'ti\jl\]v Qeov eupedijvai. Gppwcrde evQeio ircLTplKai ev ' Irjcov Xpia'Tto Ttj koiv$ i\7Ti0t rj/uwv,7 iXirldi t}/a£}v~\ txt GL; add. 4v irvevp.a.TL ayiip' [fppojcrde]' dfirju' [77 x^P' 5 ] g*>add. gratia vobiscum; amen A.There is no subscription in GLA. For Sg see the Appx.2, Acts xii. 19, in which latter passagefor the correct reading dmixOfjvulD has diroKTav&fjvcu.tcovi.fuel] e. ev 2upm comp.;Trail. 13 rrjs ev 2vpia, o0ev Kai ovka£ios e Ifxt XeyecrOai, tov etr\aTos (Keivcov.He uses similar language also, Magn.1 4, Smyrn. 1 1 ,Rom. 9.6. cocrncp]To be connected withtoetoepevos. .atr&yopau."Epptto-Oe] This was a commonsalutation at the close of a letter, asXaipuv was at the commencement ;Artemid. Oneir. iii. 44 'l8lovyapnaarjsenicrToXrjs to Xaipfiv Kai to ' Eppoxro(quoted by Pearson on Smyrn. inscr.).They correspond to the Latin Salveand Vale respectively. "Eppcoo-o (eppcoo-Oe),like vyiaive,was regardedas essentially a parting salutation,Farewell ' ;ib. i. 82 ov yap npoalovt(s'dXkrj\ois...TavTa XeyovaivavdpcoTroi,d\\ y aTvaWaTTop.(voi : COmp.e.g. Boeckh C. I. G. 3832, 3833, inletters. The parting salutation inall the seven epistles takes thisform ;the attached words howevervarying, e.g. lv Kvpltp, iv âpirt GcoG,etc.7. tt) koivt) k.t.X.] See the notes§ \,Magn. 11.

90 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSExcursus on yevvrjToskoi dyevvrjros § J.The Son is here declared to be yevv^Tos as man and dyiwrjToq asGod, for this is clearly shown to be the meaning from the parallelclauses. Such languageis not in accordance with later theologicaldefinitions, which carefully distinguished between yev-qrosand ytwrjTos,between ayeV^ros and dyevv-qros so that; yevrjros, ayeV^ros, respectivelydenied and affirmed the eternal existence, being equivalent to ktio-tos,(xktio-tos, while yewrjTos, ayeW^ros, described certain ontological relations,whether in time or in eternity. In the later theological languagetherefore the Son was yei/nyros even in His Godhead. See esp. Joann.Damasc. de Fid. Orih. i. 8 (i. p. 135 Lequien) XPV yap ctS&ai ort toayev^TOV, Sia tov iv6

TO THE EPHESIANS. 9 1Ignatius (p. 338) he declares himself unable to determine between thesingle and double v. I believe however that the argument of Athanasiusdecides in favour of the w. Elsewhere he insists repeatedly on thedistinction between kti&iv and yevvdv, justifying the use of the latterterm as applied to the divinity of the Son, and defending the statementin the Nicene Creed yevvrjTovck 1-77S overtax tov 7ra.Tpo

92 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSthe readings in the several places, but ' ingenerate ' isgivenas therendering of dyivqrov and dyewijrovalike. If then Athanasius alsoread yewrjTos kou dyew-qros in Ignatius, there is absolutely no authorityfor yev^roskou dyivrjTos. The earlier editors (Voss, Ussher, Cotelier,etc.) printed it as they found it in the ms; but Smith substituted theforms with the single v, and he has been followed more recently byHefele, Dressel, and some others. In the Casanatensian copy of theMS a marginal note is added, dvayvuHrriov dyevrjTOS tovt ecrri fxrjiroi-qOdq. Waterland (Works ill. p. 240 sq, Oxf. 1823) tries ineffectuallyto show that dyivvrjro^ was invented by the fathers at a later dateto express their theological conception. He even 'doubts whetherthere was any such word as dyew-qros so early as the time of Ignatius.'In this he is certainly wrong.The mss of early Christian writers exhibit much confusion betweenyevqros and yewqros, dyev-qros and dyivv-qros : see e. g. Justin Dial. 2(p. 218) with Otto's note; Athenag. Suppl. 4 with Otto's note; Theophil.ad Autol. ii.3, 4; Iren. iv. 38. 1, 3; Orig. c. Cels. vi. 66; Method.de Lib. Arbitr. p. 57 Jahn (see Jahn's note 11. p. 122); Maximus inEuseb. Praep. Ev. vii. 2 2 ; Hippol. Haer. v. 1 6 (from Sibylline Oracles) ;Clem. Alex. Stro?n. v. 14, pp. 702, 718; and very frequently in laterwriters.Yet notwithstanding the confusion into which later transcribershave thus thrown the subject,it is still possible to ascertain the mainfacts respecting the usage of the two forms. The distinction betweenthe two terms, as indicated by their origin, is that dyiv-qrosdenies thecreation, and dykw-qros the generation or parentage. Both are used ata very early date; e.g. dyiv-qros byParmenides in Clem. Alex. Strom.v. 14 (p. 7 I 6)

ovTO THE EPHESIANS. 93theological idea, though substantiallyhe held the same views as theNicene fathers respecting the Person of Christ. The following passagesfrom early Christian writers will serve at once to show how farthe distinction was appreciated, and to what extent the Nicene conceptionprevailed in Antenicene Christianity; Justin Apol. ii. 6 (p. 44) ovojxaoe 7ravT(x>v rep iraTpl 0€tov, ayevvT/'rw ovn, ovk Io~tiv...o Se vto's Ikuvov 6liovos Xeyop.evos Kuptcos vlos, o Xoyos irpo tcov ironqfxaTUivKat crwcov kouyewco'êvos k.t.X., comp. ib. § 13 (p. 51); Athenag. Suppl. 10 eva tovay evrjTov kol a'iCaov. ..vcf> ov ytyivrjTai to ttolv Stct tov clvtov Xoyou...epcoSta /^paêcov \tov vlovj TrpuJTOV yevvrj/xa etvat tco 7raTpt, ov% co's yevofxzvovk.t.X. (comp. ib. 4); Theoph. ad Aut. ii.3 et yap eyevvcov /catiyevvuivTO [0eot], S'fjXov otl e^prjv kolL ecos tov Sevpo yiv€o~6ai Oeovsyevv7]Tovucrecos irpuiTQTOKOv KaT a^tav ctSeVat tisSwaTat, cos o*yevvr/cras avTov 7rar^p k.t.X., /$. vi. 52 7rcpi />t€i> yevecrccoskoctjxov Kat 6opdS) rj cos dyivrjTos kcu ac/>#apTos, ">) cos ycv^ros /xev a

94 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO THE EPHESIANS.not indifferent to the distinction of meaning between the two words ;and when once the orthodox Christology was formulated in the NiceneCreed in the words yewrjOevra, ov iroirjOivTa, it became henceforth impossibleto overlook the difference. The Son was thus declared tobe yewrjTos, but not yev^ros.I am therefore unable to agree withZahn (Marcellus pp. 40, 104, 223, Ign. von Ant. p. 565) that at thetime of the Arian controversy the disputants were not alive to thedifference of meaning. See for example Epiphanius,Haer. lxiv. 8(P- 53 ^ s y°-P TLv£s [i-e. the Arians] r]p.dq fiovXovrai o-o

2.TO THE MAGNESIANS.

2.TO THE MAGNESIANS.A FTER leaving Ephesus, says Strabo, the first city is Magnesial\ (xiv. I, p. 647 7rpu>T7jS' iarlu ££ 'EêVov Mayvrjaia). Thesequence in the Ignatian Epistles is the same as the sequencegeographer's itinerary.in theMagnesia by the Maeander was said to have been originally a settlementof the Magnesians from Thessaly (Strabo xiv. 1, p. 636; Plin.N. H. v. 31). The site of the city was well chosen. The valley of theCayster on the north isseparated from that of the Maeander on the southby a mountain chain running for the most part nearly due east andwest, but taking a more southerly direction in its western extremity andterminating in the promontory of Mycale opposite Samos.Indeed thelofty island of Samos itself isonly a prolongation of this same mountainrange which is broken by the intervening channel of the sea. There isa very marked depression in the chain towards its western extremity.The long range eastward of this depression, bounding the valley of theMaeander on the north during the greater part of its course, bore thename of Messogis the shorter ;range to the west or seaward was calledMount Mycale. A few miles to the north of this depression in thevalley of the Cayster stood the famous city of Ephesus while to the;south, immediately below the pass, on the ground overhanging the valleyof the Mseander Magnesia was built. It thus commanded the passthrough which ran the high road connecting the fertile and populousvalley of the Maeander with the metropolis of Asia Minor.Magnesia is occasionally designated the ' Asiatic ' in earlier times todistinguish it from the Thessalian district of the same name;but inlater writers, from Aristotle downwards, it is specified as 'Magnesia by'or 'on the Maeander', in contradistinction to another Asiatic city ofIGN. II. 7

98 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSthe same name, which had risen meanwhile into importance, 'Magnesiaunder' or 'against Sipylus' (see the references given below p. 106).It was not however situated directly on the banks of the Maeander,as this name would suggest, but on a tributary, the Lethaeus, at adistance of some four miles* (6|- kilometres, Texier Ask Mineure in.p. 41) from the larger river; comp. Strabo xiv. 1, p. 647, Mayvô-ta tto'AisAioAis, Xeyo/xevr)Se eVt MaiavopoiT ttXtjow yap avrov ISpvrafiroXv SeTrXrjo-iciLTepov 6 ArjOaw ifipdWw e« toV MaiWSpov. Hence Pausaniaspersistently speaks of Magnesia or the Magnesians ' on the Lethseus '(i. 35. 6, v. 21. 10, vi. 17. 3, x. 32. 6; comp. Nicander in Athen. xv. p.683 ArjOatov Mayi^Tos i vSaxriv). But in coins, inscriptions,and allpublic documents, as well as in common parlance, it was designated bythe nobler stream.Earlier travellers (Smith, Chandler, Pococke, and others) had identifiedMagnesia ad Mseandrum with the modern town of Giizel-Hissar.Its true site was pointed out by W. R. Hamilton in 1803. Its modernrepresentative is Inek-Bazar, or more properly Eyineh-Bazar (W. J.Hamilton's Researches in Asia Minor 1. p. 535) ;whereas Giizel-Hissar,otherwise known as Aidin, is close to the site of the ancient Tralles, someeighteen miles from Magnesia. These latter identifications alone agreewith the distances recorded in ancient books of travel, and they arerendered absolutely certain by inscriptions found on the respective sites(see Leake's Asia Minor p. 242 sq).The scenery and ruins of Magnesiaare described in Arundell Seven Churches p. 58 sq ; in Texier AsieMineure in. p. 35 sq, p. 90 sq, and in some respects more fullyin hissmaller work of the same name in Didot's series LUnivers p. 346 sq; inMurray's Handbook for Turkey in Asia p. 305 sq ;in Hamilton's AsiaMinor 1. p. 538 sq ;and elsewhere. It stands on the right bank of theLethaeus and is built partly on the side of Mount Thorax, a spur orbuttress of the main range, and partlyin a plain girt with a backgroundof hills (Strabo xiv. I, p. 647, kcitou 8' iv W€$ua -rrpos opetKaXovpevqi ®copa/a rj ttoXisj comp. Diod. Sic. xiv. 36).The theatre,as usual, is situated on the hill-side ;the principalruin in the plain isthe temple of Artemis Leucophryene 1 .The ravine of the Lethseus toThough the question respecting the author which seems to have been altorelation1of Leucophrys and Magnesia has gether overlooked, but which never the-no direct bearing on my subject, I ven- less contains the key to the solution ofture to discuss it briefly in a note, as the difficulty.this will give me an opportunity of call- The facts are these. (1) Xenophon (Hell.ing attention to a passage in an ancient iii. 1. 14), speaking of the campaign of

TO THE MAGNESIANS. 99the east of the city, as it descends from its sources in Messogis to jointhe Maeander, is described as singularly beautiful.Dercyllidas (B. c. 396) in Asia Minor,states that, a parley having been agreedupon between the generals of the contendingarmies, the Persians retired to Trallesand the Greeks 'to Leucophrys wherewas a temple of Artemis of peculiarsanctity (is AevKocppvv £vda rjv 'Apre/xtSoslepbv juaXa ayiov) and a lake more thana stadium (in length), sandy and perennial,of warm water fit to drink'. In alater passage (id. iv. 8. 17), where he isgiving an account of the campaign ofThimbron (b.c. 391) in this same region,he speaks of his setting out from Ephesusand from 'the cities in the plain of theMaeander, Priene and Leucophrys andAchilleion.' [This last by the way cannotbe the place bearing the same name inthe Troad, as commentators seem toassume.] In neither passage does hemention Magnesia, though Magnesia hadexisted for centuries. (2) Strabo (xiv. 1,p. 647), speaking of the temple of theMother of the Gods built by Themistocles,writes, Now ' however the templedoes not exist (ovk Zo-ti to lepbv), becausethe city has been removed (fieTipidadai)to another place but in the;present city(iv 8i rrj vvv irbXei) there is the temple ofArtemis Leucophryene 'etc.Boeckh (C. I. G. II. p. 582) discernsthe true solution. The city of Magnesiastood originally on another site, but wasafterwards transferred to Leucophrys, sothat the ancient temple of Artemis ofLeucophrys was now within the city ofMagnesia itself. This may perhaps bealso the meaning of Texier (VUniverspp. 349, 350), but I am not quite surethat I understand him. When then didthis removal take place? Texier (p. 350)says, when it was rebuilt after its destructionby the Treres, a Cimmerian people(see Strabo I.e.).But this is quite impossible,as Boeckh had already pointedout (11. p. 700): for, though the age ofthis invasion of the Treres is doubtful, itcertainly took place long before the time ofThemistocles, and yet Magnesia was stillon its ancient site in his time. Boeckhcontinues 'Addo earn (i.e. translationem)factam videri ante medium tertium saeculumChristianam praecedens epocham,nam vs. 84 nostri foederis Dianae Leucophryenaetemplum Magnesiae ad Maeandrumtribuitur'. [The words of thetreaty (about B.C. 244) are ifx ~Mayv-qaLarr) irpbs tu Maidvopcp iv T

•IOOTHE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSMagnesia rose to very considerable importance at an early date.Its connexion with Themistocles, as his place of residence during hisexile (Thuc. i. 138 ;Diod. Sic. xi.57 ;Strabo xiv. 1, p. 647 ;Athen. i.p.29 ; Plut. Vit. Them. 30, 31, 32 ;see Grote's History of Greece v. p. 385sq), has given it a special renown. His descendants, one of whom borehis own name, enjoyed exceptional honours there even as late as theage of Ignatius (Plut.Vit. Them. 32).A more speaking testimony toitsimportance is the fact that the Persian satraps appearat one timeto have chosen it as their place of abode (Herod, iii. 122, Diod. Sic.xiv. 36). Indeed, considering the advantagesof its situation and thefertility of the country, the surprise is not that it was a considerable citybut that it did not attain to even greater distinction. During theRoman perioditappears to have declined somewhat in importance(Tac. An?i. iv. 55) ;but it continued to strike coins as late as the reign ofGallienus a.d. 260— 268 (Mionnet Supplement vn. p. 256). Among thefamous men, who were nativesof Magnesia, Strabo especially mentionsthe orator Hegesias the founder of the florid Asiatic style of eloquence,and Simus the inventor of a licentious form of lyric poetry calledSimodia after him, each in a different way the corruptor of his respectiveart (I.e. p. 648). Altogether its literary reputation did not redoundmuch to itscredit.Themistocles is said to have erected at Magnesia a templeto theMother of the Gods under the name Dindymene (of which hisdaughter or his wife became priestess), in consequence of an epiphanyof this goddess which saved his life (Plut. Vit. Them. 30 Straboxiv. 1, p. 647) but this temple no longer existed when Strabo wrote.;The patron goddess of the city was Artemis Leucophrys or Leucophryneor Leucophryene, for the epithet is written in all these ways.yet been merged in the name of Magnesia.The name AevKcxppvs, I cannot doubt,or AevKocpptivq, but sometimes Aeijiccxppvs(Nicander in Athen. xv. p. 683, and frequentlyon coins, Mionnet in. p. 147 sq,refers primarily to the natural features of Supplement the ground (see Texier U vi. p. 236 sq). From beingUnivers p. 350), the name of the place it was transferredjust as Tenedos was called \d)Ko

TO THE MAGNESIANS.IOIHer name and effigy occur constantly on the coins (Mionnet in. p.147 sq, Supple7ne7it vi. p. 236 sq) ;and her priestesses are mentionedin extant inscriptions (Boeckh C. I. G. 2914). She is commemoratedalso in Anacreon Fragm.1(Bergk) SeWoiv' "Aprefju B-qp

102 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUStemple of Artemis at Ephesus, at least two record services renderedto the Ephesians by individual citizens of Magnesia (Wood's Discoveriesetc. Inscr. ii.3 'A7roAAtoi/ios KoVcovos Maying, lb. 12 ®pa

attention which the MagnesiansTO THE MAGNESIANS. 103had thus shown to him that he wrotethis letter.The main theme of the epistle is the exhortation to unity (§§ 1,2— 4, 6, 7, 13). The bond of unity is obedience to the bishop and tothe other officers of the ministry. A warningis the more needed intheir case, because some might be tempted to presume upon the youthof the bishop (§ 3).The object of this exhortation appears in another part of the letter.—Unity is the best safeguard against the intrusion of heresy (§§ 8 n).The heresy in isquestion described as a return to the old and unprofitablefables, the stale and sour leaven, of Judaism (§§ 8, 10). Heexpresses the substance of his warning to his correspondents in theexhortation not to ' sabbatize,' but to ' live after the Lord's day ' (§ 6).It appears however from incidental expressions, that he is not contemplatingJudaism of a pure Pharisaic type, for he affirms with emphasisthe reality of Christ's birth, passion, and resurrection (§§ 9, 11),obviously having these same teachers in view. The heresy therefore is aDocetic Judaism. He acquits the Magnesians of any complicity thereinas yet; but, while this false doctrine is abroad, he feels that the warningis not superfluous, and he counts on their obedience (§§ 11, 12, 14).The Church of the Magnesians was not famous in later ecclesiasticalhistory.The martyrdom of a certain Quadratusis said to have occurredat Magnesia, presumably the city on the Maeander and one form of the\legend identifies him with the celebrated Apologist bearing this name,who presented his defence of Christianity to the emperor Hadrian. Butit seems more probable that the martyr in question suffered during thepersecution of Decius, if indeed the story of the martyrdomis notaltogether a fiction (see Act. SS. Boll. 26 Maii, and comp. TillemontMhnoires 11.p. 236 sq, 589 sq). In the succeeding centuries wehear of the Magnesian Church from time to time, as represented by herbishops at the great Councils of the Church (see below p. 105), thoughthey do not occupy any very distinguished position on these occasions.But, if we might assume that the Macarius, whose work has beenrecently recovered and published owed 1 his surname to this, city, theChurch of Magnesia is not left without a representativein the field oftheological literature.The following is an analysis of the epistle.'Ignatius to the Church of Magnesia on the Meander,abundant greeting in the Father and in Jesus Christ.'1Mcucaplov MdyvriTos, 'Attokpltikos rj Movoyevrjs, ex inedito codice ed. C. Blondel,Paris 1876.

104 IGNATIUS TO THE MAGNESIANS.1Knowing your harmony and love I was glad to hold converse withyou. I glorifyall those churches which preserve unity. Abiding inlove, you will resist the assaults of the Evil One (§ i).Irejoicedtherefore to see you in the person of your bishop Damas, of yourpresbyters Bassus and Apollonius, of your deacon Zotion (§ 2).Letno man presume on the youth of your bishop. The presbyters recognisehis wisdom and obey him. He who deceives his bishop playsfalse with God (§ 3).You must be Christians in reality and not inname only. It is not honest to be always talking of the bishop andyet always acting without him All(§ 4). things come to an end. Thechoice is between death and life. There are two coinages— the stampof the world and the stamp of God. We must die into Christ's passion,if we would live in His life (§ 5). Having met you through yourrepresentatives, I intreat you to act in concert with the bishop, thepriests, and the deacons. Allow nothing to make divisions among you(§ 6).As Christ did nothing without the Father, so do ye nothingwithout your bishop and presbyters. Let there be one prayer, onemind, one hope. You have one temple even God, and one altar evenChrist (§ 7).Go not astray after the antiquated tales of Judaism.The prophets themselves bore witness to Christ. They were inspiredso as to convince the unbelievers that there isone God who manifestedHimself through His incarnate Word (§ 8). If those who were broughtup in the old ordinances forsook them for Christ, how can we live apartfrom Him, of whom the prophets themselves were disciples (§ 9) ? Letus not despise His goodness, nor forsake our Christianity. Put yeaway the sour leaven, and be ye salted in Him. Jesus Christ andJudaism cannot exist side by side (§ 10).I say this to warn you againstthe snares of false doctrine. Be ye fully convinced that Christ was bornand died and rose again in reality; for this isyour only hope (§ n).''I am not worthy to be compared to you. I say this, knowing thatmy praise will not puff you up, but rather put you to shame (§ 12).Stand steadfast, one and all, in the teaching of the Lord and HisApostles. Be obedient to your bishop and to one another (§ 13).Abrief exhortation will suffice.''Pray for me and for the Syrian Church. We need your unitedprayer (§ 14). The Ephesians send greeting from Smyrna whence Iwrite. So does Polycarp. The other Churches salute you. Farewell,and be united in Christ (§ 15).'

TTPOC TOYC €N MArNHCIAI.'ITNAT IOC, 6 tealyapiTi Qeov 7rctTpos iv XptcTTWQeo(popo, ty\ evAoyrijULevtj iv'Irjcrov tw crcoTrjpi [tj/ULcov],TTpoc TOyc 6N MAfNHCIAl] ad illos qui in magnesia Sev-Syr 2, 7; tovavrov 7r/)6s fAayi>T)v Mayvrjtcovnokecos inio-KOTros r\v dvopari Maicapios(at the Oak Synod A.D. 403 a;document in Photius Bibl. 59); ib. VII.p. 1072 TlarpUios eXeoJ Qeov e7ri(TK07rosrfjs MayvrjTcov nepl MaiavBpov noXeatsttjs 'Ao~iava>v enapxâs (comp. lb. p.1100; at the third Council of Constantinople,A.D. 680). In the Parall.Rupef. pp. 779, 785 (ed. Lequien), a-scribed to John of Damascus, nposMayvrjalovs occurs, but the presenttext of this collection of extracts elsewherehas also the impossible formnpbs $i\a8e\(piovs. The form Mayvrjcrlovsalso appears to underlie theSyriac translation of Timoth. Alex.

o6THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSev w dcnraXpixai ty\v €KK\r\(riav tt\v ovcrav ev MayvriaiaTtj Trpos MaicivSpa), kcli evÔjuai ev Oeco irctTpikcli ev'IricrovXpL(TTCQ 7r\eT(TTa %aipeiv.2 Tpbs Matdvdpip] irpoafieavSpu} (sic) G. ev 'lycrov Xpiarcp] GL* (with av. 1.) ; XP L(J 'TV lyfov (om. ev) [g] ; al. A.(Cureton C. I. p. 211). Nothing canbe inferred from Magnisoye in aquotation from the Syriac Version(Cureton C. I. p. 197 ; comp. p. 200),or from Magnisiatzis in the headingof the epistle in the ArmenianVersion, as these forms follow theanalogy of the respective languages.The Greek translator of Jerome Vir.III. 1 6 has Mayvrjaiavovs, but thissimply is a transliteration of Jerome'sLatin. The proper form inLatin isMagnes, following the Greek(e.g. Cic. Brut. 91, Tac. Ann. ii.47), but Jerome writes ad Magnesianos.In an ancient inscription(Boeckh C. I. G. 3137), about B.C.244, recording a treaty between theSmyrnseans and Magnesians (probablyof the city ad Sipylum; seeBoeckh p. 698), while the former arealways 2fxvpvaioi, the latter are ol ev(written efi) Mayvrjo-iq or ol etc(writtenalso ey or eVy) Mayvrjcrias or ol anoMayvrio-las.Similarly in two differentpassages of Severus of Antioch preservedin Syriac versions (CuretonC. I. p. 213, Land Atiecd. Syr. 1. p.32) this epistle is entitled 'to thosewho (are) in Magnesia.' The fact is themore remarkable, because in quotingthe other epistles he writes 'to theEphesians,' 'to the Trallians,' etc.If therefore Ignatius or any earlytranscriber had prefixed a title to thisepistle, he would probably havewritten either npoc Toyc en m

i]TO THE MAGNESIANS. 1 07I. rVOVS VfJLtoV TO TToXveVTCCKTOV T7/9 KCLTO. Qe6v5 dyct7rris 9 ctyaAAiwiuLevos 7rpoei\djur]i/evTTLcrrei'lt]crovXpi&TOv 7Tf>0(r\a\rjo'ai v/uuv.KaTctûodeis yap ovo/mctros5 TrpoeL\d/xr]v] g; irpoeikbp.7)v G. 6 Kara^LOjdels] G; d£iw0eis [g].seling ///#. p. 658 states that it iscalled -q npa)ro/iaiai/Spov7roXt? and;the writer in Smith's Diet, of Geogr.s. v. says ' Later documents seem toto 7rokvzvTa.KTov]imply that at one time it bore thename Mseandropolis.' Both quoteword elsewhere ;as their authority 'Concil. Constantin.iii. p. 666.' This however ismerely a corrupt text, irpa>Top.aiavdpovnoXccosfor npos ra Matdvdpait7r6\ea>s: see Labb. Cone. VII. p. 1100.The Masandropolis mentioned by-Pliny N. H. v. 29 is a different place,though identified with Magnesia bySpanheim de Usu et Praest. Numm.p. 889. When Phlegon, as quotedby Steph. Byz. s. v., says MaiavSpovnoXts,Mayvrjcrlas ttoXls, he means thatitbelonged to the territory of Magnesia.Our Magnesiais also designatedrj 'Ao-iavr) (Thuc. i. 1 38), and itsinhabitants are Mdyvrjres ol ev rfj 'Aaiy(Herod, iii. 90), to distinguish themfrom their Thessalian namesakes.It is placed in Caria, Diosc. Mat.Med. v. 130 (131).'I.Knowing your orderly demeanourand godly love, I am de-Prov. xxi.5. 7rpoei\dpLT]v]sirous of conversing with you byletter. For decked out in thesehonorable chains,Ising the praisesof the churches, and pray for theirunity in the spirit and in the flesh,a unity consisting of faith and love,and centering in Jesus and in theFather. If we abide in Christ, weshall escape all the assaults of theEvil One and shall find God.'i.4. IVous]'Having learnt] e.probably from the reports of Dam astheir bishop and the other Magnesian'theabundantgood order1 ; comp. Ephes. 6 vnepe-TTCLlVei Vp.(OV TTjV iv 06G) evraîav. Ihave not found an example of thisbut comp. noXvcvaiikayxyosClem. Alex. Quis div. salv.39 (P- 957)- The Lexicons also give7roAveu£&Ha, 7ro\vev7rpe7ri]s, as latewords. Here, as in other churches,is the harmony and submission toauthority in the Magnesians whichsecures the admiration of Ignatius:comp. Ephes. 6, 20, Trail. 1, 2, Polyc.6, etc.Kara Qebv] 'in the way of God',a somewhat favourite Ignatian expression:comp. § 13, Trail. \,Philad.4, Polyc. 5.So too Kara 'l-qaovvXpio-Tov, § 8 below, Philad. 3. This isa favourite preposition with Ignatiusin various connexions, e.g. in thisepistle, § 3 Kara p.r)bepiiav viroxpHjiv,§ 4 KaT cvToXqVj § 6 Kara adp

io8 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[ideoTrpeTrecrTCLTOVy ev ois7rep«pep(t) Seo-jULols aSco rase'/ooVf/cnas, iv ah evwa'iv euÔjuaL crapKos Kai 7rvevfJ.aTOS'Irjcrov XpicrTOv tov Sia ttclvtos tj/uicou7r/o"Tews Tetyjv,1 tvb)GLv\ Zvoaiv G. 3 rj/Awv] GA ; rjpas (?)L* ; al. g. ri]GL*; om. A [Antioch i]; al. g. 4 17s] GLA; al. g; ets [Antioch](but this must be a misprint or misreading). 7 Tev£6peda] G (certainly);his bonds see 11 ra beo-pa(see the note on Ephes. 1)? Thechurches. For this conception of crapKos Kai nvevparos must refer to theepithet OeoTrpeneo-TaTov would beEphes.nepicpipco, tovs TivevpaTiKovs papyapirashardly adequate here for this(with the note). See also the notesof names, though in another connexionon Philem. 9, 13, for the correspond-it is used of Christ Himself, ing idea in S. Paul. For the meta-Orig. c. Ccls. iii. 14. Or is it the phor in abeiv see Ephes. 4, Rom. 2,designation of 6eocp6pos, as Pearson with the notes on both places. The( V. I. p. 523) and others after him (e.g. words iv oh k.t.X. are best taken withHilgenfeld A. V. p. 193) maintain? the following clause. Zahn has notThis designation however seems to improved the passage by his reading.have been self-assumed, and not conferredIn his earlier work (/. v. A. p. 569)upon him by others as a title he boldly alters the words thus,

I]TO THE MAGNESIANS. 109kcli dya7rris, fjs ovSev 7rpoK6KpiTai, tou KVpitt)T€pOV:95 It] ItJCrOV KCtl TTCLTpOS'€V (A)V7TO/Ul6VOVTeS TY[V TTCMTCLV £7TfJpeLaVtov ap-fcOVTOs tov aitovos tovtov kcci Sia(j)vy6vTes QcovTevô/ueda.potimur L ; refugimus ad {confidimtis in) A (the word does not imply a differentreading v {j}v.For this substantival use of(qv see the note on Ephes. 1 1. Thereis no sufficient reason for adoptingthe ill-supported reading rjpas herewith Zahn (see /. v. A. p. 570), whocompares Ephes. 20. The sense israther injured than improved by thechange, which introduces an irrelevantclause.4. r\s ovbev k.t.A.] ''than which(i.e. love) nothing is 1preferable"comp. Smyrn. 6 ttLcttis kcu dycnrrj, a>vOllbeV TVpOKtKpiTCU. For TTpOKtKpiTCU,comp. Xen. Cyr. ii. 3. 8, Mem. iii. 5. 19.'to fieKvpuorepov k.t.X.] and whatis more important than all, a unionin fesus and the Father — in Jesus,in whom if we end?ire etc' ;whereiv w must be connected with 'irjcrov,as the sense requires. For ivoo-is'irjo-ov kcu naTpos comp. John xvii. 2 1.'5. tt)v ndo-av eV^peiai/] all outrage.'For the emphatic position ofthe article preceding nas, and thusdenoting the whole range of possibility,comp. I Tim. i. 16 tt)v cnracravpa.Kp06vp.iav, Hermas Mand. v. 1 t/)vnacrav iXnida, and see the note onGal. v. 14. For iir^peiav comp.Apost. Const, viii. 8 ttjs nayibos tov8iafto\ov Koi ttjs inrjpeias tu>v daipovcov(comp. ib. § 11), Lucian Pro Laps,int. Salut. IyaKeirov piv, avdpconovovTa, 8a.ip.ovos tlvos iir-qpeiav diaq^vyelv,Philostr. Epist. 18 (p. 349) dvoiapdXkov r) eTTTjpeiq tatpovwv yevopeva ;and so it is used elsewhere of thewanton injury inflicted by superhumanagencies.6. tov upxovTos k.t.X.] See thenote on Ephes. 17.Qeov Tev£6pe6a] The phrase TvyydveivQeov occurs again Ephes. 10,\

I IO THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["II. '€,7rel ovv r]fiwdr\ v iSelv v/mas Sta Aafxa tovdpLodeov u/uicoveTruTKOirov kcli wpecrfivTepcov ctîwv BglctiAafxd] dd/Ma G.2 GLA; deovaîos o). ton, Dressel), in the genuine Ignatius.ai-iwv] d^luv g.Smyr?i. 9.More common still is 81a] i in theperson of.' For did comp.enirvyxaveiv Qeoii, below §1 4, Ephes. Ephes. 2 fit' (op rravTas vfxd9...eidop,12, Trail. 12, 13, Rom. 1, 2, 4, 9, Mart. Ign. A?it. 3, 4 and for the idea;S7>iyr?i. 11, Polyc. 2, 7; and so also see the note on Ephes.1dn-eiXTjCpa.'Iiyerov Xptarov enirvyxuveiv, Rom. $. Aapa] This name occurs severalII. 'I have seen you in the persontimes in the inscriptions, e.g.Boeckhof your bishop Damas, of your C.I.G. 2880 MdpKOV OvXniov [ ao)[po)]completed. The protasis is lengthenedAa/xa[fi]i at Philomelium. See alsoout in recording the obedi-nos. 284, 2562, 3860 and Wood'sence of the deacon Zotion (ov eyco Ephesus iv. 3 (p. 6), Bull, de Corr.,..'lr)o-ov Xpia-Tov),and this record Hell. vii. p. 311. So too on Milesiana to the coins in the time of Nero, em . ti .suggests general injunctionMagnesian Church at large (kcu vp,lvp. A&ma, Mionnet ill. 168, Suppl. vi.7rpeireiK.T.\.), which again branches p. 272. the nameIn the inscriptions fieoff into subsidiary topics occupyingiscommonly declined Aapds Aap.d.three chapters (§§ 3, 4, 5), the apodosis[In one instance however (no. 3983,being meanwhile forgotten. At already given) it is declined Aa/xaythe beginning of the 6th chapter the Aapddos, if Keil and Franz are rightoriginal protasis is again resumed, (see Boeckh Vol. III. p. 1 107) ;and ineVrel ovv iv rols 7rpoyeypap.pevois 7rpoaa>- Latin inscriptions (C.Z.L.V. 1636, XIV.7rois and k.t.X., the long-suspended 1349) we have a dative dam ATI.]apodosis follows, Trapaivco iv o/xovoia On the other hand we find AdpasQeov k.t.X., doubtless modified in Adpavros (like Qavpas Qavpavros) inform and substance by the ideas Suidas s.v. 'AXKp.dv. The two formswhich have intervened. For a similarhowever seem to represent differentsentence similarly broken see names, as Zahn rightly supposes.Ephes. I eVei ovv ttjv 7ToXvnXr'i6eiav Aapds (gen. Aapd) is probably a contractedname, like 'Erracppas, Zrjvds,K.T.X.^Kodrjv] A favourite word of Ignatiusetc. For these contracted nameswhen speaking of himself; in as see the note on Col. iv.15.Ephes. 9, 21, Rom. 1. The compoundAssuming this to be the account ofKarafjiovo-dai also occurs the word,I have accentuated itseveral times in this connexion ;see Aapa, as itappears in the editions of§interpolated epistles, rather than1 above, Trail. 12, Smyrn. 11,Polyc. 1 (comp. Ephes. 20, Rom. 2). Adpa, as it is written frequently,See also the note on Ephes. 2 idvncp even by the same editors (e. g. Cure-

''n] TO THE MAGNESIANS. Ill(TOVKCLl'AiroWoOVlOV 'KCLL TOV CTwSovXoV fJLOV SiaKOVOVZtoTiwvos, ov eyix) oual/uiriv,otl inroTaarcreTai tw eiri-3 'AiroWuvLov] airoXtaviov G (not airoXovtov, as given in Dressel).4 Zwrluvos] Gg ; sotionem A; zononem L* (an obvious miswriting for zotionem).coveries at Inscr.Asia Minor; see e.g. Boeckh C. I. G. the same with the Zcotikos of the precedingchapter.31 12, 3148, 31 5i> 3493. Wood's Dis- On the confusionvi. 1, 17Ephesus(pp. 34, 66). At least two Smyrnasansbearing the name appear inhistory see ; Pape-Benseler Wortcrb.d. Griech. Eigennamen s. v. At Magnesiaitself this name appears on thecoins as borne by two persons atdifferent epochs, each at the timerecorder (ypa/t/xarevy),i. e. chief magistrateof the same personis written A&-of the city (comp. Acts xix.Meoy and Ahmcoy on different coins 35 for the parallel case of Ephesus) ;of Magnesia (Mionnet Suppl. vi. p. em .[~p.A B&ccoy mapnhtoon. •252) and that our Damas is called under Caracalla; (Mionnet ill. p. 151),Armas in the spurious epistle Antioch. em .fP B N under• •13. The name Damas occurs also in Maximinus (ib. Suppl. VI. p. 248).Latin inscriptions; e.g. C. I. L. VI. In a Samian inscription, C. I. G.14991, 16722, X. 2263, 6164, XIV -2248, the names Bassus and Apolloniusoccur together, as here. The2061. It isprobably therefore thesame with the common slave-name latter is a frequent name in mostDama (Hor. Sat. i. 6. 38, ii. 5. 18, 101, places. One Apollonius a MagnesianC. I. L. appears in an Ephesian inscription,ii. 7. 54, Pers. Sat. v. 76, 79,II. 5042, v. 4087, etc), just as we Wood's Discoveries Inscr. ii.3 (p. 6)have in Latin the forms Apella, Herma,erreibr) 'AttoWoovlos Kopcovos MayvrjsHeracla, etc. Basil Epist. 252 k.t.X. ;and two others, also Magnesians,are named in a Trallian in-(ill. p. 388) mentions one Aa/za?(Aafias ?) as a famous martyr of a scription, Boeckh C. I. G. 2919 b'later date. Euseb. H. E. iii. 36, (p.1 123) k.iioW(jiViov\ Comp. Ephcs. 4 npeo-fivrepiovBoeckh C. I. G.person is called Scortôs and Zcortôy,a£iov.202, 205. There isBdo-aov k.tX] Apparently not an some reason also for thinking thatuncommon name in these parts of the 2o)ra? of Euseb. H. E. v. 19 isOn this hypothesis,it is worth mentioningthat among the names occurringon coins, inscriptions, etc., relatingto Magnesia are Ar)p.r)Tptos(M ionnetIII. p. 143), ArjtxoveiKos (ib. III. p.156, Suppl. VI. p. 252), Ai)p.d

112 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["cr/coVa) ws yapiTi Qeou Kal tw 7rpecrfivT€pi(t)ws vojulo)'IriO-OV XpiCTTOV.III. Kal vfjuv Se Trpeirei \xr\ (rvyfcpao-daity\ rfKuciai XpurTov] For the addition in L see Appx.of 2 and Z see the note on Polyc.inscr.'i.ovai\x.r]v\e. enjoy his company' ;see the note on Ephes.i.I. yapiri Oeov k.t.A.] The bishopis here regarded as the dispenser ofblessings the; presbyters as therepresentatives and guardians oforder. For vopco comp. Trail. 13 vnoraacropevoirw imcrKOTVco cos rrj (vtoXtj(with the note). The expression heredoes not mean that the presbyterateis itself an ordinance, an institution,of Christ, but that the presbytersorder with the authority of Christ.For v6pa> XpurTov see the note onRom. inscr. ^ptoroi/o/io? ;for wpeo-fivrepico,the note on Ephes. 2.III. 'I exhort you all in likemanner to respect the youth of yourbishop. Follow the example of yourpresbyters, who regard not his agebut his wisdom. Your duty towardsGod, the universal Bishop, requiresyou so to act. Whosoever fails inhis obedience, deceives not thevisible overseer, but the Invisible.His all-seeing eye nothing escapes.''3. kcu vp.lv Se] you the laity ofthe Church, not less than thedeacons.'crvyxpavOai] topresume upon]'literally ' to treat fajniliarly? Theword occurs in the N. T. once only,J oh. iv. 9 ov yap crvyxp&VTat 'lovdaloi"Sapapeirais.The word signifies either(1) 'to use together with another,'as perhaps in Polyb. vi. 3. 10 o-vp,-^/evdovraiKalcruyxpaiirai navres oipovap\oi rep rfjs ftacrikeias ovopart, ;'or (2) to use constantly or fully orfamiliarly,' e.g. Epict. i. 2. 7 rats rrovcktos dgiais a-vyxpr)T

Ill] TO THE MAGNESIANS. "3tov €7ri(rK07roVy dWa kclto. Svva/ULLV Qeov TrctTpos irdcrav5 evTp07rt]v avrco dirovejieiv^ Kadcoi- eyvwv kccl tovs dyiovs7rpe(r[3vTepovs ov 7rpoa-€i\r](p6Ta9 ty\v (paivofievr^vvewre-4 dvua/xiv] GLA ; yvT€piKr)V Ta^LV, for hewas young without being youthful,IGN.II.and the veooTepiKr) Ta^Ls was thereforeonly a semblance. On the otherhand Saumaise (Appar. ad Lib?', dePri?n. Pap. p. 57 sq, Lugd. Bat. 1645)gave a wholly different turn to thepassage. He supposed that vewTepucr)rdtjis meant 'the newly created orderor institution of the episcopate,' andhe rendered the sentence 'sicut cognovipresbyteros, non ut accipientesearn, quae nova videtur, institutionem,sed tanquam prudentes in Deo, cedentesipsi.' In reply to Saumaise,Petau (Theol. Dogm.v. 8. 5,iv. p.162, ed. Antv. 1700), while maintainingthe antiquity of the episcopateagainst him, was neverthelessled astray by his misinterpretation'of ov 7rpocrei\r)^, p. 436 sq,Uhlhorn p. 329 sq, Lipsius Clem.Rom. p. 27. Yet it isopen to the most8

ii4 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [inev Oew (rvyxcopovvrasd\X piicrjv tcc^lv, ok (ppovi/ucooutw* ovk avTw Se, ctWa tw iraTpl 'Ir/crod XpKTTOv twTTOLVTOiV eTTKTKOTTU). ek Tl\XY\V OVV 6K61VOV TOV 06\t](TaVTO^vfUia^ TTpeirov early viraKOveiv Kara fjiêfjaav viroKpicrivi

'Ill]TO THE MAGNESIANS. 11567T€lOVX OTI TOP eTTl(TKOTTOV TOVTOP TOP /3\€7TO JJL€VOVirXava tis, dWa top dopctTOP TrapaXoylVeTar to Setoioutop, ov Trpos ardpKa 6 \070s dWd 7rpos Oeop toptccKpv(piaeicHoTa.IV.llp67rop ovp icTTip fJLt] fiopop KaXetaQai Xpia-Tianequaqua?nby Petermann); nequaqiiam L (this probably does not represent anyother Greek than ovx on); ovxl Dam-Rup; ov yap [g]. 6 tov aoparovirapa\oyi£eTai] txt GL; add. deov [Dam-Rup]; add. tov fir) dvvd/xevov k.t.X. g. Ahas simply invisibilem (omitting irapaXoylêraL). to 5e toiovtov] GLg (whichhowever has the form toiovto); t£ 5e toiovtcp Dam-Rup; al. A. 9 na-Xcicdai] Gg Dam-Rup 5; vocari LA; anoveiv Dam-Rup 10.'to 8e toiovtovanuevoi Kara ttjv dXr/deiav tov Kvpiov, osbut in such avoked as cmapaXoyio-Tt.eyevero 8id kovos navTcov. There isk.t.X.]case he will have to reckon not witha reference here to the primary idea flesh but with God.' For t6 toiovtovin eniaKOTTos 'to Him who oversee'th see the note on Ephes.1 1 %v tQ>v 8vo.all,' thus preparing the way for the For the sense of 6 \6yos and for theclosing words tov to. Kpvcpta etSora. general tenour of the passage, see3. els TLfxrjv]See the note on Heb. iv. 13 TravTa de ...yvuva toisEphes. 21.o(p6aXuo7s avTov 7rpos ov -qplv 6 XoyosOeX-qo-avTos vfxas]who desiredy l comp. Liban. Op. I. p. 201 (ed. Morel.)comp. Rom. 6 eicelvov deXco., whereas toIs Se abiKOJs dneKTovocn kcu npbshere the object is a person. For this Oeovs kcu npos dvOpanovs ylvercu 6sense of diXeiv see ib. 8 deXrjaaTe Iva Xoyos, and see Wetstein and BleekKa.lvp.eis OeXrjdrJTe, with the note. on Heb. /. c. Similar is the expressionearai avTG> 7rpos tov Oeov, he willl4. Kara urjfteuiav k.t.X.]The thoughtis the same as in Ephes. vi. 6, Col. have to reckon with the god,' C. I. G.iii. 22.3890, 3902 f, 3902 n, 3902 0, 3962 b,5. ovx on] / ' 'will not say 3980 ; comp. 3902 a, 3963.;ellipsis for ov Xeyco oti : see Kiihner 7. tov to. Kpvcpia k.t.X. ] Probably525 (11. p. 800 sq), Winer § lxiv. p. suggested by Ps. xliii (xliv). 22 avros746. It is difficult to see why Zahn yap yLva>o~K€L to. Kpv

n6 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[IVvovs d\\a teal eivartixnrep Kai tives eiricrKOTrov fievKaXovcriv, X M P L ^ ê butov iravra irpdvG-ovcriv. ol tolovtolovk [Se] evo-vve'&riTOi julolehai (palvovrai Zia tofit]/3e/3ou&)s Kar evToAtjv (ruvadpoiêcrdai.V . '€.7rei ovv teAos tcc irpdyfjiaTa eêi, kcll ttqokel- ;Tat tcc Sl/o opou, 6 te ddvaros Kai r\faq, Kai eKCHrros2 KdXovaiv] G Dam-Rup 5; vocant L; Xeyovacv [g] ; al. A.01tolovtol 5e] GL* (L2 ,but om. 82 L 2 ); et qui sic cogitant A; ol yap tolovtol [g] ;01 tolovtolDam-Rup. 3 e2Vcu] GL[g]; om. Dam-Rup; dub. A. 5 K al]GLg; dub. A. Many editors omit it without authority for the sake of thegrammar. Trpo/cetrat] g (but 1 has adjacet); proponuntur L; posita stmt A;imK€LTaL G: see the lower note. 8 6 fxh...6 oe] L; 6 ^...6 8e G; dub.A 5 al -§• 9 T

v]TO THE MAGNESIANS. 117els tov lSlov tottov jueWei %u)peiv cocnrep yap IottlvvofjLLoriiaTa duo, 6 juev Qeou 6 $e koct/ulov, ko.1 eKacrTOvavTcov lSlov âpciKTrjpa e7rLK.eLfj.evov ol olttlcttole^L, tov3 KOO~fj.ov tovtov, ol Se ttlctol ev ayairr] yapaKTY\pa Qeov7rctTpos Slcl 'Irjcov XpicrTOv, 01 ov eav /urj avdctLpeTtosstitutes eiKova fyovei, must have had the accusative. On the other hand S XAtranslate imago sunt dei patris, as if they had read x a P aKT VP' lI &s Konelai koa KeKcoSomo--pevois) and the bad (x^'sTe Kal ^p4v vKonelo-i to} KaKiaTco Koppari) appearsin a noble passage in Aristophanes,Ran. 717 sq: comp. Acharn. 517.See also Clem. Alex. Strom, ii. 4 (p.436) to re 7rapaKex a P a ytx * V0V KaL TOko.1 biaKpiveiv, PhilodoKipov xcopi'£eii>de Execr. 6 (11. p. 433) napaKoâs tovopicrpa Euseb. L. Cttjs evyeveias,Prol. § 5. See also Jer.vi. 30 dpyvpiovaTTobedoKcpao-pevovKaXeaaTe avTOVsK.T.X.o pev...o de]For to pev...Todelsee Winer § xviii. p. 130.9. tov Koapov tovtov] sc. x a P aK ~Tijpa exovo-iv.The reading of theSyriac, tov apxovTos tov Koapov tovtov,deserves consideration.10. ev dyairy] i.e. 'the faithfulwhose faith manifests itself in love ' ;comp. Gal. v. 6 ttlo-tis 81 ayaTrrjsevepyovpevq.11. 81a *Ir)

n8THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[vex^^v to diroQaveiv eU to ccvtov 7rddos, to tOUK 6CTTLV 6V rj/ULlV.VI. 'Gwei ovv ev Toh 7rpoyeypa/uL[Aevois 7rpocra)7roisto ttolv 7rArjdos edecoptio-aev wia-TeL kcli rjyct7rrio-a,i fy"/"^] ^x°^ v G (not 'ixw P xk. If any alteration were made, crycurTjcreiwould bebetter than d/yctTn?; but the versions are not of great weight in this case, wherethe alteration was obvious. 6 ets tijttov] els tottov GLg Sev-Syr 1 ;the Christian by union with theFather through Him ; comp. Clem.Alex. Exc. Theod. 86 (p. 988) «ri tovTrpoKopio~6evTos vopiapaTos o Kvpios€L7r€V...TLVOS TjZlKGiV KOI f] €1Ttypa(pi] Jovt(os kcu 6 nta-rbs eiriypacprjv pev eêtdia Xptorou to bvopa tov Qeov k.t.X.On the Alexandrian interpretationof el

VI]TO THE MAGNESIANS. 1195 irapaivui ev ofdovoia Qeov o~7rovBaêTe TcavTa Trpacrcreiv^7rpoKadr\jjL€vovtov eTTivKOirov eU tvttov Qeov teal tlqv7rp€o~l3vTepc0v eis tvttov avveZpLOv twv aTroo'ToXcov, KaiNDD1D2 S (where the word thus transliterated into Syriac would naturallystand for tvitos, not for tottos; see Payne Smith Thes. Syr. s. v.); tanquam A(thus taking the Syriac word to represent tvitos). The authorities are just thesame, where the phrase recurs in the next line. See the lower note.7 (TvvehpLov tQv airo

120 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [VITCOV ZlCLKOVUOV TtoV 6/UOl yXvKVTCCTWV, 7r€7rLCTTeV^.6Va)VSictKOviav > h](rov XpicrTOU, 69 irpo aicovoov irapa iraTpt rjvkcli ev reAei icpdvr].irdvres ovv ofdorideiav Qeov AafiovresevTpeirecrOe d\\/}\ous 9ko.1 /uLrjSeisKara crapKct pAe-7reVw tov TrXtjcrioVf dW ev ' Irjcrov Xpio-Tco d\\t]\ovs 51 diaKovojv] GLg; add. ets tvttov tCov aToaroXiou (tfn vKH KDBItDH) Sj(which does not continue the quotation further); add. in for mis apostolorumA (where again fcc.DG1tD is taken as standing for tvwos). Sev-Syr omits theclause /cat ruv dt-aKovoiv tQ>v ifiol yXvuvTOLTiov. i irpo alwvcov] G ante;saecula L; irpo ai&vos g (but ante saecula 1); perpetuus A. Sev-Syr has a plural,but itdepends on ribui. 7rarpt] G; r

VI] TO THE MAGNESIANS. 121$ia ttclvtos dyairdre, jULtjSev €s edidaêv pe 6 iraTijp, TavraKara crapKa] i.e. 'so as to love and XaXco (see § 8 /carat rravTa evrjpeo-Trjcrevhate his neighbour by turns, from which is a reminiscence of the contextof this same passage)merely human passion.' It is opposed; comp. x. yjto Sta ttcivtos ayairare.el ov 7rotc5 to.epya tov naTpos pov k.t.X.8. th tvttov k.t.X.] i.e. 'both as See also Apost. Const, ii. 26 as 6an example and as a lesson of incorruptibility.'In Rom. vi. 17 we apeo-Ta 7roiei tc3 7rarpt iravTore, ii. 30XptaTOS, ttolcov eavrov ovdev. tud(/)'have et? tvttov diSaxys. The idea of a>s yap Xpiarbs avev tov ivarpos ovdevacpdapo-la in Ignatius {Ephes. 17, Troiel, ovtcos ov8e 6 dicucovos avev tovPhilad. 9; comp. Polyc. 2) is not inio-icoTrov (passages referred to bymerely immortality, but moral incorruptioncarrying with it imniscenceat once of these passagesJacobson), where there is a remimortallife ;see the note on Ephes.in Ignatius and of the sayings in17.S. John's Gospel on which they areVII. 'As the Lord Jesus did founded.

122 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vna.7ro(TTo\o)v, outws fur]Se v/meTs avev tov €7rLlA(JOfJ.(Jp,09 eCTTLV ' IrjCTOVS XplGTTOSy OU CCflBlVOV 5I nod tlou irpeafivTe'piov] GLA; om. Dam-Rup [g] (but g continues prjdc irpeafivrepos,fxrj Slolkovos, p,r] Xai'/cos). 1 irpdacreTe] irpdcGeTai G. 3 (palveadai] qbaiveadeG. GLA v/uuv] txt Dam-Rup (but the quotation ends here); add. seorsim abepiscopo Sj (an accidental repetition from the preceding sentence ?) al. ; g. 5 6s]quod (the antecedent being gaudio) L; Antioch 6' 1 ;eh G; al. Ag: see the lowernote. dfxeivop ovdev iariv] GLAg (but ovdev for ov6iv)\ ovdev 6vp.7]d-Him'; comp. Smyrn. 3 nvevpaTiKassaid of Christ.fjvoofxevos ra srarp/j1. ovtcos fJLTjde voxels /c.r.X.] Apost.Const, ii.27 ovtcos Kal vpels avev toviTTLO-KOTTOV pt]8iv 7T0ielT€. The pre~cept occurs again Trail. 2, 7, Philad.7, Smyrn. 8.2. pjqhe neipdarjTe K.r.X.]i.e. 'donot struggle to persuade yourselvesthat anything is right and properwhich you do by and for yourselves.'For the word evXoyov itself, compareSmyrn. 9 and for the;sense, Ephes.1 1 x^P^ t°vtov [xrjdev vplv 7rpe7reVo).3. eVi to avWoi] sc. avvepxopevoisyi.veo-&G>.The sentence is studiouslyterse, the words being thrown downsingly, and the reader left to supplythe connecting links. Zahn (/. v. A.p. 345 sq, and ad loc.) would connectdXV eVi to civt6 with the precedingwords; but this does not appear tome so forcible. A similar alternativeas to the connexion of eVi to avrbwith the preceding or following wordspresents itself in Acts ii. 47, iii. 1.5. 777 x a PRk>t.X.~\See Ephes.inscr. ev dp.cop.a> x a P9-1os] have ventured to substitutethis reading, though there is no directevidence in its favour, for two reasons.(1) It stands mid- way between thetwo extant readings, and els, andexplains both. For the confusion ofo and os in the text of the IgnatianEpistles, see below § 10, Trail. 8, 11.(2) This attraction accords with theidiom of these epistles elsewhere ;see below § IO p.eTa(3dXecrde els veav£vp,r]v, os ecTTiv 'lijaovs XpicrTos (v. 1.),§15 eppcocrde ev 6p.ovola.Qeov iceKTrjpevoiddiaKpiTov 7rvevp.a, os eariv 'irjaovsXpiaTos ; comp. Trail. 1 1 tov Qeovevcoaiv enayyeXXou,evov, bs ecmv ovtos(where however there is a variousreading), Ephes. 9 did ttjs firjxavfjs..,bs eo-Tiv aravpos (with the note). Thepassages, § 15, Trail. 11, seem toshow that the relative refers not totjj x a P9- T Jl dp,cop.(o,but to the wholeidea of the sentence, ' This perfectunity is Jesus Christ' Compare thestill stronger expression, Ephes. 14dpx*} h^ v irifTTiSf TeXos 8e dydnrj ' to. dedvo ev evoTTjTL yevop,eva Qeos eariv.The reading els is part of the confusionwhich extends over the followingclauses in the existing Greek text.6. as els eva k.t.A.] Looking atthe authorities, there can be littledoubt, I think, that the passageshould be so read. (1) The word evaslipped out of the extant Greek textof the genuine Ignatius in the first

VIlJ TO THE MAGNESIANS. 12ôvdev ecrTiv.iravTes w? ek eva vaov awTpeêre ^Qeovf,ai? €7ri ev 6uo m iao~Tr]piov, eiri eva '\y\p,aTU>v els ray tcov votjtlov(pepeTai crvvovalas, Athenag. Sllppl. 3 1reduplication (eiceic) into the text cos ivpos o~Ta.Bp.rjv tov Qeov K.avovi£eTai,which the interpolator had before Orig. c. Cels. i. 55 (1. p. 370) tuvtuhim. (2)The cos before eirl eva 'irjaovv 7rpo(fiT]Teveo~dai cos irepl evbs tov oXovXpiarov must be rejected, as an ob-Xaov, Macar. Magn. iii. 13 (p. 85) cosels p.eyaXo7roXiv KaTanXlvas Trjv eprjp.ov :and, as regards classical writers, seeKiihner § 451 (11. p. 479). Theomission would assist the corruptionof Qeov into Qeov.8. rrpoeXBovTa] This refers notto the Divine generation of the Son,that a still further change ought but to the mission on earth; for itto be made, and that Qeov should corresponds to ^copâ-aiTa, as thebe read for Qeov ' as to one shrine, setting out to the return ; comp.even to God.'' In this case the John xiii. 3, xvi. 28 (quoted below),shrine {vaos) would be compared to where eêXBelv answers to irpoeXBelvGod the Father, and the altar or here. See also the note on -rpoeXBcovcourt of the altar (BvaiaarqpLov) to in§ 8.Jesus Christ. Thus the image gains eh eva 6Vra] For this preposition,in distinctness ;for the access to the as describing the absolute eternalformer isby and through the latter. union of the Son with the Father,Comp. Clem. Rom. § 41 ep.ixpouBev comp. John i. 18 6 cov els tov koXttovtov vaov npos t6 BvaiaaT^piov, and see tov iraTpos. See also Johni. is uthe note on Ephes. 5.For the Bvatao-Tripiov\6yos r\v ixpbs tov Qeov.in connexion with Christ XooprjaavTa] SC. els eva. As at thesee Heb. xiii. 10, where perhapsit commencement of His earthly ministryHe came forth from One, assignifies more definitely the Cross ;and for the general complexion of He is eternally with One, so alsothe imagery Heb. ix. 6 sq. For the at the close of this earthly ministryHe returned to One. See es-omission of els before Qeov (if thisreading be adopted) comp. Joseph. pecially John xvi. 28 e^fjXBov etc tovB. J.ii. 8. 5 KaBcurep els ayiov ti Tep.e-vious addition of the scribes in somecopies both Greek and Latin, whichthe supposed parallelism of the clausewould suggest, but which really destroysthe meaning of the sentence.Jesus Christ Himself iscompared tothe one altar. Isuspect howeveriraTpos nal eXrjXvBa els tov

124 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vniVIII. Mrj 7r\avaar6e Tafc irepodoîais /ur/he fjivdeu-\xaoriv Tois waKaiols dvuXpeXecriv oucriw el yap ê^pi vvvKara lovhdiafiov (ûtfjievy ofjLoXoyovixev X a P LV W €L^r i~(pevcti.olyap deioraroi 7rpopas de ^rjTâeis koi yepeaXoyiai kul Docctic views, which are directly metaVo Qeov i^rfkOev nai npbs rov Qeovepeis /xaâs- vopuKas pucrraao,yap dva>cpe\el.s kol jidraioi.These parallelsvnayzi ;and for x co P avTa 1 l a' alone, seeare important because theyJohn xiv. 12, 28, nopevofiai npos rov serve to indicate the type of heresynarepa, xvi. IO, 1 6, 1 7? V7rayoo npbs top which Ignatius has in his mind. Itnarepa.belongs to the same category with theVIII. 'Be not seduced by false heresy of the Colossian Church (seedoctrines and antiquated fables. If Colossians p. 73 sq), of the Pastoralwe still live after the manner of Judaism,we avow that we have not retholicEpistles, and of the Cerinthians.Epistles, of the Apocalypse, of the Caceivedgrace. Yes, the holy prophets It isJudaism crossed with Gnosticism.themselves lived a life after Christ.The 'antiquated fables' areFor this they were persecuted, being probably myths relating to cosmogonyinspired by His grace, that so in theand angelology : see above,time to come unbelievers might be I. p. 360 sq, and Colossians pp. 89convinced that there is one God whosq, 101 sq, 109 sq. This accountmanifested Himself through His Son of the heresy here contemplated,Jesus Christ, His Word that issued which issuggested by the parallelsforth from silence and did the will of above quoted from S. Paul, is alsothe Father in all things.'demanded by the context of Ignatiushimself. He begins here with a1.p,rj nXapaade] See the note onEphes. 16.warning against erepodotjiat,and hetols erepodoîais] So erepodoêlv, concludes with a similar warningSmyrn. 6. The words are at least as against Kevohoîa (§ 11). These twoold as Plato (Theact. 190 E, 193 d), he connects closely together (§ 11but do not occur in the LXX or N.T. ravra Se...#e'Aa) vp,as jxr] ep-neaelv elsThese are perhaps the earliest examplesra ayKiarpa rfjs Kevodotjias), so that hein Christian writings, though unquestionably has the same foe be-erepodogos occurs in Philo de Sobr. fore him from first to last. Yet in13 (1. p. 403) and in Josephus B. J. attacking this foe, he condemns twothings: first (§§ 8—10), Judaizingii. 8. 5.pivdevpaaiv k.t.A.] Comp. I Tim. practices, i.e. the doctrine of the permanentiv. 7 ypaco8eis pvdovs Trapairov, Tit. I.obligation of the Mosaiciv. 14 p.r) 7rpocrixoi>T€S 'iouSaiKojs' fxvdois : ritual, more especially the observanceand for dvcocpeXea-iv see Tit. iii.9 of sabbaths (§ 9) ;and secondly,

VIIl] TO THE MAGNESIANS. 125'hjcrouv eVr\crav. $ia tovto kcu e^Lco^6r]0'av, efxirveoixevoiV7ro Trjs ^dpiTO^ [a^TOi;]eis to 7r\rjpo

126 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vmct7TO ayfjs 7rpoeA0tov, 6s kcito. iravra evripecTTYiaev tco7r€fJiâpTLavTOV.I Kara iravra. evTipiarricrev'] G;secundum omnia beneplacuit L ;Travra KarevaptaT7]drj',(see the note there). There is thesame contrast between the 'silence'and the 'manifestation' here.(4) The insertion of the wordsa't'Stof ovk, if spurious,is much moreeasily explained than their omission,if genuine. A transcriber would besorely tempted to alter a text whichlent itself so readily to Gnostic andother heresies. The forced interpretationwhich Severus (as quoted above)is obliged to put on drrb aiyfjs irpoiKdaivshows how distasteful the expressionwould be to orthodox ears. The interpolationshould, I think, be assignedto the fourth or fifth century. Aboutthe middle of the fourth centuryMarcellus propounded his doctrine,which was assailed by Eusebius asSabellian. The attacks of Eusebiusshow that Marcellus expressed hisviews in language almost identical

VIIl]TO THE MAGNESIANS. 127with this statement of Ignatius':seee. g. Eccl. Theol. ii. 9 (p. 114) a §»)MapKeXXos eYoA/xa vTrorideadai, 7raXaipev Xeyotv elvai tov Qeov Kai riva f)o~v-X

128 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IXIX. £2 ovv ol ev TraXaidls irpd'yixaciv dvacTpa-

IX J TO THE MAGNESIANS. T29tyvres d\\a KctTa KvpiaKr\v gwvres, ev rj Kal r\ ^cot] fj/mmv3 KvpLa.K7]j>] dominicam L ; domiuicam diem sanctam etprimam [A] ; /ci/pta/cVfafy G; al. g. See the speculations of Ussher Works xn. p. 584.with the common form of authoritativecitation, yiypanTai. The interchangeof ypdp.p.a and Trpayfxa withscribes and critics is frequent: e.g.Plato Soph. 262 d, Polyb. ix. 40. 3,xi. 6. 3, xv. 26. 4, Euseb. H. E. ix. 1.2.o-aftficiTi£ovT€s] For the abrogationof the observance of the sabbathssee Col. ii. 16 (comp. Gal. iv. 10);and for opinions in the early churchcomp. Barnab. 15, Ep. ad Diogn. 4,Justin Dial. 12 sq (p. 229 sq), 19(p. 236), 21 (p. 238), 23 (p. 240 sq),29 (p. 246), Iren. iv. 16. 1, Tert. adv.Jud. 4. The word o-a/3/3art£eti/ isnot found in the New Testament,but occurs frequently in the LXX,where it bears a good sense ;comp.(ra/3/3artfrîo? in Heb. iv. 9.3. Kara KvptaKrjv] sc. r)p.epav. This'living after the Lord's day' signifiesnot merely the observance of it, butthe appropriation of all those ideasand associations which are involvedin its observance. It symbolizes thehopes of the Christian, who riseswith Christ's resurrection, as he dieswith Christ's death. It implies thesubstitution of the spiritual for theformal in religion. It is a type andan earnest of the eternal rest inheaven. See esp. Clem. Alex. Strom.vii. 12 (p. 877) ovros ivToXrjv ttjv Kara.to evayyeXiov 8ia7rpa£dp.€vos KvpiaKr)v€K€lvtjv ttjv r]p.ipav Troiei, otov dnofiaXXr](pavXov vorjfxa kcli yvcoartv dvio-TTj, Dial. 24 (p. 241) r) r]p,ipaoybor] fjLvanjpiov ti eiê Krjpvo-o~6p.€vovrj8ui TOVTOiV V7TO TOV QeOV p,dXXoV TTjSi(386p.r)s k.t.X. (comp. ib. 41, p. 260).So Ireruxus states that the practiceof not kneeling on the Lord's daydated from Apostolic times, and appearsto have explained that it waso-vp./3oXov Trjs dvao~Tao~e(0S, oV qs tovXpto-Tov ftdpiTi twv re djiapTriudTcov Kaltov 67T avTtov T(6avaT(op.evov OavdrovrjXevOepcodrjpev (Fragm. 7, p. 828, ed.Stieren); comp. Tert. de Cor. 3 'diedominico jejunium nefas ducimus,vel de geniculis adorare.' Melitowrote a treatise nepl KvpiaKrjs (Euseb.in which doubtless heH. E. iv. 26)drew out the symbolism of the day.The day iscommonly called p.la\tg)v\ aaâToav in the New Testament.As late as the year 57 thisdesignation occurs in S. Paul (1 Cor.xvi. 2), where we should certainlyhave expected KvpiaKr), if the wordhad then been commonly in use.Even in Rev. i. 10 iyev6p.rjv iv nvevpariiv tj] KvpiaKrj r}p.ipa the interpretationis doubtful, and there aregood, if not conclusive, reasons forinterpreting it of the day of judgment ;see Todd's Discourses on Propheciesin the Apocalypse pp. 59, 295 sq.Ifso, the passage before us is the earliestexample of its occurrence in thissense, except perhaps Doctr. Apost.14, where the expression is KvpiaKr)Kvpiov. In Barnab. 15 it is calledr) r)p.ipa 17 078677,where however thewriter has a special reason for dwellingon the eighth day. With Justinwriting to the heathen it is tovr]

130 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[ixdveT€i\ev hi clvtov kcli tov OavctTov avTOv, ov Tivesdpvovvrar hi ov /uva-rripiov eXafiofiev to 7riarTeveiv, KaiSid TOVTO V7TOfJi€VOfJL6Vy\VCL€Vpe6(x)JJL€V\iaQr\Tal'Irio'ovXpiorrov tov fxovov hihavKaXov v/uicQW 7rcos fj/xels hvvtj-1 6v rives] o'irives G; quod qtiidam (6 rives) L. The paraphrase of gov rariKva rrjs aTruXeias &Trapvovvrai points to the reading 8v rives. A may representeither rives or ov rives; al. g. a St' ov] GL; 5ia [A] (apparently).3 viropevopev] LA; vrope'vwpev G; al. g. 5 ov] GLg Sev 1, 7 (Cramer'stfkiov rjpepa {Apol. i. 67), but to theJews, 77 pia rcov o-aj3(3dr(ov or rj 6y86rjqpepa {Dial. 24, 41). Melito's treatiseon this day was designated irep\KvpiaKrjs (Eus. H. E. iv. 26) and;Dionysius of Corinth also calls itbythis name, rrjv orjpepov ovv KvpiaKrjvdy'iav rjpepav 8irjydyopev, as if it werethe familiar title (Eus. H. E. iv.23)-The insertion (orjv in the Greektext is condemned alike by the preponderanceof authorities and bythe following words iv 17k.t.X.1. avireikev] For this metaphorcomp. Rom. 2, where againit is appliedto the resurrection from the dead.ov] i.e. rbv Odvarov avrov. The allusionis to Docetism, which deniedthe reality of our Lord's passion.See the note on § 8 pvdevpaaiv k.t.X.for the connexion of this error withJudaism here, and the note on Trail.9 for the Docetism assailed in theseepistles generally. In a parallelpassage, Smyrn. 5 ov rives dyvoovvresdpvovvrai, the relative refers to 'JesusChrist,' and so itmight be connectedwith avrov here ;but the meaningwould hardly be so distinct, thoughthe allusion to Docetism would stillremain. The same will also be theallusion, if for ov we read o, as someauthorities suggest. In this case omay be referred either (1) to thewhole sentence 77 £

ix] TO THE MAGNESIANS. 1315 (To/ueda (^fja'ai X^P 1 ^ at/T0 '~ '•>°vKa* OL 7rpo(pfJTai /uadtj-Tctl ovTes tw TrvevfJLCLTiftk SiSclctkclXov avTOv irpocrehoKwv,KCtl Sid TOVTO, OV SlKCtlWS dv6fJL6VOV y7TapC0V t]y €lp6V CtVTOVS€K veKpcov.Cat. in 1 Pet. iii.19 sq; Land Anecd. I. 32); op A. ol] Gg; om. Sev.6 irpoffeSoKuv] g Sev; irpoaebbKovv G. 7 rapihu] Trap wv (sic) G (notnap' cov, as Dressel).it substituted formal ordinances forthe souls applies it to the descent into Hades;phetsGod's grace, and so was a disavowal(cos Siddo-KaXov k.t.X.)taughtthe truths ofof any part in His redemption (see the Gospel, and to have raised them§ 8 opoXoyovpev k.t.X.).(rjyeLpev) either to paradise or to6. tco TrvevpaTi] Zahn (comp. I. v. A. heaven ;see Philad. 9 clvtos cov 6vpap. 462) attaches this to padrjTai ovres ;tov TvaTpbs 8t fjs elcrepxovTai 'Aftpaap.but the connexion with the following Ka\ 'laaaK kcu 'laneofi kcu ol Trpocprjraiwords seems more natural, as well k.t.X., comp. ib. 5 iv co kcu niaTevaavTes(sc. olas more consonant with 1 Pet. i. 1 1TrpocprJTai) iacodrjcrav,edr/Xov to ev avrols nvevpa XpicrTov, with the note. I have already pointednpopapTvpopevov k.t.X.out (see the note on § 8 ip.7rve6p.ev01)as diddo-KoXov k.t.X.]For the sense that the functions assigned to thein which the prophets expected Him prophets by Ignatius strongly resemblethe representations in S.as a teacher see the next note. Theform npoo-edoxcov may be retained Peter; and this reference to thehere, but TrpocredoKovv will not alter descent into Hades also has itsthe sense. I mention this, because parallel in 1 Pet. iii. 19, iv. 6. OtherZahn (I.v. A. p. 462) separates the passages in the N. T. which havetwo words, translating npoaedoKow been thought to refer to it are'sie schienen ausserdem noch.' For Ephes. iv. 9, Heb. xii. 23. This beliefnpoadoKelv, as a later alternative formappears in various forms in earlyof 7rpoa8o

nos132 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xX. Mr/ ovv dvaLcQ^TtdfJiev Ttjs yjpy)

x] TO THE MAGNESIANS. T 1 *>5 TOVTOV, OVK eCTTLU TOV QeOV. V7T6p6ecr6e OVV Tf]V K

134 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xd\L(r0f]T6 ev aura), °iva /mrj $ta(p6aprj tls ev vf/iv, eireiaVo Ttjs 007x7] seXeyx^d^creade. cltottqv ecrriv ' h](rovv6 yap xpicmai/icrfjiosXpiGTOv XaXelv ko.1 iouSa'Lêiv.ovk ek iovZaiafjiov e7ri

Xl] TO THE MAGNESIANS. *35XI. Tavra Se, dya7Tt]TOL /uov, ovk eirel eyvtovTivas e£ v/uuov ovtws e%oi/Tas d\K 9 ajs fdiKpOTepos v/uiwv6e\co 7rpo(pvAacro~€cr6ai vjuds /uri efJLTrecreiv ek to.dy-[o KLcrrpa t^9 KevoSoîas,dWa 7re7r\ripo

136 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [XId\t]d(Jo^ kcli /3ej3aia)^ vtto 'liqcrov XpKTTOV, Trjs e\7nSosr\fjL(jov> r]s 6KTpct7rijvcu /mriSevi v/mcov yevoiro.XII.'Ova'ijULtiv vfJLWv Kara 7rdura 9eavirep aîos w.elyap Kal SeSe/xa*, 7rpos eva twv XeXvfJLevcov vfdoov ovkel/ui.olSa otl ov (pv&iovcrde* 'Iri&ovv yap XpKTTOv 5eêre eV eauToTs. Kal /uaWov, brav ksiraivoi) v/ugls,oi$a1 vfXLov] GL; ijjxQv Ag* (but with a v. 1.). yivoiro] G; y^r/rau g.3 'Ovalfitjp] ibvalfiTjv G. 5 Xpitrrbv] GLA; om. g. 7 yeypawrcu otl]GLA; yiypanrat (om. on) g. 6] G; om. g. 9

^~pot (Ep/ies. 9).Thus bearing Christ,they bore the mind of Christ, whichwas TaneivoTo\oyiq.XIII. 'Stand fast therefore in theordinances of the Lord and HisApostles, that ye may be prosperousin all things, with your bishop, presbyters,and deacons. Submit yourselvesto your bishop and to oneanother, as Jesus Christ submittedto the Father, and the Apostles toJesus Christ and the Father, thatthere may be unity of flesh and spirit.'i.e. 'au-9. toIs 86ypao-iv] precepts] thoritative sayings' see the note on:Colossians\\. 14. For one half of thephrase comp. Barnab. 1 rpia ovv 86ypardeariv Kvpiov, and for the OtherActs xvi. 4 to. doypara to. Kenpipevavno tcov dnodToKcov.11. Karevo8a)6rJTe] 'ye may be prospered]an adapted quotation fromPsalm i.3 ndvra oaa civ ttoitj KaTevodco-Orjaerai, where this prosperity is promisedto those who take pleasure ev rwvopat Kvpiov. The compound Karevodovvis not uncommon in the LXX, andthe simple word evodovv occurs fourtimes in the N. T. Zahn (/. v. A.p. 434, and here) reads /carevoSa> #77after the Latin version prospe?'enturjbut Isuspect that the Latin translatorhad KaTevodcodfJTai in his text,which (overlooking the itacism) hecarelessly rendered in this way, asif it were Karevodoidrj. The reminiscenceof the Psalm in the Vulgate,which runs omnia quaecunque facieiprosperabuntur, and after which hehas modelled the rest of the quotation,would assist his mistake. Zahnobjects to the accusative after Karevohova-6ai,but the Hebrew shows thatthis is most probably the constructionin the Psalm :comp. also 1 Cor.xvi. 2 6r]aavpL^cov o n av evodarat.crapKi Kal nvevpan] See the noteon Ephes. 10.12. ev via k.t.X.]The order is thesame as in 2*Cor. xiii. 1 3.It is moreovera natural sequence. Through

138 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xmeV TtXet, fJL€TCLTOV d^L07Tp67reO-TaTOVeTTlCTKOTTOV VfJLWVKai d^LOirXoKOV 7rvevjuaTiKOv G"T6(J)dvovtov irpecrfivrepiovv/ucopKal twv kcltcc Qeov Sicckovcov. V7roT^>-5. Kara adpKa] These words, if genuine,would expressly limit the subordinationof the Son to His humannature; see Rothe Anfange p. 754.But their absence in some authoritiesseems to show that they are nopart of the original text.Kal tooTrarpl.]I have struck outthe addition kcli rp.a Kal ev nvevfia.XIV. 'I am brief in my exhortations,for I know that ye are full ofGod. Remember me in your prayers,as also the Syrian Church. I haveneed of your united aid, that theChurch in Syria may be refreshed

xiv] TO THE MAGNESIANS. 139\ecra v/ixas. /uvrjiuoveveTe /ulov ev tccIs 7rpocrev)âis vfjaov,\va Qeov 67rLTV)((t),kcu Trjs ev Cvpla e'/c/cA^cnas, odev ovk10 dîos elfjii KaXeTcrdai. e7nSeo//6u yap Trjs tjvco/uevtis v/ulcovev Qeco Trpoo'ev^sKai dyaTrr\% eis to d^ttodrivai ty\v evCvpia eKK\r](riav Sia ty\s eKTeveias vjutovXV.Spocricrdrjvai.'AcTraôvTai v/uds 'Ccpecrioi diro Cjuvpvrjs, odevteal ypdcbco v/uiv, irapovres els Eoâv Qeov, tocr7repkclifiducia ((tvvtovus?) A. irapeKaXeaa] g; deprecatus stem L; peto A; irape-KeXevaa G. 10 KaKeladai] Ka\e?ade G. 12 eKTeveLas] seebelow; iKKXyaias GL; evraijlas [g]. In A the sentence runs digna fiatsyriae ut stillent in ea preces vestrae et firmitas.et ecclesiaby your fervent supplications.'Ps-Ign. Philipp. 14 al Trpoaevxcu7. Qeov ye/xere] They are deocpopoi v/jl&v eKTaOeLTjaap els ttjv 'AvrtoêiaseKKkrjcriavo6ev K.r.A., which wouldin the fullest sense :comp. Ephes. 80K01 owes Qeov. So Virgil's 'plena seem to be taken from this passage.deo.'The confusion between CKTCNeiACirapeKaXeaa] A common word in and ckkAhci&c would be easy, whereIgnatius, more especially in the same gkkAhci&n had almost immediatelyconnexion as here, e.g. Trail. 6, Polyc.7, etc. On preceded. The purists condemnedthe other hand irapaKe- these words e

140 IGNATIUS TO THE MAGNESIANS. [xvi>/xeis,» r t/01 Kara Travra jue aveiravcrav^ a\xa V\o\vKapiru}eTTKTKOTTm C/ULVpvaiU)V . KCLl CLl \Ol7FCLl $6 6KK\tlCTiai 6VTi/ut]'h](rov XpiffTOv dcnraXpvTai v\xa^. eppuxrde iv6/uiovola Oeov, K6KTt]jULevoL dSictKpiTOV irveuixa, 6s eorrivIriorovs XpLCTTOS.5i dveiravaav] GLA; aveiradaare g.i k-KicKo-Ky Zpvpvaiwv] GLA; om. g.4 Qeov] GLA; om. g. adiaKpirov] gLA (the order being irvevpa /ce/cr??-fxeuoL adL&KpiTov in g) ; Siclkpitov G. 5 'Itjctovs XpiaTos] txt GL; al. g; add.valete fratres ; amen A.For the subscription of G see the title to Philadelphians. LA have no subscription.For g see the Appx.aanep kcu vfxe7s~\ SC. ndpeare. TheMagnesians were present in the personsof their representatives mentionedabove, § 2.1 . Kara irdvra k.t.A.]For this favouriteIgnatian phrase see the noteon Ephes.2.dpa IIoXvKapiTco] These words areperhaps better taken with do-irdôvraivpas, than with the clause immediatelypreceding; comp. Trail. 13aanaêrai vpas t\ aydirr^ Spvpvaioov nai'~E(p€cria>v.2. al Xotirai k.t.A.] i.e.through theirrepresentatives, who also were withhim: comp. Trail. 12 dpa rais avp-Ttapovcrais poi ckkXtjctlciis tov Qeov.The Trallians would be includedamong al Xonral here; comp. Trail.I.iv Tipfj k.t.A.] i.e. 'not the honourwhich is implied in the ordinarygreetings of men, but the honourwhich belongs to the sphere of, whichsprings from, Jesus Christ.' Thus itis a fuller phrase for do~Trd£eo~6ai ivKvpico (e.g. 1 Cor. xvi. 19).3. eppoocrOe] See the note Ephes. 21.iv opovoia Oeov] See above § 6(note).4. ddidicpiTov] unwavering, steadfast'l; comp. Trail. I apwpov bidvoiavKa\ dfiiaKptrov,and see the note onEphes. 3.os io-Tiv k.t.A.] See above § 7 (accordingto the reading adopted), andcompare the still stronger expressions,Trail. 1 1 tov Qeov iva>o~iv i7rayye\\opevov,os icrriv avros, Ephes. 1 4 ra 8e8vo iv ivoTrjTi yevopeva Qeos iariv.These parallels seem to show thatthe antecedent to os is not dftiaKpirovrrvevpa, but the whole sentence, moreespecially the exhortation to concord;since unity is the prominent idea inall these passages.

3-TO THE TRALLIANS.

3-TO THE TRALLIANS.{A FTER leaving Magnesia the road leads to Tralles,' writes StraboJr\. (xiv. i, p. 648). Here again the route of the geographer accordswith the sequence of the Ignatian letters (see above pp. 2, 97). As wehave followed him from Ephesus to Magnesia, so now we follow himfrom Magnesia to Tralles. Magnesia is nearly equidistant between thetwo, being about fifteen miles from Ephesus, and about seventeen oreighteen from Tralles (Artemidorus in Strabo xiv. 2, p. 663, efc TpaAAeis...cit' ets Mayv?7

144 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSis said to have owed its origin and its name to a colony of the ThracianTrallians (Strabo/. c. p. 649). Its modern representative is Giizel-Hissar or the Beautiful Castle, also designated Aidin from the provinceof which it is the capital, to distinguish it from other places which havethe same name.Aidin Giizel-Hissar, which lies on the lower ground atthe foot of the ancient city,is a large and flourishing town with a populationvariously estimated at from thirty-five or forty to sixty thousandpeople. It is the terminus of the Smyrna railway, and stands in thecentre of a very fertile district, which has been described as the orchardof Asia Minor. Among its chief products now, as in ancient times(Athen. iii. p. 80), are figs and raisins for the Smyrna market.Owing to its natural advantages Tralles was always a wealthy place.Attalus, the Pergamene king, whose magnificence passed into a proverb(Hor. Carm. i. 1. 12), had a famous palace here (Plin. N. H. xxxv. 49;see also the inscription on a coin, Tp&A.attaAoy, Mionnet Suppl. vn.p. 460),which under the Romans became the official residence of thehigh-priest of Tralles for the time being (Vitruv. ii. 8 ; comp. BoeckhC. I. G. 2934 [ap]xiepaT€uovTos).Somewhat later Cicero, in his defenceof Flaccus, describes this city as ' gravis locuples ornata civitas.' Denouncingan obscure person, one Mseandrius, who claimed to representthe Trallians in their complaints against his client, he asks what hadbecome of the illustrious names among their citizens; 'Ubi erantilliPythodori 1 , Aetideni, Lepisones, ceteri homines apud nos noti,inter suos nobiles? ubi ilia magnifica et gloriosaostentatio civitatis?'If they are content to put forward such a mean representative, headds, then let them abate their pride, 'remittant spiritus, comprimantanimos suos, sedent arrogantiam' (pro Flacc. 22, 23). Some yearslater Strabo speaks of Tralles as surpassed by no other city of Asiain the opulence of its principal inhabitants c. crvvoiKUTai(/.KaAw? et tisaAA?; T(3v Kara rrjv Axriav viro eviropwv dvOpwirixiv),and in illustration ofthis fact he mentions that the Asiarchs or Presidents of the Games,who incurred great expenses in maintaining the splendour of theirposition, were constantly taken from its citizens. At the martyrdomof Polycarp the Asiarch Philippus, who presided, was a Trallian (Mart.Polyc. 12, 21). At the same time, while the chief citizens thus enjoyedhigh distinction at home, the lower population contributed to swell1 This Pythodorus is mentioned also Pompeius. Julius Caesar stripped himby Strabo (xiv. 1, p. 649). He had of his wealth in consequence, but heamassed a 'princely fortune' (fiactKiKty succeeded in again amassing as large aovatav) of more than 2000 talents, but fortune as he had thus lost. His daughterunfortunately espoused the cause of was Queen of Pontus when Strabo wrote.

TO THE TRALLIANS. 145the flood of greedy adventurers who sought their fortunes in themetropolis of the world and threatened to sweep away everything thatwas Roman in Rome (Juv.iii.70). Altogether Tralles seems to havebeen a busy, thriving, purse-proud place, much given to display, andnot altogether free from vulgarity. Cicero is not always as complimentaryto this city, as it suited his purpose to be, when he wasdefending Flaccus 1 .When Caesar landed in Asia after the battle of Pharsalia, theTrallians were not slow to pay their homage to success. A miraclesealed their allegiance. A statue of Caesar had been erected in thetemple of Victory at Tralles. A palm-tree shot up through the hardpavement at the base of the statue and it is ;even said that the goddessherself turned round and looked upon the effigy of the conqueror(Caes. Bell. Civ. iii. 105, Plut. Vit. Caes. 47, Dion. Cass. xli. 61, Val.Max. i. 6. 12). Under Augustus, whom itregarded as its 'founder'(Bull, de Corr. Hellen. x. p. 516), the city took the name of Csesarea. Aboastful inscription speaks of it as ' the most splendid city of theCaesarean Trallians' (Boeckh C.I. G. 2929 77 XafjarpordTr] Kouo-apeWTpaWcavuv 7ro'Ai5 ; comp. Lebas et Waddington Inscr. 600 a, Papers ofAmerica?i School at Athens 1.pp. 94, 113, Bull, de Corr. Hellen. x. p. 517).From this time forward till the end of the first Christian century thecoins commonly bear the legend K&ic&pecoN . tp&AAiangon, and sometimeseven kaicapgcon alone (Mionnet iv. p. 181 sq, Suppl. vn. p. 462 sq;comp. Eckhel Doctr. Num. 111. p. 125). This loyalty to the emperorsbrought its return to the Trallians. During the reign of Augustus—(about B.C. 26 24) the city was visited by an earthquake, a catastropheto which this region was and is especially liable. The earthquakes atTralles play a prominent part in the Sibylline Oracles (iii. 459, v. 287).On this occasion the destruction which it caused was very considerable(Strabo xii. p. 579 to yv/xvaa lov kou aAAa fxiprj

146 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSThe patron deity of the city was Zeus (CI G. 2926 t^s XaixTrpoTarrjq7roXc(os...tepa? tov Aio's ; comp. Bull, de Corr. Hellhi. x. p. 516) surnamedLarasius (Mionnet iv. pp. 179, 183, Suppl. vii. pp. 462, 465, etc.,Amer. School at Athens 1.pp. no, 112; comp. Bull, de Corr. Hellen.in. p. 468 ; comp. Waddington Inscr. 604), — written also Larisius orLarisseus by Strabo (ix. p. 440, xiv. p. 649) these latter modes ofspelling being adopted apparently with a reference to tradition or thetheory that Tralles was colonized from the Thessalian Larissa (Straboix. /. C. tcrco5 Se /ecu. 6 Aaptcrtos Zeus iKeWtv e7ru)vo//,acrTcu) ;and the highpriestalready mentioned (p. 144) was doubtless the functionary of thisgod (Strabo xiv. /. C. t\(s>v ttjv Upuio-vvrjv rov Aios tov Ao.pio~aLov). Butbesides Zeus, we read also of the worship of Demeter (C I. G. 2937tepeia A^/z^rpos), of Dionysus (C I. G. 2919 AiovvVw Ba/c^ta) toj S^/xocria) ;comp. ib. 2934), and of Êsculapius (Vitruv. vii. 1). Among the gamescelebrated at Tralles in honour of different deities are mentioned thePythia (C I G. 2932, 2935, Mionnet iv. pp. 181, 192, 194; see WaddingtonInscr. 598) and the Olympia (Wood's Discoveries at EphesusInscr. vi. 14, 20, pp. 60, 70, Mionnet //. cc. etc.), as well as those bearingthe name of Hercules (C I.G. 2936 dv aiOXotcnv a.Tap(3e[os] 'Hpa/cAôs;comp. Amer. School at Athens 1. p. no). The city boasted of severalbuildings, of whose architectural character notices have been preserved(Vitruv. ii. 8, v. 9,vii. 1, 4).Nor was it without distinction as themother of famous men. Of orators, it boasted Dionysocles and Damasuswho was nicknamed o-Ko^po^ (Strabo xiv. p. 649), both doubtlessrepresentatives of the affected and florid Asiatic style, for which indeedthis city was famous (Cic. Orator 234 'quasi vero Trallianus fuerit Demosthenes').It had also an illustrious school of physicians, of whomtwo are mentioned by name, Philippus and Thessalus (Galen Op. xin.p. 105, xiv. p. 684 ; comp. C. I L. 1. 1256). At the time when Ignatiuswrote, Tralles was represented in literature by a living writer, Phlegon,the freedman of Hadrian, whose works have partially survived the wreckof time (Miiller Fragm. Hist. Graec. 111. p. 603 sq),but whose famethis interpretation may, I think, be questioned.When we readjust below 'paulumaddubitatum, quod Halicarnassiimille et ducentos per annos nullo motuterrae mutavisse sedes suas, vivoque insaxo fundamenta templi adseveraverant,'we are led to suspect that parum validirefers to the insecurity of the groundowing to earthquakes. Laodicea, whichwas also set aside on this occasion forthe same reason as Tralles, is elsewherecommemorated for its wealth (Tac. Ann.xiv. 27, see Colossians pp. 6 sq, 43 sq);and Tralles itself must have been veryflourishing at this time. On the otherhand both localities were a prey toearthquakes.

TO THE TRALLIANS. 147chiefly rests on the fact that he is quoted by Christian writers as aheathen witness to the preternatural darkness which shrouded theCrucifixion (Miiller/. c. p. 606 sq). At a much later date Trallesgave birth to an illustrious son, who has left to posterity a far moreimpressive memorial of himself than these third-rate literary efforts,Anthemius, the architect of S. Sophia at Constantinople (Procop. deSEdif. i. 1, p. 174 ed. Bonn.). AltogetherTralles was invested withsufficient interest in herself and her history to induce two authors atdifferent times, Apollonius of the neighbouring Aphrodisias (MiillerFragm. Hist. Graec. iv. p. 310 ITepi TpaWeinv) and Christodorus of theEgyptian Coptos (id. p. 360 Ilarpia TpaAAeW), to take it as the subjectof their writings.Of the evangelization of Tralles no record ispreserved 1 ; but thehypothetical account which has been given of the foundation of theChurch in Magnesia (p. 102) will probably hold good for this neighbouringcity also. We can hardly doubt that it owed its first knowledgeof the Gospel to the disciples of S. Paul. Lying on the highroadbetween Ephesus and Laodicea, where flourishing churches wereestablished through the agency of this Apostle almost half a centurybefore Ignatius wrote, Tralles would not have been allowed for any longtime to remain ignorant of the Gospel. This epistle however containsthe earliest notice of Christianity in connexion with Tralles.'Sub idem fere tempus,' writes Livy, describingthe Roman conquestof these regions (xxxvii. 45), 'et ab Trallibus et a Magnesia quaesuper Maeandrum est et ab Epheso legati.-.venerunt.' The words wouldapply equally well to the incidents of the Christian conquest. Thesesame three cities sent their delegates to meet Ignatius at Smyrna ;but, while Ephesus and Magnesia were each represented by severalpersons (see above pp. 15, 102), Tralles, as being more distant, was contentwith sending a single representative, itsbishop Polybius (§ 1).Atleast no mention is made of any other name. The Epistle to theTrallians is written by the saint in grateful recognition of the attentionthus shown to him through their bishop, whose grave and gentle demeanourhe praises (§§ 1, 3).The main purport of the letter is a warning against the poison ofDocetism (§§6— 11). As an antidote he recommends here, as else-1The Greek books (Oct. 11) represent dation in fact, that a Philip, more pro-Philip the Evangelist, whom they identify bably however the Apostlethan thewith the Apostle, as the founder and first Evangelist, resided in proconsular Asia ;bishop of the Church of Tralles (Tp

148 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSwhere, union among themselves, and submission to the bishop andother officers of the Church (§§ 2, 3, 7, 11, 12, 13).The denunciationof Docetism is fuller and more explicit in this than in anyother ofhis letters. On the other hand no allusion is made to the Judaicside of the heresy ;but a comparison with his language elsewhereshows these false teachers to have been Judaizers also (see the notes,Magn. 8, 9, 11, Philad. inscr., 5, 8, Trail. 9).He acquits the Tralliansindeed of any complicity in this heresy hitherto, but he writes to putthem on their guard (§ 8).Nor would the caution be unneeded. Wemight safely have assumed that in a busy thriving city like Tralles,situated in a district where Jews abounded (see Colossians p. 19 sq),there would be a considerable Jewish population which would act as aconductor to this heretical teaching, even if we had no direct informationof the fact. A document published by Josephus however[Ant. xiv. to. 20) mentions the oppositionof the Trallians to an ordinanceof the Roman governor giving permission to the Jews to keeptheir sabbaths and to celebrate other sacred rites without interruption ;and, whether this document be genuine or not, it is satisfactoryevidence of their presence in Tralles in considerable numbers beforethe age of Ignatius. The interest moreover which the Sibylline Oraclestake in Tralles (see above p. 145) points in the same direction 1 .Tralles does not occupy any prominent place in the subsequenthistory of Christianity but like ; Magnesia, it is represented from timeto time at the great synods of the Church. At the Council of Ephesusthe bishop of Tralles records his assent to the orthodox doctrine inexplicit terms (Labb. Cone. ill. p. 1024 sq, ed. Colet). He signs hisname in a way which furnishes an instructive parallel to the openingof the Ignatian letters ; 'Hpa/cAeW, 6 kcu ®e6i\.os, lirtypaxpa (lb. p.1080; comp. p. 1222, where the second name is written in LatinTheophanius : elsewhere he gives his first name only, in. pp. 996,1024, iv. p. 1 135). At a later meeting held at Ephesus, the notoriousRobbers' Synod, a.d. 449, Maximus bishop of Tralles commits himselfto the opinions of the majority and to the heresy of Eutyches (iv. p.894, 1117, 1178, 1187); but he appears afterwards to have recanted,for his assent to the decrees of Chalcedon (a.d. 451)is attested in hisabsence by his metropolitan, the bishop of Ephesus (iv. p. 1503).May not the unidentified NDvID placed at lr?. May not this Lud be1(Tarlusa or Tralusa), which is men- Lydia, rather than Lydda as Neubauertioned in the Jerusalem Talmud Taanith (Geogr. du Talm. pp. 80, 268) takes it?iv. 8, be our Tralles? The incident Tralles is sometimes spoken of as awhich took place at Tarlusa is elsewhere Lydian city by classical writers,

ChristTO THE TRALLIANS. 149Amongst the letters of remonstrance addressed to Peter the Fuller,and purporting to have been written a few years after the Council ofChalcedon, is one bearing the name of Asclepiades bishopof Tralles(v. p. 241 sq). At later Councils of the Church also bishops of Tralleswere present.The followingis an analysis of the epistle.'Ignatius to the Church of Tralles, which has peace throughthe Passion of Christ, an apostolic and hearty greeting.'IPolybius your bishop informed me of your blameless disposition.Seeing him, I seemed to see you all, and I glorified God for yourkindness in sending him (§ 1).Be obedient to your bishop, if youwould live after Christ. Submit also to the presbyters. The deaconstoo must strive to please all men and avoid offence (§ 2).Let allreverence the deacons in turn, as also the bishop and the presbyters.I am persuaded you do so ;for I have received a token of your lovein your bishop, whose gravity and gentlenessmust command therespect of all (§ 3).I fear lest I should fall through spiritual pride.I wish to suffer, but I know not whether I am worthy. I lack gentleness(§ 4). Though I could reveal the mysteries of the heavens, yetI forbear for your sakes. Notwithstanding my fetters and my knowledgeof heavenly things, I am not yet a disciple (§ 5).I beseech you,touch not the rank weeds of heresy. The cup of poisonis sweetenedwith honey to deceive you (§ 6).Shun these false teachers and clingto Christ and to your bishop. Whosoever stands aloof from the altaris not pure (§7). I say this by way of warning. Strengthen yourselveswith faith and love, which are Christ's flesh and blood. Give nooccasion to the heathen to blaspheme (§ 8).Turn a deaf ear to theseducer. was.truly born, truly lived, truly died, and trulyrose again, even as He will truly raise us (§ 9). If all this had beenmere semblance, as these men say, why am I in bonds? Why am Iready to fight with wild beasts (§ 10)? Avoid these rank growths whichare not of the Father's planting. They are no true branches of theCross. The head cannot exist without the members (§ n).'II greet you from Smyrna. I appeal to you by my bonds be;united and submit to your bishop and presbyters. Pray for me thatImay attain my desire (§ 12). The Smyrnaeans and Ephesians greetyou. Pray for the Church in Syria. Once more, be obedient to yourbishop and presbyters. I am devoted to you. I am in peril now,but God will answer my prayer. May you be found blameless in Him(§ '3)-'

TTPOCTPAAAIANOYC.'ITNATIOC, 6 Kai Qeocpopos, riyaTT^fievr} Qeto iraTpi'hiorov XpMTTOv, €KK\r]crla dyia ty\ overt] ev TpaWecrivnpoc TPAAAlANOyc] rpaXiapdis iyvdrios G (not written TpaWiavo'ts, as givenby Dressel); ignatius tralesiis L*; rod olvtov eiriaToXri irpbs TpaWrjaiovs (with thenumber /3 in the marg.) g* (but1 has the form ad trallianos) ;ad trallianos A.I 0e^...XptcrroO] GL; irapa deov irarpbs /ecu Irjaou xpurrov g; a deo patre etnpoc TpÂAiANoyc] Steph. Byz.s. v. says of this city to eOviicbv TpaX-\iav6s, and the statement is fullyconfirmed by evidence of all kinds.It is the only form on the coins, evento the latest date (Mionnet IV. p.178 sq, Stippl. VII. p. 439 sq).alone occurs in inscriptions, whetherGreek (C.I.G. 2926, 2929, 2935) orLatin (Orell. Inscr. 5298, 6232) nor;does any other form appear to befound in any classical writer, eitherGreek or Latin. Boeckh indeed supposesthat there was also a formTpaXXels (C.f.G.u.p. 584,comp. m.p.30), but his own data do not bear himout. The form TpaXkels is indeedfound elsewhere (see Schmidt-AlbertiHesych. Lex. iv. p. 168), but itrefers to a Thracian people. So againTpaXXioi occurs (see Steph. Byz.TpaXXia), but it denotes the inhabitantsof the Bithynian town Trallium.Pearson again (ad loc.) iswrong insaying 'Cives etiam ab antiquis LatinisTralles dicebantur, ut a VarroneIts. v.apud Apuleium': Varro personifiesthe city Tralles itself, Apul. Afiol. 42'Trallibusdeeventu Mithridatici bellimagica percontatione consulentibus.'The word is most commonly spelledTpaXXtavos, but it occurs sometimeswith a single X; e.g. Mionnet IV. p.187, Suppl. vii. p. 472. In the edictof Diocletian it is written indifferentlyTpaWtavos and TpaXtavos, Corp.Inscr. Lat. in. pp. 1191, 1193.On the other hand there is thegreatest variety in the title of thisIgnatian Epistle. The Greek of thegenuine Ignatius and the Latin ofthe interpolator have the commonform TpaXiavoi, Trallia?ii ;whileconversely the Greek of the interpolatorand the Latin of the genuineIgnatius read instead TpaWrjo-ioi,Tralesii. Jerome again refers to itas ad Trallenses (Vir. III. 16) in the;Parall. Rupef., ascribed wrongly toJohn of Damascus (Op. II. p. 772,Lequien), it is entitled npbs TpaWaels ;and in the Pseudo-Ignatian EpistleAntioch. 13 the form seems to beTpaWaioi. Generally however thecorrect form is given. So for instanceTheodt. Dial. 1(iv. p. 51 ed.Schulze), Chron. Pasch. 1. p. 417 (ed.Bonn.), Sever. Ant. Frag?n. (preserv-

TO THE TRALLIANS. 151Trjs 'Acrlas, €K\eKTrj Kal dîodeco, elprjt/evova'rjev crapKidomini nostH iesu christi A (where et seems to be the commencement of a correction,preparatory to substituting the commoner form et domino nostro etc., but not carriedout). 2 TpdWecriv] g; rpdXeaiv G; tralesiis L; in tralliano (from a nom.trallianus) A. 3 r?}s 'Acrtas] GL; urbe asiae A; om. g.ed in the Syriac ;see I. p. 171). Sotoo the Greek translator of Jerome{Vir. III. 1. a). It is clearly alsothe form which underlies the Armeniantitle of the epistle. On theother hand the fragmentsof theSyriac Version (see III. pp. 678, 682)give a »\i^« ^, 0.i\i\î \j,'Titiliyu.' These words are obviouslycorrupt ; but possibly theystand for CjAliV 'Tralliyu,' whichcannot have been derived from TpaX-\t.avoi and might represent TpdXXioi,but probably was invented by theSyriac transcriber or translator himself.These facts show that the presentheading of the Greek Ignatius, Tpa-Xiavols 'lyvdnos, isvery much laterthan the epistle itself, and has noauthority whatever. I have thereforesubstituted a title which conforms tothe others.Ignatius, called also Theophorus,to the Church of the Trallians,beloved of God, and having peacethrough the passion of Christ, heartygreeting after the Apostolic fashion.1. 9fw 7rarpi] On this dative,which stands for vnb Qeov narpos butdoes not, like it, directly describethe agent, so much as the person interested,see Winer Gramm. § lxxxi.p. 274 (ed. Moulton), Kiihner § 423(II. p. 368 sq) ; comp. Neh. xiii. 26ayancop-evos tg> Geco.2. eV TpdXXeaiv] The plural formTpaXXeir is byname of this city, not only in Greek,but also in Latin (e.g. Juv. Sal. iii.far the most common70; Orell. Inscr. 321, quoted below;C. I. L. III. 144). Very rarely howeverthe singular TpaXXis is found :e. g. C. I. G. 2936 noXios 6' iyiprjpe fiedfjfjios TpaXXeo? elv dedXoiaiv k.t.X.,Inscr. in Agath. Hist. ii. 17 (p. 102,ed. Bonn.) wpdaxre TpdWiv rav tot*KeK\ip.evav, 0?'ac. Sib. iii. 459 TpoXXi?§' rj yeircov 'E0eVou, ib. v. 289 7toXvj]-pare TpaXXty (see C. I. G. II. pp. 557,1 1 19), comp. Bekker Anecd. p. 1193TpaXXi?, TpdXXios : and so in Latin,Plin. N. H. v. 29.3. TT/s- 'Aalas] The Roman provinceof ' Asia' is meant ; comp. Orell.Inscr. 132 ' Natus in egregiis Trallibusex Asia,' Agath. Hist. ii.17(p. IOO) TpaXXei? 77noXis f)iv 777 'Acrtavvv KaXovp,€vr) X&P9- 5 comp. Straboxiv. I (p. 649). It is therefore a politicaldesignation. Ethnographicallyor topographically, Tralles was assignedsometimes to Lydia (Steph.Byz. s. v.), sometimes to Caria (Plin.^V. H. v. 29, Ptol. v. 2). sometimes toIonia (Diod. Sic. xiv. 36, MionnetSnppl. vil. p. 477). Probably thislast was the designation which theTrallians most affected, as neitherLydians nor Carians stood in veryhigh repute (Cic. pro Flacc. 27).For similar instances of various ethnologicalattributions in the case oftowns in this neighbourhood seeColossians p. 17 sq. The addition rfjs'Aaias is not quite so superfluoushere as in other cases (e.g. Ephes.inscr. ;see the note there), since therewere other places bearing similaror identical names, e.g. TpdXXris inPhrygia, TpaXXts in Caria, TpaXXiaor TpaXXeisinIllyria ;see Benseler-Pape Worterb. d. Griech. Eigenn.s. vv. But our Tralles was far themost important of them all.eKXeKTJj] Used probably, as here, of

152 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSKCllTTVeVfJLCLTl TW 7Ta6ei 'ItJCTOV XpKTTOV Ttjs i\7Tl60$fj/uLwv ev Tr\ €is ccvtov dvacTaorer t]v Kal acnralCoixai evtw 7r\rjp(i)iuaTLev aVocrToAt/ca) yapaKTTipi^ Kai eii-ÔjuaiirXeia'Ta -âlpeiv,i Trveifiari] g; a'ifj.a.TL GLA;see the lower note. r irddei'lrjcrov Xpicrrov k.t.X. can hardlystand ;and I have thoughtit bestto adopt from the interpolator's textnvevpaTi for alp,arL.There is thesame confusion of nvevp,aTi and a'ifiariin the authorities in Smyrn. 3.With this reading we have the commonIgnatian combination 'flesh andspirit'; see the note on Ephes. 10,and comp. especially the openingaddresses inMagn. 1 evaaiv ex>xop.aiaapKos Kal nvevpaTos, Rom. inscr. /caretaapKa Kal nvevpa r]vcopevoLS k.t.X.,Smyrn. I KaOrjXcopevovs iv rco &ravp(p...aapKi re Kal nvev p,aTi.The alternative would be to omitt(3 nddec, as a gloss. To this modeof remedy the Armenian Versiongives countenance. In this case thepassage might be compared especiallywith PJiilad. inscr. r)v do-nd-£op,cu iv aipaTi ^lrjaov Xpicrroi}, Smyrn.Irjdpaapevovs iv ayanr) ev ro3 aifxariXpiaTov. The sentence would thenbe directed against Docetic error,'and would signify reposing peacefullyin the belief in and union with atruly incarnate Christ ' ; comp. Smyrn.3 Kpadevres tt) vapid avTov Kal rcocupari (v. 1.).1.rep irddei] through the passion?'For the prominence given to thework of the Passion in these epistles,see the note on Ephes. inscr. rjvoip.evr\Kal iKXeXeyp.evj] iv nddei dXj]6ivoo.ttjs iXrridos rj/xcoi/]See the note onMagn. 11.2. iv tt} k.t.X.] To be connectedclosely with ttjs iXnidos tjp. irXrjpdyLaTi] in the p lero ma,'the sphere of the Divine graces. Itis no mundane salutation which thewriter sends ;see the note on Magn.15 ev Tipfj 'irjaov XpiaTov. For thesense of nXr]p(op.a see the note onEphes. inscr. Other explanations,such as 'in the whole body of theTrallian Church' (Smith ad loc), or'in the plenitude of Apostolic power '(Bunsen Br. p. 139, interpreting itby what follows), or 'in the fulnessof Christian good wishes' (ZahnI. v. A. p. 416), seem to be excludedby the use of the word or by thegrammar of the sentence.'3. ev dirocrToXiKG} k.t.X.] after themanner of the Apostles? It is a salutationwhich followed the precedentset in the Apostolic epistles. Anotherinterpretation is 'in my Apostoliccharacter or office ' e.g. Vedel. ad

'I]TO THE TRALLTANS. 1535 I.'AjJLiofJLOvciavoiav Kal dZuiKpirov ev virofdovr]eyvcov v/uias eôvra^, ov Kara y^pr\(TivciWa Kara (bucriv'Kadcos iSrjXoocrev ,uoi floXvfiios 6 eiricrKOTros v/ulwv, 097rap6

54 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS liC/uivpvri,Kai oi/Tws fjioi avveydpf] SeSe/uevto ev XpicrTw3lr](rov 9cocrre /ueto irav ir\r\Qo^ v/ulwv ev avTco decopfjo'ai.dTroSepdjuevos ovv Trjv kcltcc Qeov evvoiav hi avTOv,eSoâcra eupwv vjuds, w§ eyvcov, /uu/uiriTasovtcls Qeov.II. °Orav 'yaptw enrio'KOTrw v7TOTacrcrria m 6e ws 5'Itl&ov XpiaTO), (paiveo-de /ulolov kcltcc dv6pa)7rovs (^dovres,i XptcrTU) 'I-qaov] LAg; Irjcrov xP ca" rV G. 2 6ewprj

»] TO THE TRALLIANS. 155dWa KctTa 'lrjo~ovv XpLCTTOV, tov Sl rivets dirodavovTa\va irLCTTevcavre^ eU tov BavccTOv avTOv to diroQavexv€K els substituted by the interpolator forTinrov avveftpiov rcoV dirocrTokcov (with lva...yiva>p.ai of Ignatius. In I Cor.the notes), and below § 3. Converselyxiii. 3 the authorities show that thethe Apostles are called 7rpecr-fSvripiov iKKkrjo-ias in Philad. 5.alternative is between the fut. indie.Iva Kav8rjo-op.ai (not iva Kavdrjo-copai)and the conj. aor. Iva Kav\T]o~a)p.ai.

•56 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["€upe6ri

II]TO THE TRALLIANS. 157KArjcrias Qeov V7rr]perai'heov ovv avrovs

158 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [inTOV TTCtTpOS, TOVS §6 7Tpe(r(3vT€pOVS WS CWe&piOV 6eovtoutwv e/c/cA^cnakcli [ftjs] crvvSecr/uiov ccttocttoXwi/' X w Pôv KctXelrai. Trepl (hv irl'nreio'iJLai v/uias ovtcos eêiv toi ml eavrov ov8ev, to.-npeara noiel ra> irarpl ndvTOTe, lb. 30cos yap 6 Xpicrros ctvev tov rrarposovoev 7roieT, ovtcos ovbe 6 Sicikovos avevtov enio-KuiTov k.t.X.,ib. 44 rravTa peV6 SiciKovos too iiriCTKoTTCC dracpepeVco, cos6 XpiaTos tco rrarpik.t.X. See alsothe note on Magn. 6.The preponderance of authorityseems to show very decidedly thatthis is the original text. But if so,how can we account for the readingof the Latin translator ? It is probablyto be explained as havingarisen from a combination of tworeadings, tovs dtaKovovs cos ivrokrjv*\i)o~ov Xpiorou and rotes' 8ia

in] TO THE TRALLIANS. 1 59yap e^€fJL7r\apiov Tf?s dyairr]^ v/ulcov e\a/3ov Kai e^co5 /usd' iavTOv ev tw eTriGKOTrco v/ulgov,ov cluto to KaTci.-(TTrjjUia /ueyaXr] /uadrjTeia, r\ de irpaoTt]^ avTOv Suva/Msconstructionhaving been changed. 4 vpwv] GLA ;om. g (mss, but add.vestrae 1). 5 ped* iavrov] G; per ipavTov g (edd., but see the Appx).much the same meaning as here,though in a bad sense 'a confederacy,a conspiracy,' in 2 Kings xi. 14,xii. 20, Jer. xi. 9.It will thus appear that both thecomparison of the deacons to JesusChrist and that of the presbyters tothe Apostles flow naturally, though inseparate channels, from the idea ofthe bishop as the type of God. Butthe combined result isincongruous,for the presbyters are made to occupya lower place in the comparison thanthe deacons. We may suppose thereforethat the last clause tovs 8e npeaftvrepovsk.t.\. was added as an afterthoughtby Ignatius, without noticingthe incongruity. This is only oneamong many indications of extremehaste, to be explained by the circumstancesunder which these letterswere written {Rom. 5).2.^copts tovtcov K.r.A.] i.e. 'Withoutthese three orders no church hasa title to the name, deserves to becalled a church'. This seems to bethe meaning of ov naXelrai, 'is notspoken of, 'is not recognised', asin Heb. iii.13 d^pis ov to arjpepovKaXetrai ; comp. Polyc. J os dwrjo-eraideoBpopos Kakelo-Oai, Afagn. 1 4 oOevovk a£ios elpi KaXcladai.3. Tvepl'ooj/] concerning whichthings 1 ,not referring to tovtcov, butto the general injunctions of the precedingsentence.4. e£ep.7r\dpiov] See the note onEphes. 2.ttjs dydirrjs vpcov] This is treatedby Jacobson as a mere complimentaryform of address, like ' dilectiovestra,' r) evo-efteia vpcov, 'your grace,''your holiness,' and the like. Pearsonexplains § 13 77 dyc'imj Spvpvaicovand Smyrn.it. r] dydnrj tcZv a§eA

i6o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [inov XoyiVofJMi kcli tovs cideovs €VTpc7reo-6ai. dyairuivvfias outcos (beihofjiai, crvvrovooTepov Swa/uevos ypa

IV]TO THE TRALLIANS. 161IV. rioWci (ppovcoev Qeco' ceAA' e/uavrov /ueTpa),\va juLrj ev Kav^crei aTroXcofjiai' vvv yap fj.eSel irXeov(po/3eT(r6ai kclI fir) Trpoveyeiv toIs (pvcriov(riv /ue' olyapXeyovres /ulol fiaaTiyovcriv /ue. ayanu) fiev yap toI have substituted v/nas ovtojs.(3)These two authorities also seem to indicatethat some words have dropped out, probably between inrep tovtov and els tovto.What these were it is impossible to say, owing to the capricious changes in gand the habitual laxity and constant omissions of A. I have hazarded a conjecturein accordance with the general sense of A. Hilgenfeld {Zeitschr. f. Wiss. Theol.xxi. p. 541 sq) has his own conjectural reading, but he does not seem to me to beon the right track. 4 bt.aTao-

l62 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IVTradeiv, dXM ovk olSa elaîos eljur to yap (^jAos7roA\oIs fjievov e/ue Se [7rA€0i/] 7roAe/xer.XPV&ovv iraaoTYiTOS) ev r]KcurdhveTai 6 ap^cou tov aiwvosTOVTOV.i to] Gg (but the latter with a v. 1. 6). i irkkov] GL; om. SAg.It was perhaps interpolated from ir\lov cpoâdat above. 3 TrpaoTr/Tos]Gg Dam-Vat 4 Dam-Rup 6; irpavTt]Tos Anton 9.ii>rj] GLg Anton; ivto Dam-Vat-Rup; dub. SA. 4 tovtov] txt GLSA; add. 6 eiTe] G; avyyuwre g. The converse change ismade in Rom. 6.him such as fidprvs earj (Smith adloc, Uhlhorn p. 23, Zahn /. z'. A. pp.416, 572 sq); but there is no adequatereason for the suppression. Withmore probability Bunsen {Br. p. 121)supposes that the word puiprvs hasaccidentally dropped out owing tothe following fxaa-r ty ovaiv. It seemsprobable that the title here disclaimedby Ignatius would be thatof a martyr or witness :comp. Euseb.H. E. v. 2 (quoted by the commentatorshere) earore tls yp-oov 6Y imo-TOdiet\6yov p.apTvpas avrovs\rjsrjnpocrelTrev,eVeVXô-croi/ 7riKpa>s' ijdeiosyap napex^povv rr/v rfjs p.apTvpiasTrpocrrjyopiav tco Xpiara tco mcrrcc kcllak-qdivco p-aprvpi k.t.X. Hilgenfeld{A. V. p. 204) suggests that thewriter may refer to the name 6eocpopos; but as this name impliesobligation rather than renown, andas the writer of these epistles boldlyclaims it elsewhere, this suggestionhas little to recommend it.Possiblythe Syriac Version may preserve thetrue text, and we have only to addroiavra.coCpeXtl,note.Comp. Smym. 5 ri yap [pe]el e'/xe eVcui/ei tls, with theI. to yap ^Xov k.t.X.] i.e. 'thejealous opposition of Satan, whoattempts to rob me of the crown ofmartyrdom'; comp. Rom. 5 p,r)6ev p.e£r)\

v]TO THE TRALLIANS. 1635 V. Mr) ov Svi/a/uai v/uuv to.eirovpdvia ypdyâi ;dWd (pofiov/ULaijjly] vr}TrLOL$ ovoriv vfxiv fiXdfirjv irapaOw.Kal (rwyyv(jOf.{.ov€LT€ julol, [xîrore. ov hvvridevTes ^(jopfjcai(TTpayyaAcodtJTe.Kal yap iyw, ov Kadori SeSe/uai Kal/^71-ore] GL\Hi) g; cautus enim sum ne forte 2 ;et caveo [A] (omitting theremaining words of the sentence). The insertion in 2 isprobably a translator'sdevice to ease the awkwardness of the negatives. 8 a-TpayyaXcoOrJTe] g;strangulcmini L; implicemini 2; arpdyyaXov drjre G; def. A. iyu] txtGLS x2Ag; add. X^yw (?) Sev-Syr 4c (but om. Sev-Syr 7): see Zahn /. v. A.p. 180, Ign. et Pol. Ep. p. 355. KadoTi] The rendering of L secundumquodcumque seems to represent ku0' tl, not naO' otiovu, as Zahn supposes.sed L.ical] GS x2Ag Sev-Syr 4c, 7 (but om. Sev-Syr 7 v. 1.);pecially to those Roman Christians Xverai 6 oXeBpos avrov ; comp. Johnwho were desirous of obtaining a 31, xvi. n, 1 iii.Joh. 8.2KaBaipovvrai al ftvvaptis rov 'Sarava ko.1 II—reversal of his sentence, and whose 6 apxoov k.t.X.] See the note oninterposition he strongly deprecates Ephes. 17.'in the letter to the Roman Church. V. Am I not able to write aboutHe describes this interposition sometimesheavenly things? Yet I fear lestas a £rj\os 'jealousy' {Rom. such strong meat should not be suit-5, quoted in the last note), sometimes ed for you babes. Forgive me, Ias a (3ao-K.avia 'envy' {Rom. 7 fiaa- would not have you suffocated. Nay,Kavia iv vplv prj KaroaceiTco : comp. lb. I myself, though I am privileged to3 ovdenore ifiauKavaTe ovdevi). It is a be Christ's prisoner and thoughIdevice of the devil who would effect could unfold all the mysteries of thehis ruin, and he entreats the Christiansof Rome not to ally themselves fore hold myself to be already a dis-celestial hierarchy, yet do not there-with the Evil One {Rom. 7 6 apxcovrov ciple. We want much, in order thataloovos tovtov diapnacrai pe /3ovXeTai... God may not be wanting to us.'fir)8e\s ovv twv Trapovrcov vp(ov j3ot]6€lt(o 6.prj vrjnLois k.t.X.] SuggestedavT yap idvvaade,'7roXe/xeT]wars against me\ For aXX' ov8i en vvv dvvaade.this construction of ivoXzptiv with an 7- crvyyvopovelre poi] ' bear withaccusative, which is common in me\ i.e. 'when I refuse to give youPolybius, Diodorus, and later writers, this strong meat' :comp. Rom. 6see Wesseling on Diod. iv. 61 :comp. avyyvoore poi.On the form avyyixopoveivsee Lobeck Phryn. p. 382.Clem. Horn. xix. 20, Hippol. p. 166'Lagarde. On this tendency of the X

164 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vdvva/uai voeiv to, kirovpaviakcli tocs TOTroQeo'Las rci?ctyye\iKas kcli ras crvcrTacreis rets apyovTiKa

v]TO THE TRALLIANS. 165re kclidopara, irapa tovto t]Srj Kai /x«0*7T*/s eljui'7ro\\d yap y\\uv \eL7T6i, *lva Qeov fJLt] XenrwfjLeda.5 VI. riapctKaXw ovv v/ud'S, ovk iyw dW y\ dyairr]Xenrufieda] GLSi Sev-Syr ; &Tro\ei(pdv dvoparae'xovra kol repareias. For thepassage here comp. Smyrn. 6 ra€7rovpdvia teal Tj 86£a rcov dyyiXayv kol oidpxovres oparoi re Kai aoparot.2. tcis avardaeis k.t.X.] ''the assemblages,musterings, of the heavenlyrulers'", comp. edviKal crvo~rd-(t€ls, Polyb. xxiv. 1. 3, xxx. 10. 6.The apxovTfs here, like the apâi inS. Paul, are angelic beings:comp.Justin Dial. 36 (p. 255) ol iv rolsovpavols ra^divres vtto tov Qeov apxovres(quoted by Jacobson on Smyrn.6). For dpxovTiKos see Celsus inOrig. c. Cels. vi. 27 erepcov 8e ra>v XeyopevoovdpxovriKcov k.t.X. (comp. § 33),from which itappears that in somesystems of angelology dpxovriKol denoteda particular class of the celestialhierarchy. Jacobson wouldtranslate o-vardo-eLs 'the conflicts',comparing Efthes. 13 ndXepos enovpavicovKai eiriyeicov, but such an ideaseems to be quite inappropriate tothis context. The word occurs againRom. 5.opard re Kai dopara] The knowledgepreviously mentioned (ra inovpdvia)has reference to the thingsinvisible; but opard are also namedhere (after the precedent of S. Paul,Col. i.16) for the sake of includingall things which fall within the rangeof cognisance. So again in Smyrn.6 (see the note). For opard Kai doparasee also Rom. 5.3. ivapd rovro] ' on this account ' :see Rom. 5 (with the note).paOrjrrjs etfit]See the notes onEphes. 1, 3.4. noXXa yap k.t.X.} i.e. 'we stilllack much, that we may not be leftbehind by God, may not fail in findingGod', where XeineaOac Qeov isthe negative of enirvx^ Qeov, afavourite Ignatian phrase (see thenote on Magn. 1).For the constructionhere comp. Hermas Vis. iii.I o~o\ 8e 7roXXa XetVet wa k.t.X. ;andfor the characteristic Ignatian playon XeiVet, XenrcopeOa, see the note onpdXXov 8e k.t.X.Smyrn. 5qpiv] i.e. 'you and myself alike.'VI. 'I therefore entreat you — yetnot I but the love of Christ— to eatonly the wholesome food of Christianityand to abstain from the noxiousherbs of heresy. These false teachersmix poison with Jesus Christ;they impose upon men with theirplausible professions and the ; deadlydrug, thus disguised with a sweetflavour, is thoughtlessly taken, thoughdeath is its consequence.'5. TlapaKaXco ovv k.t.X.] The formof the sentence is here suggested byI Cor. vii. IO napayyeXXoi,ovk eya>COdXXd 6 Kvpios.

1 66 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [VI'Irjo-ov Xpiorrov, \x6vy) rfj Xpiorriavij Tpcxprj ^pfjade,dWoTpias Se (ioTavns aireyevQe, riris ecrriv aipecris'I 'Irfaov XpiaTov] GLSjg; rot; Kvptov r\puv 'I. X. A Dam-Rup. Xpiariapfj]GL; xp La" rLaviK i Dam-Rup; christianismi A; g7'atiaram actionis (euxaptcrrt/q??)S 1 ; al. g. xpê...d,7re'xeo-ê] LSjA; xP 7 V0ac...d7r

VI]TO THE TRALLIANS. 167ol KCll lit)'7rap€fJL7r\6KOV(TlV 'IriffOVV XpL&TOV, KCtTa^LO-7ri

i68 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[VIolvofieXiTOs, OTrep 6 ctyvowv dSeccs \ajuif3aveL eV t)$ovijKctKrj to dirodaveiv.VII. (puXctTTecrde ovv rom toiovtous. tovto Se6

VIl]TO THE TRALLIANS. 1695ylr](TOV XpKTTOV KCtl TOV eTTKTKOTTOV KCtl TCOU SiaTay/ULClTCOVTu>v diroo-ToXwv.6 evros dvo-ictcTTripiovwv Kadapos ecttiv,6 $6 CKTOS 6v(Tia

170 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [viitip, 6x w P^ tTTiVKOTrov Kctl 7rpecr/3vTeplovKCXl SiaKOVWVirpdacrtov tl, outos ov KaOapos e&Tiv ty\ Q"fi/etSf/cre*.VIII. Ovk eirei eyvtov toiovtov tl ev vpuv, d\\aI eiriUKOirov] G ;rod einGKoirov g. irpeafivreplov] GL* ;tlov Trpeafivreptovg; sacerdotibus A (this is the common rendering of Trpeafiurepiov in A, andtherefore it determines nothing as to the reading). /ecu 5l] /ecu buxKovovGL; Kai t

VIIl]TO THE TRALLIANS. 1717rpo

MATAIOTHTIN172 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vinXpiCTOv. /urjSek vjjlwv Kara tov ttXyio'lov eêrw fj.rjdcbopfjids$i$ot€ to?s edveaiv, *Lva cV/urj 6\iyovsa

IX]TO THE TRALLTANS. *73IX.KaxpwOrjTe ovv, orav vfjuv X^P 1 ^ 'h

174 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[ixd\ridco9 ehtdydn lirl flovTiov fliXaTOV, dXridws eo-Tavpcodr]Kai ctTredavev, ^XeirovTcov [twi/] eirovpavLiov Kai67nyeiu)v Kai VTToyQov'ivaV 09 kcli dAridcos tjyepdrj diroveKpwv, iyeipavTO? avTOV tov iraTpos avTOV, Kara toOjUOLCOjULa 09 KCCl t] /ULCtSTOVS TTlCTTeVOVTCtS avTw OVTOOS 5t HovtIqv IltXarou] GLAg Theodt ;UlXoltov Uoutlov S r aXydQis]GLS a[g]; om. [A] [Theodt]. i toou] G Theodt; om. g. eirovpaviiov]G [Theodt]; ovpaviwv g. Theodt is alone in transposingthe order andreading e-TLyeicov /cat errovpavltov. 3 viroxdovlwv] G; ko.to.~)(6ovI

.X] TO THE TRALLIANS. 175eyepeT 6 7raTt]p avTOv ev XpicrTco 'Iri&ou, ov x^P 1 ^ T°d\t]6ivov Xr\v ovk eô/iei/.X. Gl Se, co(T7rep Tives a6eoi ovt£]G ;tw SoKeiv [g] ;secundum videri L.7>iean disbelievers\ The first, word,not being strictly applicable to theseheretics, needs explanation: 'Theyare disbelievers 1 , says Ignatius, 'andtherefore they have severed themselvesfrom God'. By calling themadeoi (see § 3 above) he places themon a level with the heathen ; comp.Orig. c. Cels. ii. 3 alptae

176 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xbvTes to SoKelu, iyco ti SeSejuai ;ti Se kccievxonicuBripiOjULa^rjcraL ; Scopeav ovv d7ro6vt)0'K(t). apaovv kclto.-êvBo/uiai tov Kupiou.XI. 0ei/'yeTe ovv tcls /cafcas7rapa]Voss ; &pa ov GL;^?/a;v S x (the same interrogativewith which it has twice translated tL just before); &pa (om. oZv) [g] Sev-Syr(at least oiV is not translated) ;et A. But SjA seem to have transferred apaovv to the sentence eyw rl dede/mai. 5 ov] GLg Dam-Rup 1 Sev-Syr.understand Zahn'sThere is no authority for the reading (av. I do not quitestatement, * c5f Sf 1, 15 [i.e. SJ A, quorum hie ad fructus, ille ad propagines traxitpronomen, uterque enim Kapirovs davaTrjtpopovs habet.' S x translates the sing.Kapirov here (as it does Kapiros just below) by the plur. of fcO^S, this being acommon practice with Syriac translators, and necessarily therefore it substitutes aplural in place of ov. In this it is followed by A. In A the form of this pluralpronoun gives no indication of gender, and it might be referred equally well toirapa(f)vd8as, if we had not the Greek to determine the reference for us. In S the x8oKr)Tas eavTovs Trpocrr)y6pevo~av a>v ovto hoKelv eivai Tivas Karavoovpev pa-ment shows. The Sr/piopax^v of S.Paul however is probably metaphorical,Tni£ovTas, aXXa ttjv £k ToaavTrjs vXr/swhile that of Ignatius is literal.toKov iv oqbdaXpai (pepopevr/v SieXey- 2. dcopeav ovv k.t.X.] Comp. Gal.X°H- €V Pearson (on Smyrn. - 2) comparesEpiphan. Haer. lxxvi. 10 (p. apa ovv k.t.X. lii. 21 apa Xptcrro? 8a>peav direOavev.]in this case I lie923) avopoiov TTarpi Xeyoov o~v avopoios against the Lord', i.e. 'my life andyeyovas, K.Xrjp(o8e\s tovto to ovopa, my preaching alike are a falsehoodprjKeTi opoios vnapîov tcov iv 0fc5 rroiagainstHim, for they assume that(ope'vov. In the same vein Plato Christ really did rise'. The wholemakes merry with the views of those argument here is founded on 1 Cor.philosophers whom he calls ol peovres, xv. 12 sq see especially ver. 15:Theczt. 181 A.evpio-KopeBa Se kcu ijfevdopdpTvpes tov1.iya> rt bebepai] Qeov, 0T1 ep-aprvprjo-apev Kara tov Qeoiii.e. 'The atonementbecomes an unreality, and thereforeotl tov rjyeipev Xpiarov k.t.X. For apamy sufferings for Christ are ovv comp. Rom. v. 18, vii. 3, 25, viii.vain'. The argument is put in a 12, etc. The reading ov (which requiresto be read interrogatively, apasomewhat different form in Smyrn. 4elyap t6 doKetv Tavra livpay6r\ vnb tov ov — nonne) is possible in itself (seeKvpiov, Kay

XI] TO THE TRALLIANS. 1775 yevvwcras Kapirov 6avaTri ov eav yevcrrjTai tis,irapavra a.7ro6vt](TKei. ovtoi yap ovk elcriv (pvTeia7rctTp6s m elyap r}o~av 9 e

i7 8 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [XIavrov Trpoo-KaXeiTai v/ads, ovtcls /xeAr/avrov. ovSvvarai ovv Ke rals avfi7rapovo~ais p.01k.t.X. jand therefore the existence of Christ The churches who were presentas the Head implies the attachment in the person of their representatives;comp. Magn. 15 koL al Xoinalof the believers to Him as His members.Perhaps however we should be eKxXô-Lai...a.o-nd£ovTai vp,as. Amongread yevrjdfjvai for yevvijOfjvai.these were the Ephesians (Ephes.2. tov Qeov evtoaiv k.t.X. ]i.e. 'God 1 sq.) and the Magnesians {Magn. 1),supplying the principle of cohesion, from both which churches severalwhich principle isnothing else than delegates were present with him.Himself; comp. John xvii. 21 sq5. KaTa. irdvTak.t.X.] On thisiva navres ev s crv, ndrep, common Ignatian phrase see theev epoi Kayco iv o~oi, 'Iva Kai avTol ev note Ephes.2.ijp.1v coaiv k.t.X. With bs eariv avros 6. o-apKL re k.t.X.] See the notecomp. Ephes. 14 to. he. 8vo ev cvottjtl on Ephes. 10.yevofxeva Qeos e'ariv, and see the note 7rapoK«Xei vp.as k.t.X.] For similarMagn. 15. For the attraction of appeals in S. Paul seebs see the note on Eph. iv. 1 napa-Magn. 7. The KaXco ovv vpds eya> 6 deo-jxios k.t.X.,interpretation suggested by Smith, Philem. 9 /xdXXov 7rapaKaXas, toiovtosqui Deus est ipse Christus] is quite ov a>s UavXos...8eo'iJ.ios Xpio-Tov 'i^rrov ;'

xnj TO THE TRALLIANS. 179aiTOVfJievos Oeov eirLTVYeTv Sia/meveTe ev ty\ ouovolclv/ulwv teal Trj /U.6T dXXrjXtav Trpoo'evyri. ivpeirei yapvfdiv to?? Ka6' eva, eâipeTtos k

i8o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xn[iv] vinv ypccâs.kclIireplefxovSeirpocrevx^^y77?s d(ti v/uwv dyaTTtis XP^0VT0£ *v T $^€ ' 6£ T0" ®€0 ">€19 to KaTctîcodfivai iuerod KXtjpov ovwep eyKeipai£TTiTvyeiVy LVa W ctSoKipos evpedw.XIII. 'Ao-TraQTai v/uas t) dyairr] Cîvpvalcav teal 5'Gcpeo-iav. /uLvrnuLOvevere ev rals Trpoorevx^ vpwv T fcev Ci/p/a eKKXrio-ias- odev [kcli]ovk u^los eipi Xeyeardai,i iv] GL; om. Ag. 3 oC7re/3 tyKei/mai iTiTVX&v] Bunsen ov; TreplKeifxaiitrirvxeivGg: qua conor potiri L; accipere (sortes) ad quas vocatus sum A.6 ivrah irpoaevxcus] GLA ;om. g. vp.

XIIl] TO THE TRALLIANS. 18(i)vecrâro? eiceiviov. epptocrde ev 'Irjcrov Xpio-rco, vtto-TaacrofjievoL tw 67ricrK07rcpcos rrj evToArj, 6/uLoioos Kal[o tw 7rp£cr{3vTepicp'Kal ol kclt avopa d\\f]\ovs dyaTrdreev afjiepia-Tcp KapSla. ay venerea v/ulcov to e/uov irvev /ma,ov fjiovov vvv dWa Kal brav Qeov eiriTvyco, en yapV7r6 klvSvvov el/ur dWa ttio'tos 6 7raTtjpev 'IricrovTrj £vTo\rj] G ;om. g ;add dei LA. IO t£ Trpecr^vTepi(j}] GL* ;rotsTrpes Kal] See the note on Ephes.19.7. S0€v k.t.X.] Comp. Magn. 14 10. ol kclt dvbpa] ' each individtially''\odev ovk at-ios elpi KaXe7v exei ttlcttcov Philad. 6. Thus also bidvoiav dSia-(with the note).KpLTov § I, a7rept(T7raaTa) diavoiq Ephes.epp vnb kLvSvvov, vpels eo-njpiyfxepoihave added 'Dei.' This absolute (with the note). There is still the riskuse is not consistent with Pearson's that either by his own weakness orinterpretation of Smyrn. 1. c. 'tamquamby the interposition of others he may'as Dei praecepto institutes] i.e. be robbed of the martyr's crown.being God's ordinance' (where mo-Tos 6 naTTjp] CompareS. Paul'she refers to this passage). The Tralliansmo-Tos 6 Qebs and similar expressions ;are told to obey the bishop's1 Cor. i. 9, x. 13, 2 Cor. i. 18, 1 Thess.

1 82 IGNATIUS TO THE TRALLIANS. [xmXpiffTtp 7r\rip(j0(rai jjlov rrjv aiTt\(jiv kcu vjulcop' eV wevpedeit]}JLeva/uLw/jioi,i evpeOeirj/xev] Ag; evpedei-qre GL. A single letter might make the difference-HM6 for -HTe- dfj.ojfji.oL] GL; add. gratia vobiscum omnibus, amen A;add. ovaifirjv v/xwv iv Kvplu} g.There is no subscription to GLA.For g see the Appx.i. 7rA?7pcoo-cu]An infinitive afteraurcp k.t.X. ; comp. Ephcs. n povov7tktt6s, as in Neh. xiii. 13. iv Xptorw 'irjaov evpedfjvai, and seeiii.iv a>] i.e. 'lyo-ov Xpio-ro), as in Phil. also § 2 of this epistle,9 iva XpiaTov Kepdtjaoi kcu evpedoo iv

4-TO THE ROMANS.

4-TO THE ROMANS.1IKEthe three preceding letters, the Epistleto the Romans was_/ written and despatched from Smyrna. The Ephesian delegates,who were still with him, acted as amanuenses ; and, as the name ofCrocus is singled out for mention, we may suppose that he was the chiefpenman on the occasion. This is the only letter which bears a date.It was written on August 23rd (§ 10).Ignatius had been preceded by certain members of the SyrianChurch, who however are not mentioned by name. He assumes thathe bespeaks for themthey will have arrived in Rome before the letter ;a kindly welcome ;and he wishes them to be informed of his speedyarrival. Of these persons nothing is said elsewhere. Probably theyhad been despatched from Antioch direct to Rome, immediately afterthe condemnation of the saint, with the news of his impending visit.The letter throughout assumes that the Roman Christians are informedof his fate, and will act upon the information.But, though the letter was despatched from the same place andprobably about the same time with the Epistles to the Ephesians,Magnesians, and Trallians, though it closely resembles them in styleand expression, yet the main topics are wholly different. The subjectmatter ischanged with the change in the relations between the writerand the readers. There is no direct allusion to the Judaeo- Gnosticheresy, which occupies so large a place in his letters to the AsiaticChurches. The Roman Church iscomplimented in the opening as'filtered clear from every foreign colouring,' and from first to last theepistle contains no reference to false doctrine of any kind. On the

1 86 the epistle of Ignatiuscorrelative topic also, the duty of obedience to the bishopand otherofficers of the Church, which shares with the denunciation of heresythe principal place in the other letters, he is equally silent here. Indeedwe might read the epistle from beginning to end without a suspicionthat the episcopal office existed in Rome at this time, if we had noother grounds for the belief. On the relation of this phenomenon toother early documents bearing on the Roman Church I have spokenelsewhere (S. Clement of Rome i.p. 68; comp. Philippians p. 217 sq).On the other hand the letter is almost wholly taken up with onesingle topic, which appears only casually in the other epistles— hiscoming martyrdom. We have seen how the news of his convictionhad preceded him to Rome. He was alarmed at its possible effects.Perhaps he had good reason to fear the too officious zeal of his friendsfrom Syria.At all events there were Christians holding influentialpositions in Rome at this time, more especially about the court (seethe note on § 1 cfropovjxai k.t.X.). What, if they should attempt toobtain a reversal or a commutation of his sentence? Their inopportunekindness would be his ruin (§ 4).The whole letter is apassionate cry for martyrdom, an eager deprecation of pardon. Thealtar is ready. Will they then withhold the libation (§2)? Will theyrefuse the sacrifice (§ 4) ? It will be an act of jealousy (§ 5 £77X000-0.1),a display of envy (§ 3 ifiaaKavaTe, § 7 (Bao-Kavta), an infliction of wrong(§ 1 aSi/070-77), an outbreak of hatred (§ 8 e/AKnyo-are), an abetting ofSatan (§ 7 fiorjOcLTU) currcS), to rob him of his crown. Even thoughhe himself on his arrival in Rome should crave their intercessionwhich now he deprecates, he intreats them not to listen to him (§ 7)Martyrdom is the new birth, is the true life, is the pure light (§ 6)Martyrdom is the complete discipleship, the final enfranchisement (§ 4)The martyr's crown is better than all the kingdoms of the earth (§ 6)Only then, when he sets to the world, will he rise to God (§ 2).Theteeth of the wild beasts are the mill which grinds the fine flour for thesacrificial bread. Therefore he will entice them, will provoke them,to mangle, to crush, to pulverize his limbs for the altar of God (§§ 4, 5).Crowned by martyrdom, his life becomes an utterance of God ;robbedof martyrdom, it is a vague unmeaning cry (§ 2).The Epistle to the Romans had a wider popularity than the otherletters of Ignatius both early and late. It appears to have been circulatedapart from them, sometimes alone, sometimes attached to thestory of the martyrdom. Thus it seems to have become in some sensea vade mecum of martyrs in the subsequent ages. At all events we find

TO THE ROMANS. 187itquoted before any of the other epistles (Iren. v. 28. 4 ;see $ 4, p. 207below) and its influence on the earliest ; genuine Acts of Martyrdomextant— those of Polycarp, and those of Perpetua and Felicitas—seemsto be clearly discernible (see the notes on § 6 7r/ooo-/3iao-o/xcu, § 5 'Ovai/rqyk.t.X. ; comp. also the note on § 4 a.7re\ev6epos k.t.A..). Moreover in theMensea for Dec. 20, the day assigned to S. Ignatius in the later GreekCalendar, we meet again and again with expressions taken from it,whereas there is no very distinct coincidence with the other epistles.On the other hand, where the interest was doctrinal and not practical,as for instance in the Monophysite controversy,the other letters areprominent and the Epistle to the Romans recedes into the background.Owing to these circumstances, the history and the phenomena of thetext are different in several respects from those of the other epistles(see above, p. 5 sq).The following is an analysis of the epistle.'Ignatius to the Church of Rome, preeminent in position as inlove, worthy of all good things and filtered clear from all defilement,abundant greeting in Christ.'1My prayer has been more than granted for I shall see; you inmy bonds. Only do not interpose, that so my course, which has begunwell, may also end well (§ 1).The opportunity is great; do not mar it.If you keep silence, God will speak through me. The altar is readyfor sacrifice; chant ye the hymn of praise round the victim (§ 2).Teach me my duty, as you have taught others. Pray that I may haveI shall be seen most plainly then, whenstrength to do, as well as to say.I have ceased to be seen. Christianity is not talk, but might (§ 3).I tell all the churches that I die freely. Leave me to the wild beasts.I am the fine meal ground in the mill for sacrifice. Stir up the wildbeasts to devour me wholly. I cannot command you as Peter andPaul did; for I am only a criminal and a slave (§ 4).I am fightingwith wild beasts the whole way from Syria to Rome. Yet the crueltyof my guards is a wholesome discipline to me. I trust and pray thatthe beasts will devour me at once ;that they will be eager, as I amcrown. I ameager. Let no power in heaven or on earth envy me myready for any torture (§ 5). All the kingdoms of the earth are nothingto me. I desire Christ; I desire lightand life. Let me imitate thepassion of my God (§ 6).Satan would seize on me as his prey do;not abet him. Obey me in these words which I write now. Myearthly passions are crucified. I desire not the food of corruption.

1 88 IGNATIUS TO THE ROMANS.I crave the bread and the cup of God (§ 7). Once again ;do notthwart me. I write briefly, but Christ will interpret. It is God's ownwill that I declare (§8).'1Pray for the Syrian Church, which has no bishop now but God, andof which I am an unworthy member. The churches which have receivedand escorted me join in my salutation (§ 9). I write this fromSmyrna, with the assistance of the Ephesians, especially Crocus. Tellthe Syrians who have preceded me, that I shall arrive shortly. Writtenon ix Kal. Sept. Farewell, be patient to the end (§ 10).'

TTPOCPQMAIOYC.'ITNATIOC, 6 Kal Qecxpopos, ty\ Y\KeY]ii£vr) ev /meyct-XeiOTrjTL TTCLTpOS V^p-ICTTOU KCCl ' lr]GTOV XpiCTTOV TOV fJLOVOVviov avTOv, €KK\ricria riyair^fxevri Kal m7re(p(i)Tio iueurj6e\t]/uLaTL tov 6e\rj(ravTOs to. iravTa a ecrTLV, kcito.npoc poOMAIOyc] tov avrov hnaroXrj irpbs pcofxalovs g* ; ignatii epistola adromanos L*; epistola tertia {eiusdem sancti ignatii) 2*; ad romam urbem A. Thereis no title in GA m SmM.i 6 Kal] M;qui A est m om.;Sm. For the other authorities see the note onEphes. inscr. i irarphs v\pL

1190 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUStt'kttivkoI apM G2AAmMg ;loco chori L ; regime Sm. d£i6deos...d£Layvo ml opposite direction ;avTovopa see Dollinger Hippolytus u. Kallislusml dpxovo-y ml 7rpom0rjp.evr) ttjs dvaro- p. 108 sq. The tottos x w pi°vXijs, 'lovXios Td'ios 'PatfiaiavKaiaap k.t.X. Leo therefore will have a looser significa-the Great thus apostrophizes Romeherselftion, denoting generally 'the countryor district of the Romans' (comp.

TO THE ROMANS. 191KCLl7TpOKCt6f]TaL£V T07TC0 ^topiOU'PtO/UiaiWV,Ct^lodeOS,decorum, as Cureton and Petermann suggest) et beatitudine (dôâ/cdpto-Tos) et laude(d^Leiraivos) et mentoria (perhaps = dîayvos, WOII memoria being a comuotion of$031*7 purificatio) et digna prosperitate (d^teiriTevKTos) 2; om. M.Macar. Magn. Apocr. iii. 38, p. 135,iv (TK^nTpcp kcu X^P? 'Pvpalcov avatrar&v)and the Church of Rome itself;is so entitled, as the principal churchin this region, just as the Church ofJerusalem might be said TTpoKa6r)o-6aiiv tottco x P i0V * s tnesame as that of apyvpos, XP Vthe former beingdpyvpicv, xpvcri'oj/,the metals themselves, the latter themetals worked up into bullion orcoins or plate or trinkets or images,e.g. Macar. Magn. Apocr. iii. 42 (p.147) ravr €K xP v

192 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSd£i07rpe7rris, d^LO/uaKapLcrro^ y d£i€7rcuvos, dî€7riT6UKTOS,dîayvos, kcu TrpoKadrifJievri rfjs dya7rr]

TO THE ROMANS. 193/* f ^XpiorTOV vlov TrciTpos* KCtTa capita Kai irvevfjia YlVOOfievOLSTracrt] evToXrj avrov, 7re7r\r]po)fjievoi^ âpin-o^ Qeov dlia-KpiTtos Kal aTTo'&ivXio'iJLevois airo wavTos dWoTpiov XP°^~legem L; in lege christi [2] Sm ; lege christi A ; xP l(rr uvvpo

194 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSI. 'drei ev^ctfjievosQew eireTvôv ileiv vfxwv ra'I. X.(om. rep 0etp ijfiQv)A; 0etp /cat Trarpt /cat Kvpicp ijfiav 'I. X. g ;om. 2 (see the lasti 'I. X. ry $e£ fj/iuv] GLAm Sm ; 'I. X. t$ 6e$ (om. t?/xcDj>) M;note). 3 'ETret câêvos] GAAm Mg* (but 1 has deprecans); deprecans(iirev&nevos) L. The following are doubtful; jampridem deum oravi ut digitusfierem...nunc autem ligatus etc S; ot»/ £/ datum est mihi ut viderem etc Sm ;butthey seem to be attempts to mend the anacoluthon of e7ret edl-afievos k.t.X. See thelower note. Gey] GM; t£ 6e8r)v (see the note). Thesubject on which he here 'flies off ata tangent' is his fear lest the RomanChristians should interpose and robhim of his martyr's triumph. Here,as in similar cases, the transcribersand critics have attempted to mendthe syntax. Such an attempt, forinstance, isthe substitution of 'E7revgdpevosfor 'En-el evfjdpevos (Vedelius,Ussher, Pearson, etc, with the LatinVersions and some mss of the Metaphrast),or the reading IldXai eVeuâfxeuos(Bunsen after the Syriac), orthe omission of yap after dedepevos(the editors commonly after the MediceanMS).iirervxop] '/ have been successful','it has been granted me f not meaningthat he had already seen ;them,

1]TO THE ROMANS.'95d^Lodea TTpotrcoTra, ak kcli 7r\eov rj riTOu/utji/ Xafielw SeSe-5 pevos yap ev Xpiarrw'Irjcov iXiri^ta v/Lids dcrirdcraa-Qaiêavirep 8e\riiuia rj tov d^Lcodfjvai jue ek rekos eluary\reading than tbs) ; def. SM. For Am see the next note. irXeov $ riTov/xrju]see below; v\eov yroij/j.r)v GLAg; ex multo tempore petebam Sm (perhaps a badrendering of wXtov rather than a v. 1. 7rd\cu); def. SM. A m has quantum petii, plusetiam accept, which gives the same sense as my conjectural reading. 5 yap]gL Am nunc aute?n ; [S] (see a previous note); et mine A; om. GM;al. Sm (butthe existing text seems to have been corrupted from one which had yap; seeMoesinger p. 25). Xpio-ro) 'ItjctoO] GLAmSmMg; Irjaov XP^T^ SA.aairaaaadai] GLAAmMg; venire et sa/utare Sm ; accipere et salutare S (whereaccipere seems to represent \aj3e7u, which has been preserved from the omitted *context). 6 di\rjixa\ gLSSm ;add. rod deou GAM; add. domini Am see:the lower note. elpai] GLg; ovtus elvai M; pervenire A m ; sustinerehaec Sm ;om. SA. The variations of the Oriental Versions seem to be mereexpedients of translators, and not to imply anyv. 1.in the Greek.but that circumstances were such asto have already insured the fulfilmentof his prayer.4. dgiodea] See the note on Trail.inscr. The authorities for dgiodearaare too slight to justify its adoption,though plausible in itself. I cannotfind that dgioOeos (or indeed any compoundin -deos) is ever derived fromSea, and therefore equivalent to dfjiodiaros(as maintained by Zahn /. v.A. p. 558, though ad loc. he is disposedto retract this opinion). InC. I. G. 4943 d&Oeovs in ver. 3 hasnot the same meaning as d^tOecapovin ver. 4 but refers to the 'shrines'which are mentioned in the sameline. Alciphron Ep. iii. 55 is quotedin the lexicons for this sense, but thereading is probably dt-ioxpea, not dîodea.cos

196 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [1fjiev yap dpxv euoiKOVOfJLrjTO^ 6

I]TO THE ROMANS.-975 Sv(tko\ou ecTiv tov Qeov eTTLTvêlvy edvirep vfjieh jud)

j 98 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [n(ri(t)7njo-riT6, KpeiTTOVi epyco eêre erriypacprivai.eav2 yap] GLAAm Sm ;om. 2 Joann-Mon (twice), M (but with a v. 1. odv); reyap g. eyu] txt L add.; yeprjaopai GMg. Other authorities supply differentwords; sum Am sum mihi;Sm Joann-Mon (once); ero S Joann-Mon (once); fiam A;but there is no reason to think that any corresponding word stood in their Greek text.There is no sufficient authority for the omission of eyu> (with Zahn): it appears directlyin GLAAm Mg Joann-Mon (once), and is represented, though less emphatically,in the sum mihi of Sm Joann-Mon (once).deov (om. \6yos) GMg; ego verbum sum (aut ;Xoyos deov] L*2Sm Joann-Mon (twice);ego dei sum) Am (where both readingsare recognised, but the first imperfectly, for there is no other evidence for eyw Xoyoswithout deov).A has si siletis a me vet-bo ego pars dei fatn. This departure fromthe infinitive after mipbv tolovtovalone.'comp. e.g. Horn. Od. vii. 309 ov poitolovtov ev\ o-TrjOecrcn (piXov nrjp pa^rL-Sia>s K€xo\a>crdai, and see Kiihner II.pp. 580, ion.1. upetTTovL k.t.X.]'have yourname attached to, have ascribed to Gospel,you, win the credit of, any nobler:purposeachievement'' \ as e.g. Plut. Mor. p.326 F ttjv TV%r)v toIs KaTopOwpacriviavTrjV emypacpovaav, Dionys. A. R.vii.5° TO'? €K(3aivovo~i Tvapa Tag vpeTepasavvOrjicas ov ttjv tvxtjv dXXa ttjvvperepav eViypa

n]TO THE ROMANS. 199ai>vqs,Kal rj (pcovrj 7rp68pop.os tov Xoyovk.t.X. :comp. Strom, viii. 2, p. 914 sq.From Origen more especially thedistinction would find its way intolater fathers; comp. Meletius inEpiph. Haer. lxxiii. 30 (p. §7%), Ephr.Syr. Eva?ig. Cone. Exp. 3 sq, 39(ed. Moesinger).The passage of Ignatius is explainedaccordingly by John the Monkin the latter part of the fourth century(see Quotations and Referencesno. 21), who writes, 'The Word isnot of the flesh but of the Spirit,whereas the Voice is not of the Spiritbut of the flesh. ..for every beast andbird together with cattle and creepingthing of the earth utter the voiceonly;but because man has in him a

200 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["6t]T6 rfjs crapKos /ulov, 7rd\iv ecro/mai (ptovrj.irXeov [SeJ/uLOi jurj 7rapdv novcov koaT(av 8popa>v rb aTa.8iov...Kal av nakivdvotyeis Kai rpex €lv cmraTTeis K.r.A. :and for the metaphor see also Polyc.I Trpoo-Qeivai tu> 8pop,co o~ov ;SO too rpe-Xew in 1 Cor. ix. 24, 26, Gal. ii. 2, v.7, Phil. ii. 16, etc., and dpopos Actsxx. 24, 2 Tim. iv. 7). But he hasspoiledthe antithesis. From theitinterpolator has got into theGreek MS of Ignatius. Cureton suggestedtjx

"] TO THE ROMANS. 20 1(TLacTTripiov 6TOifJ.ov eo~Tiv iva ev aya7rrj 'XPP ^ ytvo-/mevoi acrrjre Tip war pi ev 'h)crov XpicrTcp, on tov iiridijvcuG. 3 'iva...d

202 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [nOTKOTTOV Cvpias KaTt]pLO)crev 6 Qeos evp60f]vateis Svcm;,euro dv/rayue^09. kclKov to Suvai diroKOOTjULOV 7TpOS QeOV,\vTov. So too (pavr/vat els, e.g.2 Mace. i.33. See also the note on§ 1 els t4\os elvai. The rendering ofthe Curetonian Syriac may perhapsbe explained by an accidental repetitionof the first syllable of evpeSfjvat,which would easily be read Oyeyp-S. Chrysostom obviously alludesto this passage in his oration onIgnatius, Op. 11. p. 598 (ed Bened.)Ka.8a.7rep rjXtos tis e£ dvaToXrjs dvlaxcovKal npos tx]v hvrrtv '. .Tpe\(HV .KaKelvosp.ev els tol Trjs dvrrecos antra v p-ep-q Kpvn-TeTat Kal WKTa evdecos endyet, ovtos8e els to. Trjs Svrreros dneXdcov p-eprj(patdporepov eiceldev dveTeiXe. So toothe Mencea Dec. 20 toIs dpopoLs ttjsntrrTeoos, cos r]Xtos, tt/v yrjv yevvairosdtidpafies an huprop ovpavov, Kal ftvvasaSvrcos dno yrjs els Xpiarov to (paisavvao-TpdnTeiscu'roS7-779 drpdapcrias,besides several other allusions to thispassage more or less direct. Seealso Ephrem Syrus Op. Graec. III.p. 261 ebvcrav dno Korxp-ov Kal nposXpio-Top dveTetXav, quoted by Zahn.2. Ka\6v to dvvat K.r.X.] He wasfollowing the course of the sun ;hislife would set to the world inthe farwest ;but as the sun rises, so it alsowould rise again to God. For thisexpressive intermingling of the actualand the metaphorical, see KaraKpiros§ 4. There is a somewhat similarturn in 2 Tim. ii.9 ev v, cos- KaKoiipyos, dXXa 6Xoyos tov Qeov ov dederat.III. 'You have never yet grudgedany one his triumph you have:always hitherto been the instructorsof others. It is my wish now thatthe lessons which you have taughtshould stand fast. One service youcan do me. Pray that strength maybe given me within and without, sothat I may not only say, but will ; maynot be called, but be found a Christian.The name will follow in due course.My faithfulness will then be manifest,when I am no more seen by theworld. Nothing visible is of anyworth. Our God Jesus Christ Himselfis the more clearly seen, sinceHe has returned to the Father. Thework of the Gospel is not a matterof persuasive rhetoric :Christianity

Ill]TO THE ROMANS. 203III. Ovêirore LâcrKavare ouSevi- aAAovs e'Si-5 Sapare. iyco Se deAoo \va Ka.KO.va fiefiata rja uadridvareiXco/xevM; oriar {aut, fiam oriens) A m (which seems to offer an alternativereading avaroXr] cJ for dvareiXu}); tandem (ad finem) oriar Sm ; al. Sev-Syr. AfterdvareiXu} SA Joann-Mon have in vita, which must be regarded as a mere glossof the Syriac translator. 4 efiacraware] Gg; eâtrKTjvare M.oi/devi]gM ;ovbeva G; ovde Am (non iinquam invidistis nobis, et non alios etc). As thecase affects the meaning, the testimony of the versions is important ;invidistisin aliquo L; invidistis cuiqnam SASm ; fascinastis aliqnem 1 (which requiresovdeva, not oiidevl as in g): see the lower note. 5 eyu 5L..evTeXXeade]GLAmSmMg; om. SA.is a thing of energy and power, whenitis hated by the world.'4. eftao-Kavart ovdevi] ''grudged anyone\ i.e. the triumph of :martyrdomcomp. § 7 fia.CTKa.vLa iv vp.lv kutolk€ltoo,where he isfir)speaking of the'same thing. Do not', writes Ignatius,'depart from your true character ;you have hitherto sped the martyrsforward to victory, do not now interposeand enviously rob me of mycrown.' For the form and meaningof ifiavKavare see Galatians iii. I.The dative is required here : for fiacr-KaLvav nvd is either 'to bewitch' or'to calumniate', while fiao-Kaiveiv rivlis 'to envy'; see Lobeck Phryn.p. 463.aXXovs e'Sioaâre] 'you instructedothers', i.e. in the training of theChristian athlete ; comp. Ephes. 3v vfxcov inraXeicpdfjvai rriarei, vov-8ecrLq, V7rofxovrj, jxa

204 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [inTeiWTes evreWecrQe. \iovov /ulol SvvafiLV alreia-de eawdevre Kal eôodev,wa /urj \xovov \eyco dWd Kal deXto' iva\xr\ fjiovov XeyuofJicu Xpicmavos dWa Kal Bvpedw.eavyap evpedu), Kal Xeyeadai hvvafj.ai, Kal tote wkttosehai, OTav KoVyUa) /urj (paii/wiuai.ovSev (paivopevov5i fioi SfocLfUV alrelade] GL ; p.OL dtvafiiv alrrjaaade [M] ; dvvap.iv alreiadifJL0L g 2 ha urj sec] GM ottws . ; m g (comp. Smyrn. u, where there isthe same substitution, and Polyc. 2, where there is the converse); ut non Sm ;non tit L; et non ut 2; et non AAm . 3 eav yap] gL2Am eav;yap Kal G; al. ASm def. M. 4 Kal r6re 7rt0" r6s dvaC \GLM g5 et tunc;fidelis possum fieri Am ;et tunc sim fidelis A; tunc sum fidelis2 Joann-Mon ;et fidelis (creditus) ero [Sm ] (rore being transferred to the former clause).5 orav] GL; ore g (mss) M. »«»? LAAm ; pulchrum (TEH?)SSm ;

Ill]TO THE ROMANS. 205KaXov. 6 yap Geo? ^/ulcojj 'hicrovs XpicrTos, ev iraTplcou, fxaWop (paiverai.ov ireio-fjLOvrjs to epyov dXKafieyedovs ecrrlv 6 xP Lchristianus LSm (but hereit is doubtless due to a corrupt reading in the former part of the sentence, N123vir for tfl3y opus, thus rendering christianus necessary) Tim-Syr ;def. M.orav pLLcrrjraL vwo Koapov] g*LAm Tim- Syr; quando odit enm mundus SA;quando mundum odit Sm (but this inversion of subject and object is explained bya superfluous letter in the Syriac); om. G; def. M.6. 6 yap Qebs rjpa>v\See the note on the closely parallel passagenote on Ephes. inscr.Ephes. \\ ov yap vvv inayyeXias toiv Tvarp\ a>vk.t.X.] i.e. 'is more epyov, aXX' iv bvvdpei niaTecos k.t.X.Ignatius here returns to the idea expresseda few sentences above in thewords tva prj povov Xeya> dXXd ko.\stood and traduced ;but now His 6eXa>. Men must not talk fluently,poweris manifested and acknowledgedin the working of His Church. is abroad. I do not understand howbut act mightily, when persecutionAs soon as He ceased Koapco cpaivecr-Ren an (Les Evaugiles p. 490 sq)Oai, He fxaXXov e(paiveTo. The sentenceis thrown into the form of a The external evidence is decisivecan defend the reading aico7rfjs povov.paradox; 'Christ Himself is more against it nor does * it suit the context,which depreciatestalk as contrastedwith work.'7- ov neio-pov^s k.t.X.]The 8. peyidovs] Involving the idea ofWork is not of persuasive rhetoric' '; 'power, efficiency,' as e.g. Mart. Polyc.comp. I Cor. ii. 4 6 Xoyos pov koi to 17 to peyeQos avrov ttjs paprvpias :Kijpvypd pov ovk iv Treidols crocpias comp. Ephes. inscr., Smyrn. n.XoyoLS dXX iv cmodeiêi irvevpaTos KOt 6 xpi°" rLavia 'H-°s ]See the note ondvvdpecos, I Thess. i. 5 T0 evayyeXiov Magn. 10.rjpav ovk iyevrjdrj els vpas iv Xoyop pLo-fjTai.vtto Koapov] Comp. Johnpovov dXXd koi iv Svvdpei k.t.X. For vii. 7, xv. 18, I9,xvii. 14, 1Joh. iii. 13.Treio-povrf comp. Gal. v. 8 with the This last clause has dropped out ofnote. On to 'ipyov 'the Work', as a the Greek MS. There is a similarsynonyme for the Gospel, see the omission in § 6 prjfte vXtj KoXaKevarjTe.clearly seen, now that He has ascendedto His Father'. During Hisearthly ministry He was misunder-clearly seen, now that He is no moreseen'.

206 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IVIV. '€yw ypdcpconacrous rah €KK\ticricus,kcll ev-TeXKofxai iracriv otl [c'y^] eKwv virep Qeov aTrodvri erica),edvirep v/ueh /urj KwXvcrtiTe. TrapaKaXw i)/xa§, \xr] efijraVats] g S 2S 3SAAm Tim-Syr; om. GLSmM. ivriXkofUu] GL*S 2S 32AAmSmM Tim-Syr; evreXovpai g* (mss but mando 1). i iyu>] GM; om. g.It is not expressedin LAAmSm Tim-Syr, and doubtfully in 2S 2S 3.3 evvoiaduaipos ytv-qade'] GMg; concordia (avvvoia?) intempestiva (nom. or zb\.) fiatis L; sitisin aniore i?ztempestivo2 (evvoia aKaipu), unless it is a loose paraphrase); faciatisamorem...intempestive A; inutiliter (aut; incongrue) curas ostendere Am (this is perhapsan alternative translation, not an alternative reading); compatiamini inaniter,sitis amatores inanes Sm (a double translation): see the lower note. 4 drjpluvehai] S 2S 32Sm ;add. fioppav G; add. popdv M; add. /3pc3yua g; add. cibum LA;a bestiis devorari Am . 5 iveariv\ GM (with a v. 1.); Zctiv g; estk.t.X. It have been the IV. 'I write and tell all the(kkXtjo-uus ypd\j/aiTins ovk rj^vvrjOrjv than dXrjdeiv ;see Lobeck Pliryn.churches that I die gladly for Christ,may apparentcontradiction between these two passagesunless you hinder me. I beseechwhich led to the omission ofyou, be not inopportune in your kindness.Give me to the wild beasts, that here.naaais in some texts of Ignatiusso I may be given to God. I am the 3. evvoia anaipos] They were kindnessitself to him. but this kindnesswheat of God, and am ground bytheir teeth, that I may be made pure was inopportune. An easy alterationbread for a sacrificial offering. Lure would be evvoia axaipoi, but the textthe wild beasts that they may devour isprobably correct as it stands. Itme wholly and leave no part of my seems to be a reference to the proverbbody to be a trouble to any. So aicaipos evvoi ovftev e\dpas diacpepeishall I be truly a disciple, when the (Zenob. Paroe?n. i. 50) ; comp. § 8world sees me no more. Pray God, eav dirodoKL/JLacrOa), epLicrrjcrare.that I may be found a fit sacrifice to4. 6r)p'«av\ opposition betweenHim. I do not command you, as if Orjpleovand Qeov is studied. He mustI were Peter or Paul. I am only a first be the wild-beasts', that in theconvict, not an apostle ; only a slave, end he may be God's ; comp. Smyrn.not a free man. Yet, if I suffer, I 4 p.era^v 6r)pi(ov, p.era£v Qeov. Theshall be liberated by Christ, and be insertion of (Bophv or fip

IV]TO THE ROMANS. 207noia AKAipoc yewicrde jjlol. acpere jue dtipioov elvai,5 Si wv [ev-le&Tiv Qeov €7riTvxew° (tItos el/mt Qeov, teal$1 oSovtcov drjptoov aXrjdoiuLai, 'Iva Kadapos apros evpedwLAm ;possum Sm al. A.

208 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IV[tov XpLOTTOv^. jutaWov KoXaKeuaare to. dtipia, \vafjioi Tficbos yevcovrai, kcii fjir]6ev KaTa\i7ra)criv twv tov(Tto/maTOs jULOV,iva\xy\ Koi/utideh (Sapvs tivl yevcofxai.Tore ecro/mai /uadrjTrj^ dXridcos 'Irjarov Xpi&Toi), ots ovSeTO CrttifJid JJLOV6 KO&fJLOS SKETCH. \lTaV€VO m CtT€ TOV 5i tov XpitTTov] GLSmM;deov (before evpedcd) g ; dei S 2S 3SAAm Iren-Lat BedaMartyr.; om. Iren-Gr (Euseb) Mart-Rom Hieron Catal. 16 Beda Comm. inApoc. It seems probable from a comparison of these authorities that the genitiveshould be omitted altogether.If indeed deov (contracted dv) had stood in theoriginal text before evpedco, as in g, its omission through carelessness might easilyhave been explained by the recurrence of similar letters (see the notes on deov Qvcrlajust below, and on § 2 evpe&TJvcu els Svctlp above); but with deov, or rod deov, in thepreceding clause, itsappearance again here would be very awkward, thoughit hasfar better support than tov X/hotov. fxaXXov] GLAMg; om. A m . It is apparentlyintended to be expressed by the strong forms, provocando provocate, adulandoadulamini, in S 2 S 32Sm. 2 firjdev] fxrjdev (sic) G; ur)8ev M. The MSSof g vary. KaTaXiTrojcriv] KaTaXiiriocn (sic) G; KaTaXeiTrwcnv (or -en) gM (thelatter with a v. 1.).tl2v tov crw/uuxTos iiov~\ g; eonim quae corporis ??iei L; e/iaXAoi/] Referring to the clausei.p. 1096) 6r)pia 7re7r\r)apiiva, rdcpovs rpe-evvoia fxrj ancupos yivrja'ue p.01.XOVTdS.KoXanevcraTe] coax, humour, entice',u-qBev Ka.Ta\'nroio-Lv\ In one Martyrology,'a somewhat favourite word inthe Antiochene (§ 6), it is re-Ignatius : see the note on Polyc. 2. lated that the saint's wish was almost2. Ta(pos yevcovTai] So in the Mencealiterally fulfilled, Iva ur\8ev\ tcov d8eX-(Dec. 20) it is said of Ignatius (pcov enaxdrjs 81a rr/s avXXoyfjs tov(nr\ayxya Orjpicov o~oi Ta

1\ -]TO THE ROMANS. 209Kvpiov virep epiov, 'iva Sid tccv opyctvcov tovtcov Qeou6vcTLa evpedw. Ou% cos flerposkcll llauAos $ictTcicrv) GM ;e corpore meo S 2S 32A (but in such a matter the OrientalVersions do not count for much). 3 yfrw/xai] GSM;situ Sm I tvped-qcop-atg* ;inveniar L ; appaream Am ;def. A. 4 Tore] GL2AmSmM; totc 5k g ;et tunc A. dX-qdQs] GL*Am ;in veritate'L; dXr/Orjs gASmM. 'Irjcrov Xpiarov]LSAm g; rod xp ctov GASmM. l 5 tov Kipioy] S 3SAAmg; tov xpurrbvGLSm ; t£ xP'°" r< ? M. 6 Qeov] g* (but om. 9eov 1; and some Gk MSSread 0e£) ; &»'L; deo or

2IO THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IVdireXevdepos 'Irjarov XpicrTOv, kcli ava(TTY)(roixaieXevdepos.vvv fiavdavco SeSe/xeVo? prjSev eiriQufxeiv.eu avrwi aweXeudepos] GM add.; yev-qcopai g. The versions naturally supply variouswords; fiam L; fio A ;inveniar Am ; ego sum S S 3 ;sum mihi Sm : see the lowernote. XpurTov] LS 32AAmSmMg ;om. G. iv aury] GS 32SmMg ;cum eo Am ;om. LA. i vvv] GAmMg ; et nunc LSA ;nunc autem Sm .pavOdvw] txt GLSAAmSmM; add. ev avr$ g* (MSS, but om. 1).iiri6vfieiv]txt L2AAm Sm ;add. KoapiKov rj fi&rcuov GMg. 3 yJJs koI BaXda-a-qs]GLAmSm[M]g Euseb Mart-Rom 1 ; 6aXdaarjs koX yrjs SA Euseb-Syr Hieron.inferred from this (Bunsen Ign. p.58, Ritschl Altkath. Kirche p. 412),that Ignatius was, or had been, actuallya slave. This inference is at allevents supported by the analogy ofKciTaKpiTos,which describes an actualfact, though taken as the symbol ofa spiritual state. Some external factindeed seems to be required ;butprobably Ignatius means nothingmore than that, as a prisoner, hewas subject to the despotic will ofothers ;see Zahn /. v. A. p. 410 sq.'aI.dneXevdepos k.t.X.] freedman\the idea being taken from1 Cor. vii. 22 6 yap iv Kvptca icKrjBeisbovXos dneXevOepos Kvpiov eariv :comp. Mart. Justin, et Soc. 4 Eue\7ri(TTosdovXos Kaicrapos a.7T€KpivaTo,Kayd) Xpianavos elpi, iXevBepcoBelsvirb Xpiarovj Cyprian Epist. 76 (p.829, Hartel) ' O pedes in saeculo adpraesens ligati, ut sint semper apudDeum liberi,' Act. SS. Did. et Theod.1'Judex dixit Ingenua es, an anciliaf Theodora respondit Jam tibidixi, Christiana sum; Christies auteniadveniens me liberavif (Ruinart Act.Mart. Sine. p. 428, Ratisbon. 1859).Similarly Epictetus Diss. iii. 24. 68($• ov p 'AvTiaOevrjs rjXevdepcoo-ev,ovKtTL edovXevcra' 7rcos ^Xevdepoxrev ;k.t.X., iv. 7. 17 rjXevdepcopai vrro touQcov, cyvcoKd avrov ras evroXas, ovkitioiJfieisSovXaywyrjaai pe bvvarai (comp.iv. i. 35). For the form of the sentence(with the omission of the substantiveverb)comp. Ephcs. 8 nepi-"^rrjpa vpcov

v]TO THE ROMANS. 21 IV. 'Airo Cvpias JJ-e^pi'Pco/ul^s Oijpiojuia^co, $ia yTjsKctl daXdcrcrrj^, vvktos kccl rifdepas, eVSeSeyueVo? Se/ca \eo-In the passage which follows I have not generally recorded the vv. 11. ofJerome and of Gildas [de Exc. Brit. iii. 7) as having no independent value, sincethe former merely repeats Euseb, and the latter borrows from Rufinus' translationof the same historian. Nor again are all the vv. 11. of Mart-Rom recorded here ;they will be found in their proper place. 4 iudedepeuos] g EusebMart-Rom ;vinctus inter 2A; vinctus cum AmSm Euseb-Syr; oedepevos GM;vinctus (with dat.) L.theatre will be to me then.' The eKK.Xrjo~ia)V T(ov deâpevcov pe...oi>x «ymetaphor of 6r)piop,ayQ> is suggested 7rapodevovra' Kal yap ai p.rj rrpocnJKovaalpot ttj 68a> k.t.X. In this case theby I Cor. xv. 32 el Kara uvBpconovedqpLOfid^rjaa e'v 'Ecpeaco, but it has difficulty is to explain 8id BaXdcra-qs ;reference to the literalflrjpiopaxia but the answer is the same. It iswhich awaits him. See the saying far from improbable indeed that (asof Pompeius in Appian Bell. Civ. ii. Zahn suggests, I. v. A. p. 253) they61 olois drjpiois fiaxuueBa, and Lucian should have taken ship from Seleuciato some Cilician or Pamphy-Pise. 17 ov yap rots TV\ovai Oqpiois7rpoo"7roX6/A^crat Secret p.01, dXX' dXa£6- lian harbour, in order to shorten the(tlv dv6pa>nois kol BvaeXeyKTOis, quoted route ; but, even without this, thein Wetstein on 1 Cor. /. c. For enrb saint iscontemplating the voyages2vplas k.t.X. comp. C. I. G. 3425 from Smyrna to Troas, from Troas(TTetpavaidevra lepovs aywvas tovs dnb to Neapolis, and from DyrrhachiumTrjs 0lK.0vp.ivqs irdvTas arrb Ka77tra)- to Puteoli or Ostia or Portus, whichXeicov eeos 'Ayrtoêias ttjs "Svp'ias.are yet to come.dia yfjs Kai 6aXdo-o~rjs] This expressionhas been thought to militate better supported and more appro-4. e'vdedep.evos]This reading isagainst the statement in Mart. Ign. priate than 8edep.evos. The saint wasAnt. 3 KcireXdwv dno y AvTio%eias els attended by a company of tenttjv 'EeXevKeiav, e

2 12 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [v7rctp$ois;,6 ea-Tiv (rrparicoTLKOU rctypa, oi icai euepyei6 iariv] GLMg Euseb (Gk MSS, Hieron Rufin) ;otnvis d

v]TO THE ROMANS. 21 3j^-ov/uevoi xeipovs yivovrai, iv See TOi? aoiKJjjuacrLi' clvtoov(the Greek word arpaTLbir-qs being transliterated in 2Sm Euseb-Syr):comp. Ps-Ign.ad Alar. 4 17 arpaTiuTiKri (ppovpd. The Syriac Versions are of no account here,as they could hardly have translated otherwise.the Edict of Diocletian was yet undiscovered.Bochart's objection wasrevived by Baur (Ur sprung des Episcopatsp. 156).The form of the word seems toshow that it was of Roman and notGreek origin. The more naturalGreek would be XeovrondpSaXis, likeKapirjXoTrapfiaXis. Theognostus however(Bekker A need. p. 1394) treatsit as Greek, and justifies itby theanalogy of yeponopos (from yepo>v),'AnoXkoyevrjs, 'AnoXXocpdvrjs (from 'A-7rdA.Acoi>). In Athanas. Vit. Anton. 9(1. p. 640), where Xeondpdcou occurs,there is a v. 1.XeonapbdXcov (see Festusquoted below). The name originatedin the mistaken belief thatthe animal was a hybrid; see (besidesPliny /. c.)Festus (p. 33, ed.*Mueller) Bigenera dicuntur animaliaex diverso genere nata, utleopardalis ex leone et panthera'(where for leopardalis inferior MSShave leopardus), Philostr. Vit. Apoll.ii. 14 (p. 30) Xeyerai oe /cat nepl tu>vXeaiva>i> Xoyos, cos epaards pev ttoiovvtcutovs napddXeis k.t.X (ttlktcl yap t'ikrovaiv.On the animals intended bythe ancients under the several namesndvdrjp, irdpdaXis, pardus, etc., seeWiegemann in Oken's Isis 1831, p.287 sq.o icrriv k.t.X.] This looks like agloss at first sight, but it is foundin all the copies. It is added somewhatawkwardly in explanation byIgnatius, as his obscure metaphormight otherwise have been misunderstood.(TrpaTLcoTLKov Tay/xa] 'a company ofsoldiers? The word raypa here mightbe rendered in Latin by 'manipulus,'if the disposition of the legion, whichVegetius describes (ii. 13), alreadyprevailed when Ignatius wrote ;'Centuriae in contubernia divisaesunt, ut decern militibtis sub unopapilione degentibus unus quasi praeessetdecanus, qui caput contuberniinominatur ;contubernium autem manipulusvocabatur etc' ; comp. Spartian.Vit. Pesc. Nig. 10 'decern commanipulones.'This is a great departurefrom the earlier sense of'manipulus,' which was equivalentto 'centuria,' and contained 100 or120 men see; Marquardt Edm.Alterth. iii. 2, p. 458 sq (comp. ib.p. 253 sq). The Greek raypa isused widely, to denote any body ofsoldiers, whether maniple or cohortor legion. The very expression whichwe have here, crrparicoTiKov rdypa,occurs in Dion. Halic. A. R. vi. 42of a legion; comp. Dion Cass. lxxi.9 KaXovai de to raypa 01 'Fvpa'ioiXeyeava; but more properlyit denotedan 'ordo' or maniple, as inPolyb. vi. 24. 5.For o-TparKoriKuvraypa see Euseb. Quaest. ad Matin.{Op. IV. p. 984) 77 yap Kova-rcobia o-rpa-TiobviKov io~Ti rdypa, Vit. Const, ill. 44,47, iv. 56, 68, 70, 71. For the numberten comp. Joseph. B. iii. 6.f.2tovtols d(p' €KaaTi]S iKarovrapxias rjico-Xovdow Se/ca k.t.X.,and see esp. LeoTacticus iv. 2 (quoted by MarquardtRom. Staatsverw. II. p. 580 sq).i.e.evepyerovpevoi k.t.X.]'the morethey receive in gratuities, the harsherand more extortionate they become' ;as rightly explained by Pearson (V.I. p. $11) who, to illustrate this modeof procuring comforts for Christianconfessors and martyrs, cites LucianPeregr. 12 o~wei

214 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [v/ULctWov juadrjTevo/ULaL • a A A' o y n6-ixeva. ovx fyoLVTo] GLAm SmMg Euseb (but with a v. 1. r)\pa.To).2 Euseb-Syrhave metuens ab aliis (add. Jiominibus 2) et non appropinquans Us, as if they hadread deiXaivd.uevos oi'x yâro. 5 enovTa pr) deXy] g ;volentem non velint(pvXaKas' eha 8elnva rroiKiXa elaeKO- negative, or with an interrogationHi£eTo k.t.X., Apost. Const, v. 1 et which is equivalent to a negative.tis XpicrTiavbs...KciTaKpi8r} vno aaeftcov This however is not always the case;els Xovdovrj Qrjpia rj peTaXXov... see e.g. the references in Kiihner II.7rep,yj/aTe avTco els dtaTpofprjv avrov ko.1p. 444 sq.els p.icr 6 an 08 oa lav tccv orparicoroov,Iva eXacppvvdrj na\ entp-eXelas et Fel. 14 'ut bestias lucraretur'.2. 'Ovalprjv k.t.X.]So Act. Perp.tv)(J], Iva ocrov to e

-81v]TO THE ROMANS. 2155 ovx hâvTO* Kav avra Ze eKOura fxt] 6e\ri, iyw irpocr-(&id(yo\iai. avyyvwfJLriv jjloi eêTe* tl /ulol (rvficpepei eycoyivwcTKco* vvv apô/mai /uLadriTrjs eivar /uridev /me trjXco-(TCa TCOV OpCtTCOVKCCL TCOV CCOpaTCOV, \vci ' IrjCTOU XpiCTTOVL; cLKOvra p.7] 6e\rj Euseb; anovTa fxi] deX-ây G; aKovra fir] OeX-qaeiev M; nonvelitit AmSm ; 11011 velint appropinqnare mihi 2A Euseb- Syr. This last seems torepresent a reading eKovra /at]ZXdrj, the confusion of eX0H and 6cAh being easy.Possibly however appropinquare\% supplied after deXrj from the previous tj-J/clvto, whichis translated 'approach' in all the three. 6 eycv 6eo(pt,Xa>v o~(op.ao~iv eni- expression 'lrjo-ov Xptarov enirvxelvToXpcovTCOv ... p,6vov be T(ov lepcovis equivalent to pa^r^s- etVai in theddXrjTcov yvp.va>vearcoTcov kcu rats language of Ignatius. Both will atReport Karao-eLovTcov eVt re a (pas avtovsi7Ti(T7ra>p.iva>v, tovto yap aureus dom.length be realised in his martyr-eKeXeveTO Trparreiv, p^S' oAcos 8.ecpanTOpeiw,which passage also illustrates 5oparcov ... dopdrav] See Trait.(note).

'2l6 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [v67TITI/YW. 7rvp Kctl array pos dripicov re (rvcrTaaei^, [dva-TOjuaiy Siaipea-'eis], (TKOpTriarfJiol ocrrecDV, crvyKorrai pe-\wu, dAeorfJiol oAov tov o-oo/uaTOs,KctKai KoAao-eis toviffvaraffeis] GLAmMg;

v]TO THE ROMANS. 217SiafioXov eV e/ue 6px6(r6co(rav' fjiovov 'iva ' hjcov XpLcrrou5 eTTLTVÔ),VI. OuSev fJL6 (jocpeXtjcreL to. irepaTa tov Kooytov,ovCe at fiaarCKeiai tov aiwuos tovtov kol\6v jjlol cltto-GL; el malae S 2A (the conjunction is of no account); durae 2; et omnes Am Sm ;tcai gM Euseb-Syr;0111. altogether, Euseb. Nothing can be inferred from theloose quotation of Sev-Syr 216 ignis et bestiae et mille species tor??iento?'um veniantsuper me. /coAdcrets] GLS 22AAmSm (?)M Euseb; KoKacns g (reading alsocpxevdu for ipxeaOojaav) Euseb-Syr. 4 fxovov ha] GLA m Mg Euseb;solum A Sev-Syr; et solum S 2 SSm Euseb-Syr. 'Irjaov] GLSS ASmMgEuseb Euseb-Syr Sev-Syr; om. Am . 5 iirirvx^] S breaks off here and(with the exception of the words 6 tokctos /xoi iiriiceiTai § 6) contains nothingtill§ 7 6 e/xos Zpws k.t.X. 6 fie] gM; p.01 G. Trepara] gLS 2AmSm(written however TlHiy opera for Tmsy termini); t/iesaurus A; ripirva GM.7 tov alwvos tovtov] GLAmSmMg; ejus S 2 ; hujus A. The Syriac had alreadyexhausted the proper equivalent to aiwv, Nu?y, in translating kov/jlos. kcl\6i>]gM; bonum LS 2A Tim-Syr r; pulchriwi Sm ; p.b\\\ov G; melius (?)A m .p.oC] GM; i/JLol g.will profit me nothing. It is betterto die for Christ than to reign overthe whole earth. I long for Himwho died and rose for me. Thelabour-pangs of a new birth are uponme. Do not prevent me from living ;do not desire me to die. I wouldfain belong to God; do not bestowme on the world. Let me see thepure light. When I am come thither,I shall be truly a man. Permit meto imitate the passion of my God.Let all who have Him in theirhearts feel and sympathize with mydesire, for they know what constrainethme'.6.fxe cocpeXjjo-ei]With an accusative,as Mark viii. 36, 1 Cor. xiv. 6,Heb. iv. 2. This is the common construction;but it sometimes takes adative, more especiallyin poetry.See Kiihner 11. pp. 251, 252.'TO. TTepCLTO. TOV K.T.X.]tile OOUHdariesof the earth\ i.e. 'the wholeearth from one end to the other.'In the LXX to,nepaTa ttJs -yrjs (rrjsolKovp.ivr]s) is a common expression :see esp. Ps. ii. 8 dcoo-co . . .ttjv Karacrxô'lvaov to. nepaTa ttjs y^?, whichwell illustrates the meaning of Ignatiushere. See also the note onEphes. 3. The other reading raTtpirva is discredited by the deficiencyof authority.7. at ftaaiXeiai k.t.X.]This wasthe temptation offered to ChristHimself; see Matt. iv. 8, Luke iv. 5.koXov k.t.X.] Suggested by 1 Cor.ix. 15 KaXbv yap [xoi p.aXXov airodaveivrj to Kavx^P-O- P-ov k.t.X. For KaXov . . .rj(without p-aXXof) comp. Matt, xviii. 8,9,Mark ix. 43, 45; and see Winer§ xxxv. p. 301 sq for this construction,which is common in the LXX.If the alternative reading p.aXXovwere accepted, we must understandwcpeXrjo-ei; but it is condemned bythe great preponderance of authorities.It was perhaps originally writtenabove the line to supply the defectiveconstruction KaXou . . . and afterwardsdisplacedfj,kqXov.

2lS THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [VIdaveiv Sid 'lri

VI]TO THE ROMANS. 21967riK£iTai. (TvyyvcoTe jjlol, d(He\

220 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [VIeWa(pere /me Kadapou (puis Xafieiv' 7rapayei^6êi'0£av-6pto7ro^ eo-ojjiai. tTTLTpeâre poi ixiixr\Tr\v eivai touirddovs tou Oeou ptov.el tis avrov iu iavrw eê*,votio-ctTco o 6e\to kclI G-vpi7ra6eLTto p.01 eiSws to. crvveyOVTCtfJL€.5i cw9pwiros] LS m Tim-Syr; homo perfectus S 3A; in luce perfectus S 2 (but thisis clearly a corruption, rî 0301=3 in luce for rtlx_2i=D homo, as S 3 shows);avdpwiros Oeou GMg. The perfectus of the Syriac and Armenian, and the deov ofthe Greek copies, are evident glosses. In Am the sentence eK€?...iffo/JXU runs nunchomo sum, sed illuc iens angelus fiam, the seemingly unmeaning avOpmcos beingedcrare Anast-Sin.displaced by a paraphrase.i iirirptyaTe' /xoi] GMg;The singular permitte in Sev-Syr 3 is doubtless an error of transcription, asthe plural appears in three other places, 1 (twice), 4 b. pu/x-qTrjv] G(written fxrjuTjTrjv)LS 3AAmSmMg Anast-Sin Tim-Syr (twice) 1, 2, Sev-Syrore dvrjp) or courage (opposedwhere KoXaiceveiv occurs in Ignatius;(opposed to pr/mos, e.g. 1 Cor. xiii. 1 1 not understanding this use, haveand indeed the two roots are connectedyeyovato yvvr), e.g. Horn. //. vi. II2 avepestogether in the Peshito ren-core, cp'ikoi), avOpconos denotes the idealdering of 2 Cor. XI. 2 to vpcov (rjXos humanity. The use of the word77 pk ditrev tovs 7rXeiovas. On the here is partially illustrated by M. Antonin.other hand in the Latin Versioniv. 3 eXevdepos eVo Ka\ opa rablci7idiri is the consistent rendering TTpaypaTa, cos c\vr\p, cos avOpcoiros, cos ttoofKoXaKeveiv in these epistles elsewhere,Xitt]s, cos Bvqrov £coo:>, x. 1 5 laToprjrcoaavwhile sedncatis occurs here. oi avQpconoi avOpcorvov dXrjdivov Kara (pv-For the sense of KoXaneveiv comp. £covra, xi. 18 ap£ai nore avdpcoTrosClem. Horn. xx. 4 KoXaKevovcrfi apapriq,dvai, ecos (rjs.Thus too Menanderand see the note on Polyc. 2. says (Fragm. Co?n. IV. pp. 355, 372)'I. uuBpconos] a man' in the cos X"P L ^ V ^°"r> a.v6pcoTTOs, otclv auOpcohighestand truest sense, 'a rational, 7ros ?J, quoted by Clem. Alex. {Strom.immortal being'. In the languageviii.3, p. 916) whose comment isof Scripture generally, as in other ovtcos avQpconos, 6 ras Koivas (ppevaswriters, avdpconos is a disparaging KeKTtjpevos. So again in the wellknownstory of Diogenes the Cynicterm, suggesting the weakness, thesins, the mortality of human nature ; (Diog. Laert. vi. 41) Xvxvov pet?see esp.1 Cor. iii. 4 ovk avdpconoi eWe ; rjpepav cruras, "AvOpconov, ecprj, {j]Tco %(where the received reading, ov^l and in another story of this samecrapKiKoi eVre ;is a mere paraphrase). philosopher {ib. vi. 60) inavrêt dnoHere however the case is different. 'OXvpnicov npos ovv tov nvOopevov elIgnatius speaks of the naivhs avdpconos, OxXos fjV 7T0\VS, HoXvS pkv, tilttV,the man regenerate, in whom the oyXos, oXiyoi de avdpconoi. See alsoDivine image (Gen. i. 26) is renewed. [Clem. Rom.] Fragm. 1 (p. 213) dta.So used, it ishigher than avi]p ;for tovto icrpzv avOpcoTrot

VI i]TO THE ROMANS. 221VII. 'O apyuiv tov aiwvos tovtov CiapTrdcrai /me@ou\6Tai Kctl Tt)v €£? Qeov fuov

222 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vnijj.01 yivea-de, rovreaTiv tov Qeov. fin \a\eire 'ItjcrovvXpia-Tou Koorfjiov Se imBu/ueire. fiao-Kavia eV VfMV fit]KctTOiKeiTW/urio*'av iyco 7raptov irapaKaXio iifxas^ weiii/xol yiveade] gM ; i/xou yiveade G ;mei fiatisL (which would suit either reading);ad vieiim latus eslote AAm (where e'/xot the possessive pronoun seems to bemistaken for the dative of the personal pronoun); al. S ra . 3 firj^ av eyCo irapCbvTrapaKokw vp.as] GM ; fi-rjdeeav eyw vpcas irapuv irapaKoKw g; neque utique ego vosp7-acscns (v. 1. praesens vos) deprecor L. ireiadrjre] vdadeire G. 4 p.01]GLAAmM; illi S ra (perhaps a corruption in the Syriac text, eyd> having beenalready dropped, so that a third person takes the place of irapaKaXu) ;om. g.TnarevaaTe] gA (prob., for it has crcdatis here, but obtemperetis (obediatis) forTreiadrjre above) Am (prob.,for it has crediie here, but convincamini {conscntiatis)above) Sm ; TreiadrJTe GML* (prob., for it uses the same verb credere in bothcases). 5 yap] gLM (which has e£ v yap...ep

VIl] TO THE ROMANS. 223(rdrjTe /ulol,tovtols Se /uaWov TricrTevcraTe, ols ypdcpco5 Vfiiv.

224 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vncj)L\6v\ov, vhwp Se %wv fical \a\odA ev i^xo'i,eawdeufjioi Xeyov Aevpo irpos tov rrarepa. ovx ffiopai Tpo(pr\i tffudev] GMg; ivtodcv Theod-Stud. i Xtyov] M Theod-Stud ; \4yav(sic)G; \4yei g (but 1 dicens)', dicens Sev-Syr 4 b; dicit L et dicit A et...damat; ;et dicit Am The two last seem to have had the participle rather than the.sit miki dominusindicative. Sm renders the sentence t(ru0i* fioi Xeyav qimmDhammapada 251 'There is no firelike passion' (Buddhaghosha's Parables,by Rogers, p. cxxviii).'1. (piXovXov] matter-loving] ''sensuous]l carnaV\ comp. § 6 jur?§ev\j] Ko\aK€i>ar]T€. On the other handthe Holy Spirit is nvp aiJXov ' ignismateriae expers' in the Liturgy ofS. Cyril (RenaudotLit. Orient. I.p. 38).The word vXr] has here itssecondary sense 'matter,' as e.g. inWisd. xi. 18, xv. 13, Clem. Rom. 38.It is too fanciful to see (with Zahnp. 563) a reference also to its primarysense, as if Ignatius had in view thesame metaphor as in James iii. 5tjXikov nvp qXiierjv v\r)v avairrei (comp.Is. x. 17, Ecclus. xxviii. 10). Thereseems indeed to be the double referencein the passage to which herefers, Clem. Alex. Paed. ii. 1 (p. 164)01 7rafi(payoi, KcidaTrep to nvp, rrjs ZXtjseêxpfievot (where however we shouldperhaps read cf-ex°l xevov )but it is'>there brought out by the form of thesentence. Forthe compound (piXovXos,which is very rare until alater age,comp. Orig. Fragm. in Luc. (piXovXtovkiu cpiXoacopaToii' Xoyoi TviQavot (ill. p.982, Delarue). For the Gnostic(Valentinian) tinge of the sentimentsee the notes on Fphes. inscr.I have adopted (piXu'tXov here onauthority which elsewhere wouldnot deserve a preference, for severalreasons. (1) It is so obviously thebest reading ; (2) It explains theother main variations, cfuXovv n andv] Doubtless a referenceto John iv. 10, II, as indeedthe whole passageis inspired bythe Fourth Gospel. This water atonce quenches the fires of sensualpassion and supplies an unfailingdraught of spiritual strength comp.;Justin, Dial. 114 (342 B) rfjs KaXrjs7T€Tpas...v8ccip £c5i> rais Kapdiais tcov diavrov dyanrjaavTcov tqv narepa toovZXoiV fipvovo~qs.f/cai XaXoOi/f] According to Jortin(Fceles. Hist. I. p. 356 sq, quotedby Jacobson) there is an allusion tothe heathen superstition that certainwaters communicated a propheticpower to the person drinking them ;e.g. Anacreont. 11 (13) 8a

VIl] TO THE ROMANS. 225(j)6opas ovSe rilovah tov fiiov tovtov aprov Oeovmetis intus dicens jnihi, doubtless reading the masculine \iyw (with G) and wishingaccordingly to give it a personal application. Similarly Severus translates irpostov irarepa ad patrem metim, thus giving a personal reference to the participle,and he too perhaps read Xiyuv. see the lower note. 2 oi>x 7700/xcu]oi>Krj5ofj.cu G. 3 Qeov] GM;tov deov g.Xovv might very easily suggest itselfto a scribe from the following Xeyov.If aXKofievov be correct, it is takenfrom John iv. 14 vdaros dXXo-77777)7[xevov els (corjv alcoviov. Combinedfrom this and the preceding passage(ver. 10, 11) in the same Gospel, theexpression v8cop (cov dXXopevov tooka prominent place in the speculationsof the second century e. ; g. of theNaassenes, Hippol. Haer. v. 9 ebcotcevav aoi mew vdcop (cov dXX6p.evov ;ofthe Sethians, ib. v. 19 dneXovaaTo kcueirie to noTrjpLov (covtos vdaTos dXXo-\iivov ;of Justin the Gnostic,ib. v.27 o7rep eari XovTpov avTols, cos vopi-(ovcri, Trrjyr) (covtos vScitos dXXop.evov.This makes the combination the moreprobable here. Heracleon in Orig.in locum, xiii. § 10 (iv. p. 220), theearliest commentator on this Gospel,lays great stress on dXXopevov.2. Xeyov k.t.X.] Similarly Philad. 7to 8e ivvevpa inrjpvcrcrev, Xeyov Tade'Xcopls tov eiricTKcmov k.t.X. See alsoDion. Alex, in Euseb. H. E. vii. 7.§ 2, 3. I have not ventured to substitutethe masc. Xeycov, though theevidence is in its favour. This readingwould identify the vScop (covdirectly with Christ (see the uppernote), and thus the reference to Johniv. 10 sq would be made more distinct.For a similar instance of analternative between Xeyov or Xeycovsee Philad. 1. c.Tpocpfj

226 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vn6e\co, 6 i(TTiv (rap^ tov Xpio-rov tov €k G-7repâroî 0] ;txt LSAAmSm add aprov ovpdvtov, aprov fays GMg. o]GLM(with a v. 1. os) g dub. SAAmS ra ; ; vulg. 6's. tov X/hctoi'] g*S ; It)s tov £r)v Christ which issymbolized andtov fiiov peTaXXdâi dvvrjBrjs (which pledged in the eucharist. Obviouslypassage, like the former, seems to any limitation to the actual receptionhave been altogether misunderstood of the eucharistic elements and theby the critics), whereas ib. i.14 we blessings attendant on such receptionwould be inadequate ;have tov iravTa pov 7-779 farjs fiiov, butfor Ignatiusisthere an only half-converted heathencontemplating the consummationof his union with Christ;isspeaking Clem. Alex. Paed. ii. 1(p. 168) ol Tcnreivocppoves, â/xoiyej/et?, through martyrdom. The indirecttov icpr'jpepov8lcokovt€S jBLov, cos ov reference to the eucharistic elementsfto-ofxevoi (comp. ib. p. 163), Orig. isanalogous to that which our LordC. Cels. iii. 16 (i. p. 457) nepl ttjs etjrjsmakes in John vi.raj (3la> tovtco farjs, Macar. Magn.I. tov Ik. o-TTepparos Aavft'5] i.e.ApOCr. iii. 12 (p. 82) apkp

VIl]TO THE ROMANS. 227Aavelh, Kal iro\±a deXcu to al/ua uvtou, 6 ecttlu dya7rt]a(pdap' )TOS.t Aaveid] 8dd G. After daveld add. /catom. LAA m S m >dfipad/j. GMg ;def. 2. iro/ma] gL2AAmSm ;add. deov GM.3 a

228 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [viiiVIII. Ovk en deXw Kara dv6p(07rovs £rjv'tovtoSe eo-rai, eav vfieh 6e\ria-r]T6. 6eX*iv] in a briefletter '; comp. Polyc. 7. So oY 6X1-i Pet. v. 12, Ptolem. ad Flor. 4ycov,in Epiph. Haer. xxxiii. 7 ;81a /3pa-Xecoi/,Heb. xiii. 22.5. eV w k.t.X.] So He is styledtov ncnphs 77 yvoopLrj in Kphes. 3.8.Smym. 6, Polyc. 8.yveopirjv Qeov] Comp. The Ephes. 3,expressionitself does not occur in the N. T. (seehowever Rev. xvii. 17).

vm] TO THE ROMANS. 229eypa\jsa, d\\d Kara yvu>fJLr\v Qeov. idv 7rd0to, t)6e\}jcrctTe'eav dTTOÔKLfjLacdw , e/uia'ricraTe.IX. MvriiuLOveveTe ev ty\ 7rpo(rev)(r) vjuuSp tiJs ivCvpia €KK\rjTrarpl 'h]o~ov Xpiorov rat rravrcoviiTLo-KOTTcp.The office of Jesus Christis here identified with the office ofGod in the pastorate of the SyrianChurch.ayaTrq] See the note on7; vp.a>vTrail. 3.13. ovde yap a&os k.t.X.]See thenote on Ephes. 21 €o-x aTOS wv tu>venel 7TiarTcov.'an immature birth \14. €KTpcop.a]The word, occurring in this context,1is obviously suggested by Cor. xv.8 9, eo-xaTOV ^ ndvro)V, wo-nepii t

230 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IXriXerj/ual t*s elvai, edv Oeov eTTLTifx^- da-Traêrai vixastc efxov Trvevfxa Kal y\ dyaTrt] twv 6KK\ti(riwv twv §e£ajUi€Pcovixe eU ovo/ua 'Irja-ou XpLOTTov, oi>x ws TrapoSevovTa-2 kcli i] ay&TT) twv iKK\7)] GLSSm (so doubtless originally, but the presenttext has amor et ecclesiae) Mg ; et amor omnium cccksiarum Am ; et omnes ecclesiae A.3 ets] GL {in nomine, but els is often so translated in L) AmMg* (but v. 1. cbs);propter Sm cbs(probably representing2els) ; (TOt^n "pN, not ws els as PetermannelpuiKavbs KaXelcrOat aTrocrToXos k.t.X.Objection was taken to eKTiTpcoo-Keiv,€KTpcona, etc., in this sense, instead ofthe approved words dp.(BXlo-Keiv, ap.-(3Xcop.a, etc., by purists (see LobeckPhryn. 208 sq) but; they occur asearly as Hippocrates and Herodotus(iii. 32) and; e.KTpcop.ais mentioned byAristotle as a common word, de Gen.All. iv. 5 (p- 773) Kvi]p.ar eWiVret Trapa-Trkrjcria roils KaXovp,evois eKTpcop.ao'iv.In the same sense it occurs also inthe LXX, Num. xii. 12, Job iii. 16,Eccles. vi. 3. See also references toother writers in Wetstein on 1 Cor./. c. For the metaphorical use comparePhilo Leg. All. i. 25 (1. p. 59)ov yap 7re

IX]TO THE ROMANS. 231tealjap al /mr] 7rpocrt]KOV(rai jjlol ty\ 6Sw ty\ Kara (rdpKa5 Kara tto\iv fxe 7rpofjjov.gives it, 7 being merely the sign of the accus.) [A]. 4 /xr}]GL2 3AA mSmMg ; om.S : 2 see the lower note. rrj /caret adpKa] GL2Am SmM; om. gA. 5 irporjyov]GM ;wpo-qyayov g. It is translated by an imperfect in 2, and by an aoristor perfect in LAAmSm .lower note on Tpdcfxa 8e, p. 233.At this point 2 departs from the text of Ignatius: see theare meant in the first instance;comp. Magn. 15, Trail. 13. He wasalso attended about this time byseveral delegates from the Magnesians(Magn. 2 sq), and by one atleast from the Trallians (Trail. 1).These churches also would be included.By rap Beâp-ivtov he intendsnot only those churches which (likePhiladelphia and Smyrna) he hadvisited in person, but those which(like Ephesus and the others) hadwelcomed him through their representatives.3. els ovopLa] i.e. ''having regardto the name\ i.e. 'because I bearthe authority of, 'because I representChrist': comp. Matt. x. 41,42, 6 bexbp.evos 7rpo(pr]TT]v els ovop.a7rpo

232 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xX.rpd(j)(jO Se VfMV TCLVTCL CL7TO CfJLVpVtJS $1 ' GcpeCTLOOVtwv dpLOfJLaKapL(TT(jov, i(TTLV Se Kal a\xa kfxoi cvv a\-\ois 7to\\o7s Kal KpoKOS, to TToQnrov \_\Jioi\bvofjia,i 5e] GLSmMg; om. AAm . 5ia g. 2 %v e£e7rep.7rovTG>v i(pohioiV k.t.X. {Op. II. p. 598) ;but the expression diverges too farfrom the words of Ignatius to justifythe inference that the negative wasomitted in his copy of Ignatius;and indeed the word awrpexovaac impliesthe presence of those churcheswhich did 7iot lie on the actualroute./caret777 o-apKa\ By this qualifyingclause he wishes to imply, that thoughin actual locality they lay out of hisway, yet in the spirit they were allhis close and intimate neighbours:comp. Ephes. I u/zc5j/ 8e [eV crap/ct] eVi-0-/C07TCD.1This passage is quite inconsistentwith the account in the AntiocheneMartyrology, which represents Ignatiusas sailing direct from Seleuciathe port of Antioch to Smyrna. Tosave the credibility of this Martyrology,Pearson (ad loc.) translatesat prj 7rpoo-T]Kovcrai p,oi,'which do notbelong to me', i.e. 'are not under myjurisdiction', separating 777 68a> k.t.X.;and so too Smith 'multi ab ecclesiisnon mei juris et ad me neutiquamspectantibus [/z?) irpoa-^Kovo-al pot],in hoc nimirum ultimo itinere, quodin mundo restat emetiendum [77765c5 rrjKara crap/ca], ut mihi obviamirent missi, me singulas civitatesingressurum honoris causa praecessere'.It will be seen that Zahn(/. v. A. p. 254) is mistaken, when hecharges Smith with giving to odosthe sense ' episcopal jurisdiction ' ;but though Smith is not guilty ofthis error, his separation of rfj 6dcpfrom 7rpoo-7]Kovo-ai and his generalinterpretation of the passage (inwhich he follows Pearson) are tooharsh to be tolerable. Even if this interpretationwere possible, Kara iroXivwould remain an insuperable difficulty.The only land journey whichon this hypothesis Ignatius hadhitherto taken was from Antioch toSeleucia, some 15 or 16 miles (130stades, Procopius Bell. Pers. ii. 11,I. p. 199 ed. Bonn. ;120 stades. Straboxvi. 2, p. 751).For the double dativecomp. 2 Cor. xii. 7 iboOri pot o-KoXoyj/rfj crapKi, and see Kiihner § 424 (11.p. 375 sq), Winer § xxxii. p. 276.'Kara ttoXip k.t.X.] went beforeme from city to city ', i.e. so as tomake preparations and welcome him

'x] TO THE ROMANS. 23flepl twv 7rpoe\6ovT(jov /ue diro Cvpicu elsPlo/uujvek5 Soâv [rov] Oeov 7tlctt6vu) v/ulccs eireyvtoKevai. oh kcclsunt mecum et alii multi fratres dilecti A (omitting icpoKos) ; sunt autem mccumetiam alii multi crescus (sic)Sm . yu.01] GLAm ;om. SmMg; al. A :comp.Smyrn. 13, Polyc. 8. 4 tQv irpoekdovTwv fie] G ; qui praruenerunt me A ;qui comitati stmt ct deduxerunt me Sm (this also seems to represent irpoeKdbvTwv ;comp. Luke xxii. 47) ;tQv irpoaekdovTwv (om. fxe) g ; advenientibus mecum L ;tuv(TvvekdhvTwv fioL [M]; qui venerunt Am : see the lower note. 5 rod Qeov] G;deov gM.on his arrival. For Kara irokw comp. were with Ignatius at Smyrna, seeLuke viii. 1, 4, Acts xv. 21, xx. 23; Ephes. 1, 2. These delegates arefor npodyeiv, Matt. xiv. 22, xxvi. 32, mentioned also in Magn. 15, Trail.xxviii. 7, Mark xi. 9, etc. Zahn (/. v. 13. For the whole expression comp.A. p. 255) rightly objects to taking Philad. 1 1, Smyrn. 12, in both whichit as an equivalent to 7rpo7reu7mi>, passages he says ypdcpco vpXv dma sense which it seems never to Bovppov (the only Ephesian then remainingwith him at Troas). Seehave ;nor indeed would his guardshave allowed anything like a triumphalprocession. The ayeiv of bi oXiywv eypaâ. In all these in-also I Pet. v. 12 dia 2i\ovavov vp.1v...npoayeiv here is intransitive, and the stances the preposition would seemconstruction is the same as in npoeX- to denote the amanuensis. And this6elv § 10. When the word is transitive,it has the sense 'to put forward' the passage before us. But in Polyc.would appear to be the case also inor 'to drag forward'.Phil. 14 'haec vobis scripsi per'X. I write this from Smyrna by Crescentem', Crescens would appearthe hand of the Ephesians. Among to be the bearer of the letter; andothers the beloved Crocus is with in Dionys. Cor. quoted in Euseb.me. I believe you have already receivedinstructions concerning thoseH. E. iv. 23 ttjv irporipav rjplv bib.who have gone before me to Rome.KXrjpevros ypcKpelaav, Clement is thecomposer of the letter, itthoughisInform them that I am near. Refreshthem with your friendly sermanChurch.sent in the name of the whole Rovices,for they deserve it. I write 2. d^LopaKaplaroov] See Ephes.this on the 9th before the Kalends inscrof September. Farewell; endure unto 3- KpoKos] See the note Ephes. 2.the end in Christ Jesus.'4 tcop npoikdovTwv jue]No mentionis made of these persons else-1. Tpacpco 8e K.r.X.]The Syrianepitomator here leaves the text of where. The letter however presupposesthroughout that the Romanthis epistle. He first makes up asentence of his own; 'Now I am Church already possessed informationof his condemnation and ap-near so as to arrive in Rome'. Hethen inserts two chapters (4, 5) from proaching visit to Rome; and suchthe Epistle to the Trallians. And information could only be conveyedhe concludes with the farewell sentenceof this epistle, eppaxrOe k.t.X. The Metaphrast,by a previous arrival from Syria.not understandingoY 'Eêo-iW] For the names of this obscure allusion, abridges thesome of the Ephesian delegates who passage so as entirely to alter the

234 IGNATIUS TO THE ROMANS. [xhjXwa-are iyyvs /me ovra* iravTes yap eicriv aîoi [rod]Oeov kcli vfjLwv ovs Trperrov vfjuve&Tiv Kara iravTa dva-Trava-ai. eypaâ de vfuv TavTct tvj irpoSJSv C67rT€iuf3piwv.XplCTTOV.evvea kciXclv-eppa)0~6eek reAo? ev inrofxovri lycroui drjXuaaTe] G ; brfKwaere g (but 1 mandastis or mandalis) ; manifestatis L ;notificateAmSm ;def. AM. rod GeoG] G ; Oeov g ;def. M. i vpuviffriv]G ;karlv 6/uv g ; est vos L ;def. M. 3 de] GLSm g (but om. 1) ;om. AAmM. Ti...2eirre{jLpplui>] txt LMg (but vcrvveXOovTcav p.01 drro "2vplas els do£avOeov.eypa^ra vpuv k.t.X.1.eyyvs pe ovtcl]This would bethe case, when the letter arrived inRome and the message of Ignatiuswas delivered. There is therefore nodifficulty in his using such languageat Smyrna; see Zahn /. v. A. p. 251.a£ioi tov Qeov k.t.X.] See Ephes. 2,where the same expression occurs.2. Kara navra a.v

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS.

5-TO THE PHILADELPHIANS.THE name Philadelphia was borne by several cities (see below, p.X249). Of these perhaps the most important was the Syrian Philadelphia,the Rabbah or Rabbath-Ammon of the Scriptures ;while thesecond in importance — if second— was the Lydian Philadelphia, withwhich Ignatius corresponded. But, though bearing the same name,they did not owe it to the same person. The Syrian city was sodesignated from the second Ptolemy of Egypt, who restored this ancientcapital of the Ammonites the ; Lydian city was called after the secondAttalus of Pergamus (b.c. 159— 138) its founder. Both these princesbore the surname Philadelphus. The foundation of the Lydian city isdistinctly ascribed to the Pergamene king (Steph. Byz.KTLo-fjLa rov ^tXaSeXôv), as indeed its situation would suggest. Yet wemay be tempted to suspect an error in this statement. JoannesLaurentius the Lydian, a writer of the sixth century, himself a natives. v. 'Atto.Xovof this Philadelphia, in a part of his work which is not preserved,related how it was founded by the Egyptians (de Mens. iii. 32, p. 45,ed. Bonn., on rrjv ev AuoYa iAaSeA.

2 3 8 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSvivoiveyKOvcrrjs /xe i\aSe/\.eias rrj

TO TKtE PHILADELPHIANS. 239probably reflected the comparative size of the city itself.It lies indeedin a region of great natural fertility ; and, as is frequently the case withvolcanic regions, this was especially a vine-growing country. The winesof Tmolus were among the most celebrated of antiquity (Virg. Geor*.ii.98, Plin. N. H.\. 30, xiv. 9). But this physical characteristic wasat the same time its most terrible scourge. It borders on the regioncalled Katakekau??iene, which is to Asia Minor what the PhlegrzeanPlains are to Italy ;and in a country where every city was more or lessliable to such catastrophes, none suffered more cruelly from convulsionsof the earth than Philadelphia. On this account the city itself containeda very small population, the majority preferring to live in thecountry and follow agricultural pursuits. Strabo, who gives us thisinformation, expresses his surprise that even these few are hardyenough to brave the dangers. The earthquakes, he says, are constant: the houses are continually gaping asunder with the shocks :the architects are obliged to reckon with this fact in building (Straboxii. 8, p. 579, xiii. 4, p. 628). In the terrible catastrophe during thereign of Tiberius, when twelve cities were thrown down in one night,Philadelphia was among the sufferers (Tac. Ann. ii. 47 ; see also thePuteoli marble, C. I. L. x. 1624). Doubtless these subterranean forceswere exceptionally active when Strabo wrote ;but the account of aPhiladelphian in the sixth century shows that the danger was notconfined to any one epoch. This last-mentioned writer, Joannes Laurentius,also speaks of the hot springs in this region, as connected withits volcanic energy (de Ostent. 53, p. 349, ed. Bonn.) 1 .In the age of Pliny (N. H. v. 30) this cityhad no law-courts ofits own, but belonged to the jurisdictio or conventus of Sardis (seeColossians p. 7 sq). Before the middle of the next century howevera change appears to have been made;for the rhetorician Aristidesspeaks of the legate as holding courts here {Op. 1. p. 530, ed. Dindorf,Kvpol rrjv x €L POTOV âv *v $iA.aS€X

240 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSsacred,' or 'the most excellent Council,' and 'the most splendid People'(y Upwrdrr] [KpaTtcTTr)] fiovXrj kou o A.a/x7r/3oraTos Srjfxos, C. I. G. 3416,3421), imply very much. It is more importantto observe that Philadelphiabore the name of ' Little Athens.' This designation was givento the city on account of its religious character. As the great Athensespecially prided herself on being the most 'pious' city in Greece (seethe passages in Wetstein on Acts xvii. 16, 22 sq), while from an oppositepoint of view the earliest historian of the Christian Church describedthe place as 'beset with idols' (Acts xvii. 16 KaretSoyXov) \so also thisminiature Athens was distinguished by the number of itstemplesand the frequency of its festivals (Joann. Lyd. de Mens. iv. 40, p. 75,MiKpas 'A^T/vas IkoXovv tyjv

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 241Smyrna, where Ignatius made his long halt, appears from several circumstances.Among the coins of Philadelphia are not a few whichcommemorate the ' concord ' (o/xovota) of the Philadelphians with theSmyrnaeans (Mionnet, iv. pp. 100, 108, SuppL vn. pp. 400, 401). TheAnthology again contains a couplet recording some honour whichPhiladelphia, fxvrjfxwv -qtt6\i% cvvo/xtr;?, had paid to a statue of one'Philip ruler in Smyrna' (Anthol. 11. p. 450). Again, an inscriptionat Smyrna mentions one Apollinaris, a citizen both of Smyrna and ofPhiladelphia, as of other places also (C. I. G. 3206). And lastly we hearof Philadelphian Christians crowned with martyrdom at Smyrna aboutthe middle of the second century (Mart. Polyc. 19; see below, p. 243).The earliest notice of Christianity in Philadelphia is the passage inthe Apocalypse (iii. 7— 13).But the language there used implies thatthis church had already existed for some years at least. In default ofany information we fall back, as before (see above, pp. 102, 147), on thesupposition that its evangelization was due to S. Paul and his companions; though here the distance from Ephesus, his head-quarters, wasmuch greater than in the cases of Magnesia and Tralles.Unlike the churches which have come before our notice hithertoPhiladelphia had been visited in person by Ignatius. At the bifurcation,on the banks of the Lycus, his guards had taken the righthandroad which led in a more northerly direction over the Derwendpass through Philadelphia and Sardis, by the valleys of the Cogamusand Hermus, to Smyrna (see above, p. 2). At Philadelphia theyappear to have made a halt of some duration. To this visit Ignatiusincidentally alludes more than once in the course of the letter. Hespeaks of making the acquaintance of their bishop, whose modesty andreserve and gentleness he praises highly (§ 1). After the example ofS. Paul, he appeals to the character of his intercourse with them. Itwas entirely free from tyranny or oppressiveness of any kind (§ 6).Healludes obscurely to an attempt on the part of certain persons to leadhim astray— an allusion which (in the absence of information) it werelost time to attempt to explain.He reminds them that he had warned''them emphatically with the voice of God to give heed to the bishopand other officers of the church (§ 7).He had done all that one mancould do (toISlov iiroiovv) to promote unity.He recals a disputeapparentlyheld at Philadelphia— when the Judaizers had pleaded theancient charters (to apx€ "0 against the Gospel, while he himself declaredthat Christ's Cross and Resurrection were their own witnessesand superseded any such appeal (§ 8).IGN. II,l6

242 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSNor is this the only point in which the Epistle to the Philadelphiansdiffers from the previous letters. It was also written from a differentplace. Since the despatch of the earlier letters, the saint had movedonward from Smyrna to Alexandria Troas, and was waiting there toembark for Europe. This interval had somewhat altered the positionof affairs. Two persons had meanwhile joined him from the east afterhis arrival at Troas, or at all events after his departure from Smyrna— Philo, a deacon of Cilicia, and Rhaius Agathopus, a member of theSyrian Church. They had followed in his track, and halted at Philadelphia.Here they had received a hearty welcome from the mainbody of the church ;but some persons— doubtless his Judaizing opponents— had treated them with contempt (§ n). From them heprobably heard of those misrepresentations of his conduct during hisstay at Philadelphia, which he considers it necessary to rebut (§§ 6, 7).But at the same time, they brought him more welcome news also.The prayers of the churches had been heard. The persecution atAntioch had ceased. He therefore urges the Philadelphians to despatcha deacon to Syria, as their representative, to congratulate the brethrenthere. Other churches which lay nearer, he tells them, had sent delegacieson a larger scale (§ 10).But, though the letter contains this incidental charge, its directpurport and motive is different. The main burden is the heresy whichtroubled the Philadelphian Church. It had awakened his anxietyduring his own sojourn there, and the later report of Philo and Agathopushad aggravated his alarm. What the nature of this heresy was,the tenour of his letter plainly indicates. He is attackingDocetic Judaism (see the note Trail. 9), but more directlya form offrom itsJudaic than from its Docetic side. The Docetism is tacitly reproved inthe opening salutation, where he congratulates the Philadelphians as'rejoicing in the Passion of our Lord without wavering,' and ' steadfastin the conviction of His Resurrection/ and salutes them 'in the bloodof Jesus Christ which is eternal and abiding joy.' There are perhapsalso allusions to it,when speaking of the eucharist he refers to theone flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ ' (§ 4),and when he describes himself'as 'taking refuge in the Gospel as the flesh of Jesus' (§ 5).Butthe Judaism is openly attacked. A Jew talking Christianity, he says,is better than a Christian talking Judaism. If any disputantis silentabout Christ, he is no better than a tombstone with its epitaph inscribedChrist— His Cross and Resurrection— is the one inviolable charter (§ 8).(§ 6).The Judaizers allege the ancient charters : but to himself Jesus

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 243The prophets are to be loved and admired, because they foretold Christ(§ 5).The priests too are not to be despised, but the great Highpriestis better than all. He is the door through whom patriarchs andprophets alike, not less than the Christian Church, must pass to theFather (§ 9).These heretics are described as treacherous wolvesdevouring the flock (§ 2).The heresy itself is a noxious herb, whichdoes not belong to the husbandry of Jesus Christ (§ 3).As a safeguardagainst its assaults he recommends here, as elsewhere, unity and obedienceto the bishops and officers of the Church (§§ 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8).In saying this, he merely repeats a charge which he had given themorally (§ 7).More especially they must not separate themselves fromthe one eucharistic feast (§ 4).No schismatic can inherit the kingdomof God (§ 3).When Ignatius wrote thisletter from Troas, Burrhus the Ephesian,alone of the delegates who had been with him at Smyrna, still remainedin his company (see the note on Ephes. He was the amanuensis of2).the letter (§ n).It will be seen from the above account, that the impression of thePhiladelphian Church left by the language of Ignatius is less favourablethan that which we obtain from the message in the Apocalypse, whereitsconstancy is commended (Rev. hi. 8, 10). The warning with whichthe Apocalyptic message closes was not superfluous; 'Hold fastthat which thou hast, that no man take thy crown (ver. 11).'At thesame time the main body of the Church appears to have been sound;for Ignatius praises the steadfastness of their convictions (inscr.), anddeclares that he has found ' sifting, and not division,' among them (§ 2).The next notices also in point of time are honourable to the PhiladelphianChurch. She numbered among her sons eleven martyrs, whosuffered at Smyrna in the persecution which was fatal to Polycarp,a.d. 155 (Mart. Polyc. 19).We are also told of one Ammia a prophetessof Philadelphia (y iv who iAa8eA

244 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSthe other hand at the Council of Constantinople (a.d. 381) the onlyPhiladelphia which puts in an appearance is the Isaurian (id. p. 37, Labb.Cone. 1. p. 1135), both her more famous namesakes being unrepresented.In the meanwhile our Philadelphia has been toying with Semiarianism.At the Synod of Philippopolis (a. d. 347) there was presentone Quirius (Kv/oios) bishop of Philadelphia (see Labb. Cone. 11. p. 743),apparently the Lydian city, though the name of the bishop would suggestthe Syrian; and at the Synod of Seleucia (a.d. 359) again, we meetwith a Theodosius, bishop of Philadelphia, here expressly denned as theLydian city (Labb. Cone. 11. p. 922). At Ephesus (a.d. 431) theLydian Philadelphia is represented by Theophanes or Theophanius(Labb. Cone. in. p. 1086) and at later councils also herj bishops appearfrom time to time. For some centuries Philadelphia remained a suffragansee under Sardis, but at a later date it was raised to an independentmetropolitan rank, though apparently not without some vicissitudes (seethe Notitiae pp. 96, 132, 156, 226, 236, 246, ed. Parthey).It was in the last struggle for independence that Philadelphia wonan undying renown. The strategical importance of the site, whichdoubtless had led to the foundation of the city in the first instance,was also the cause of her chief woes. Philadelphia was besieged byevery invading army in turn, Byzantine, Latin, and barbarian. Againstthe Turkish hordes the Philadelphians offered a manly resistance. Fornearly a hundred years after the neighbouring places had succumbed,Philadelphia held out. 'The whole land beneath the sun,' writes theByzantine historian, ' was subjugated by the Turks, but this city likea star shone still in the over-clouded mid-heaven' (Ducas iv. 4, p. 19,ed. Bonn.). It is said that she was sustained in her resistance by thecommendation and the promise in the Apocalypse. At length sheyielded to the assaults of the victorious Bajazet,'the thunderbolt.'But even then her fall was due quite as much to the baseness ofthe Byzantine emperors as to the persistence of the Turkish invader.Philadelphia was part of the price paid by John and Manuel Palaeologusfor the support of the Turk against rival claimants to the throneof the Caesars in their own household.The Greek emperor summonedthe Philadelphians to surrender and receive a Turkish governor. Theyreplied proudly that 'they would not, if they could help it, deliverthemselves over to the barbarians.' But it was only a question of time.The siege, aided by famine, was successful ;and the Greek emperors,fighting under Bajazet, were the first to enter the defeated city ; outgo,concludes the historian, 4aAiAaSeAeia rj rrjs AvoYas 7J-0A19 evvofxovfxevr]

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 2 45cE\\y]vl

246 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSlowest fifteen but ; only five or six are in common use, while the greaternumber lie in ruins. The Christian community here is governed by aresident bishop ;and altogether its ecclesiastical arrangements betokena vitality and influence, such as is rarelyfound in the cities of AsiaMinor.The often-quoted passage of Gibbon may be quoted once again, asa just tribute to a city whose past history isexceptionally brightmidst of the surrounding darkness.in the'The captivity or ruin of the seven churches of Asia was consummated;and the barbarous lords of Ionia and Lydiastilltrample on themonuments of classic and Christian antiquity. In the loss of Ephesusthe Christians deplored the fall of the first angel, the extinction of thefirst candlestick, of the Revelations the desolation is ; complete and;the temple of Diana, or the church of Mary, will equallyelude thesearch of the curious traveler. The circus and the three statelytheatres of Laodicea are now peopled with wolves and foxes ;Sardesis reduced to a miserable village ;the God of Mahomet, without a rivalor a son, is invoked in the mosques of Thyatira and Pergamus ;andthe populousness of Smyrna is supported by the foreigntrade of theFranks and Armenians. Philadelphia alone has been saved by prophecyor courage. At a distance from the sea, forgotten by the emperors,encompassed on all sides by the Turks, her valiant citizensdefended their religion and freedom above fourscore years ;and atlength capitulated with the proudest of the Ottomans. Among theGreek colonies and churches of Asia, Philadelphiais still erect; acolumn in a scene of ruins ;a pleasing example, that the paths ofhonour and safety may sometimes be the same {Decline and Fallc. lxiv).'The following is an analysts of the epistle.'Ignatius to the Church of Philadelphia which is rootedfirmly in the conviction of the Passion and Resurrection of Christ;greeting in the blood of Jesus Christ which is abiding joy, so long asthere is obedience to the bishop and presbyters and deacons.''Your bishop has his authority from God and exercises it in love.I admire his gentleness and modesty. As the lyre to its strings, so ishe strung to the commandments (§ 1).As children of truth, shundissension. Follow the shepherd, lest ye be devoured by wolves (§ 2).Abstain from noxious herbs, which are not of Christ's husbandry. Beunited with the bishop, that ye may be owned by God. No schismaticshall inherit the kingdom (§ 3). Be partakers in one eucharist. There

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 247is one flesh, one cup, of Jesus Christ, one altar, one bishop (§ 4). Ilove you heartily, and therefore I warn you. By your prayers I hopeto be made perfect, while I cling to the Gospel and the Apostles. Welove the Prophets also, for they foretold Christ and were saved throughHim (§ 5).Turn a deaf ear to Judaism. Whosoever speaks not ofChrist, is no better than a gravestone. Flee from these snares of thedevil. I thank God, that I oppressed no man, when I was with you(§ 6). They tried to mislead me in the flesh ;but the Spirit cannot bemisled. I told you plainly to obey your bishop and presbyters anddeacons. It was the voice of the Spirit, enjoining unity (§ 7). I havedone my best to promote harmony. God will forgive those who repentand return to unity. Men appeal to the archives against the Gospel ;I know no archives but Jesus Christ— His Passion and ResurrectionThe(§ 8). ancient priesthood was good but the; great High-priestisbetter. Patriarchs and Prophets must enter through Him as the door.The Prophets foretold jthe Gospel is the crown and fulfilment (§ 9).''Your prayers have been answered. The Church of Syria haspeace. Send a deacon to congratulate them. The nearer churcheshave sent bishops and presbyters also (§ 10).I thank God that yougave a welcome to Philo and Agathopus. May their enemies be forgiven.The brethren at Troas salute you. I write by the hand ofBurrhus. Farewell in Christ (§ 11).'

TTPOC0IAAA6A06IC.'ITNATIOC, 6 kcli Qecxpopos, e/c/cA^cna Qeov ira-Tpo\ Kctl 'lriiAa5eX-(palov, a form which seems not tooccur elsewhere. The Latins commonlysay Philadelfthenus, Plin. N.H. v. 29 (30), Tac. Ann. ii. 47. Butthe version of Ignatius has ' Philadelphicis(-sis),'and the version ofthe interpolated text Ad ' Philadelphienses'while in the printed texts;

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 249dyaA\iu)[JL€vri eV tw iradei rod Kvpiov tj/uiwv dSiaicpiTtos5 Kal ev Trj dvcMTTCKrei avrov, 7T67rAripo(f)optiiuLevriiv ttcivtiiesu christi domini nostri A. tt)s 'Aaias] GL : urbe asiae A om.; g (substitutingiv dyd-n-rj). 3 r)dpaap.ivri] 7]5paafxevq (sic) G. Qeov] Gg;om. A. 4 dyaWiwixivri] G; dyaWo/xivy g. tov Kvpiov i]p.wv] GL*(but Lj domini iesu christi) g* (prob. but the Gk MSS add Irjcrov or lr)

250 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSeXeer fjv dcnrdtyfiai ev al/uarieo-Tiv x«f>« aioovios kclc Trapdfjiovos' ^.aXia-Ta'lr](rov Xpia-rov, rjTiseav ev evioo(Tiv orvv too eTTKTKOirw kclI toTs ctvv avTtp 7rpecrftvT€poisKai Sicikovois a7roBeSeiyiuiei/OL9 ev yvw^rj 'Irjo-ov Xpio-rov,2 TrapdfjLouos] GAg ; incoinquinatum (fi^wûos ?) L. eav ev hi w twv v7roTacrcrop,ev(t>vrco einaKoTroi k.t.X.eav k.t.X.] if they]i. e. the Philadelphian'Christians. He stillusesthe third person, because the addressof the letter is not yet concluded ;see 2 J oh. 1 tols tIkvols aim)?, contrastedwith ver. 4 tcov tckvcov aov.The difficulty has occasioned thesubstitution of the first or secondperson in the versions, and the readingp,dXi(TTa ev evi axriv in the interpolator'stext. See the upper note.This sentence— a warning againstdissension— is a sort of after-thought,which deranges the whole of the

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 2515 oi/s kclto. to ihiov deXvfJia €

252 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[idvdpcoircdv K€KTrjo-6ai Tr\v SiaKOViav Ttjv eU to kolvovdvrJKOVcrav, ovfie Kara Kevoloîav, d\X ev dyairn QeovjraTpos Kctl Kvpiov 'ltiVTaeTricniOTrov, TrXeiovats avTov cpo-(3 e icrdco. See the note there.os o-iywv k.t.X.] So Carlyle says ofCromwell {Life and Letters, Introd.c. 2) 'His words— still more hissilences and unconscious instincts,when you have spelt and lovinglydeciphered these also out of hiswords— will in several ways rewardthe study of an earnest man.'Comp. Aristoph. Ran. 913 sq.ol 5'ecrtycov. AIO. eya> §' eâipov ttj crianrfjKai p,e tovt eTepirev ov% t/ttov t)vvv olXaXovvTes. The interpolator andtranscribers have enfeebled the expressionby inserting nXeov or p-aTaia.The editors have retained the latter,apparently without misgiving.'5. awevpv6p.io-Tai\ is tuned inharmony with 1 ; comp. Ephes. 4 to. . .npeafivTepiov. .ovT

i] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 253Kidapa. $10 juaKapiêi jjlov y\^v^ri Tr\v ek Qeov avrovyvcdfiAriv, einyvom evapeTOv kcli TeXeiov ovcrav, toa.Kivr]TOv avrov Kal to dopyr]TOv [at/rot/]ev ttclcd) eirieiKeiaQeov (^WVTOS.ployment here is a proof that the translator had' neither ir\hv nor ix6.ra.La. in histext. The evidence of 1 seems to show that irXtov was omitted in the original text ofg. See the lower note. 5 o-vvevpidfiiarai] G ; pattens est et concordans A est ;vros] i.e.inspired by'a living God.' There is not howevermuch force in the epithet here, andperhaps (covtos should be separatedfrom Qeov and taken with avrov,as the Armenian Version suggests ;comp. § 3 Iva coaiv Kara, 'ir/crovv Xpicrrov£d>vres.II. 'Therefore as children oftruth,avoid dissension and falseteaching.Where the shepherd isthere let the sheep follow ;for manywolves are prowling about, ready toseize the stragglers in the race ofGod. But they will have no place,so long as you are at unity. 5

254 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["II. TeKva ovv [(pcoros] dAridetas, (pewyeTe tov /uepi-(TfJLOV Kal tccs KaKoSidacrKaAias' ottov Se 6 iroifxriv io~Tiv,6KeI 0)5 7rpo/3aTa aKoAovdeiTe' ttoWol yap Avkol d£io-I TeVva] GLA Dam-Rup 5 ;ws Tinva g. 0wrds akrjdelas] GL* (but a v. I.inserts et) g Dam-Rup; Incis et veritatis A. It is clear therefore that 0wr6s aXrjddasis older than any existing authorities, though probably corrupt. The remedy howeveris not to insert a Kal, as iscommonly done see the lower note. : 2 5e] G(but the Casanatensian transcript has /ih) g Dam-Rup ;autem L; et A. 5 evottjtl]evwTTjri G. oi>x ôvs dTjp,oo-ia p,eTp. 4). For the dîonicrTias, Aristid.metaphor see also Art. Rhet. i.4 {Op.Epictetus Diss. iii. 22. 35 W p. 745, ed.ovv et; Dind.) d£io7rio~Tias di ml to eVtKarq-Ephes. v. 8 ; viol [tov] cpcoTos,cos oi noifxeves, otov Xvkos cipndo-y tiLuke xvi. 8, John xii. 36, tc3i> TrpofiaTcov avTcov Kal ovtoi de 7rp6-1 Thess. v.5.The reading of the Greek MSS /3ara clcriv ol inro o~ov dpx6p.evoi comp.:4>u>t6s dX^deias, 'of the light of truth,' lb. i.3. 7 ol p.ev...XvKois 6p,oioi yivop.€cannotstand; for definite articles 6a, amo-Toi Kal enlôvXoi Kal fiXafiepol'would almost certainly be required. ol 8e Xeovaiv k.t.X. Rhodon (in Euseb.The text might be mended by insertingH. E, v. 13) calls Marcion 6 Uovtlkosa Hal, as the Armenian Ver-Xvkos, and at a later date it is not un-sion gives 'light and truth.' On common as a designation of heretics.such a point however a version has d^wmo-Toi} ' specious, plausible, deceitful]little weight, since this would be aas in Polyc. 3 (where how-very obvious expedient for a translator.I am disposed to think that prominent) ; comp. Trail. 6. v Xoyovs anodex?) T& vii. 4, iv. 12), but not in this sense. dîoTriaTcov cptXoo-ocpcov, Lucian Alex.2.KaKodidao-KaXias] See [Clem. 4 7ri6avr]v Kal dîomaTov Kal vnoKpiTiktjvRom.] ii. IO KaKodidao-KaXovvres, withtov (BeXriovos, Charito iv.9 efivrjp.ovevo~ethe note.KaXXiporjs dt-LOTricrTco tco3. Xvkol] So S. Paul, Acts xx. conco (comp. ib. i. 4),7rpocr-Apollon. in29 Xvkoi /3ap€ty. . .fir) (j>eid6fievoi tov Euseb. H. E. v. 18 Qep.icrcov 6 ttjvnoifiviov; comp. John x. 12. In a'£tottigtola^LomaTov nXeovei-lav -qp.cpLecrp.ivos.there isperhaps an allusion So too di-iomo-Tia, Joseph. B. J.ii.to the 'sheep's clothing' of Matt, 13-3 7ravTa7racrtv vn at-tomo-Tias f\o~avvii. 15 (comp. Clem. Horn. xi. 35, dvevperoi, Tatian ad Graec. 25 KeKpa-

"] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 2 55ttictoi nlovrf KaKtj alxfJiaXioTtrover iv tow deolpofdovr5 d\X ev Tt evoTr\Ti v/uwv ov^ eôv&iv tottov.III.'A7T€êo*6e tcou kcckcov fioravwv, ao-rivas ovyewpyel 'Irjcrovs Xpio-ros, Sid to /ut)ehai aurovs (pvTelav^6 'A7r

256 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [inTrctTpos. ovx otl reap vfjilv /uepicriuLOV evpov, aXh! airo-Slv\lctjui6u. octolyap Qeov eariv Kal 'Iricrov Xpio~TOv,ovtoi fj.€Tatov eTricncoTrov eicriv Kal b(TOL av ixeTavor]-crai/re? eXdoocriv eirl ty\v evoTWTa Tr\$ e'/c/cA^cnas, Kaiovtol Qeov eaovTai, 'iva waiv Kara 'lt]crovv Xpio~TOV51 irarphs] Gg; rod irarpos Rup. air 08 ivXiapov"] abstractionem L (comp. Rom.inscr. awodivXiape'vois, translated abstractis) ;air 8 lv\l aphov G; clamor A; def. g.The rendering of A is explained by Zahn I. v. A.\>. 270. The same Syriac root ??)Zsignifies colare (divXLfciv, e.g. Pesh. Matt, xxiii. 24) and clarum sonitum reddere; seeBernstein Lex. Syr. Chrestom. s. v. 1 Qeov elaiv nal 'Irjcrov Xpiarov] GLS^dei stmt A ; xp l(rro v e ' LcrLV [g]« 6 adeXepol pov] GLS X Dam-Rup 1 Anon Syrx9 Qeov yeeopyiov...eare. Here theFather isrepresented as plantingthe field and as sending Christ totillit.avrovs]i.e. 'these heretical teachers,'who are intended bythe Kax°Tl see the note onMagn. 3.evpov] I ' found? This implies thatIgnatius had himself visited Philadelphia;see above p. 241, and thenotes on § I ov eTvio-KOTrov eyvcov, § 6on e(3cipr]o-a k.t.X., § 7 eKpavyaaa perat;vcov.aTro()ivXi(rp6v] ' ''filtration?See thenote on Rom. inscr. a7ro8ivXiapevoisdno navros aXXorplov ^pQ)/xaro$-.Thefalse teachers had been at Philadelphiabut the; Philadelphian Christianshad strained out these dregsof heresy. They had separated themselvesfrom the heretics ;but thisseparation deserved the name of''filtering,' rather than of division.'2. Qeov elaiv] For this phrasesee the note on Ephes. 5.5. Kara 'irjaovv k.t.X.]So againMagn. 8. Similarly, Kara xP l0~ Tia -vicrpov £fjv Magn. IO, Kara Qeov £ijvEphes. 8, Kara dXrj6eiav £rjv Ephes. 6,Kara KvpiaKr\v (r\v Magn. 9, Kara lovdaierpov£ijv Magn. 8, Kara. dvdpeoTrovs£tjv Trail. 2, Rom. 8.6. pr] rrXavaade] As in I Cor.vi. 9, xv. 33, Gal. vi. 7,i.James16.Here the phrase is clearly suggestedby 1 Cor. vi. 9 sq, whence the words[Sao-iXeiav Qeov ov KXrjpovopel also areborrowed. Comp. Ephes. 16, wherethere is the same connexion ofphrases suggested by S.Paul's language.

in] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 257(fcjyres. 7r\avacr6e/uLrj 9dSeXcpol jjlov el tis (ryi'CpvTiaKoXovdei, B a c 1 A e f a n Oeoy of kAhponomg?* el t*sev ctWorpia yucoiurj TreptfraTei, outos tw Trddei ov arvy-KCtTaTldeTCtl.IV. CTTOvhacctTe ovv fxia evâpLCTTia xpfjo-0ar(but for the Syriac authorities see Clem. Rom. ii. § 13); fratres (here) A; dde\(poi(before p.r] irXauaade) g. axi-touTi] txt GL Dam-Rup; add. d-rro rfjsakrjddas [g]; add. ecclesiam Anon-Syr^ add. ecclesiam dei S x ; separatoris ecclesiaeA. 7 KXrjpovo/xei] GLA Dam-Rup Anon-Syr^, KXypovofx-fiaei. g;haereditabit S r The future is taken from S. Paul, 1 Cor. vi. 9, 10, Gal. v. 21.8 t£ vadei] GL; add. christi SjA. The sentence isparaphrased in g,k'vTiv xPL

253 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IVjmia ydp o~dp^ rod Kvpiou rj/mcov 'Itio-ov Xpiarrov,teal ev7TOTt)piOv eU evcoo'iv tov ai/uaTOs avTOV' ev dvaiaa'Tr}-piov, W5 eh e7ri(TK07ros, a/ua tw 7rpeo-(3vTepi(tiKal $iakovolstoTs o-uvhovXois fjiow'iva o eav 7rpdo'0'f]Te 9KaraQeov 7rpao~o~riTe.i els evuenv] GL; concordiae S om.x A; al. g. 3 ws] G; et L (but;perhaps we should read ut; see the converse error in Rom. 4, and comp. Ephes. 21);sicut et A; /ecu [g]. Should we read cos koX with A? 8icik6vois] G; rots diakovois[g]. 6 'A5eX0o£ ^01;] not omitted in A, as stated by Petermann; butalpa ediddxdrjpev elvat (comp. Dial.IJ 7> P- 345)) Iren. iv. 18. 5 tîcoi/ Seervpepcovos rj yvcoprj rfj euâptcrria...cos yap dnb yijs apros 7rpocrXap/3ai>opevostt)v €KKKrj(Tiv tov Qeov ovk(tlkolvos apros ecrriv, aXX evx a P l0 " ria ik.t.X., Clem. Alex. Paed. ii. 2 (p. 178)evâptcrria KeKkryrai, X^P LS ^Traivovpevr]Kal Kakrj, Orig.c. Cels. viii.57 eartSe cnjp(BoXov rjp.lv rrjs npbs tov QeovevxapLCTTias, apros evx a P t0~ Tia

v]TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 259V.'A$e\

260 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[v7rpocr(puya)v to evayyeXico ws aapKi 'lrj(rov kcli tchsi 'IâoO] GL; irjcrov xP i(TT0^ g;christi A.be taken with some qualification.is used several times by Aristotle.See Lobeck Phryn. p. 447 sq.nXr/pcp]Of martyrdom ;see thenote Trail. 12.qXeijOrjv]ItAfter S. Paul's manner ofspeaking, 2 Cor. iv. 1 KaOoos rjXeridrjp,ev,ovk eyKaKOVfxev, I Tim. i. 1 3, 1 6dXXd ijXerjdrjv.. .dXXd. 81a tovto TjXeijdrjv:comp. Rom. xi. 30, 31. So too 1 Pet.ii. 10. See also Rom. inscr. (note).For eXeeladai ev comp. Smym. inscr.enirvxco] The construction is Iva€TTiTi>xo> rov Kkijpov ev

v]TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 261diroo-ToXois cos TrpecrfiuTepico e/c/c/\^(Tta§. kul tovs rrpo-1 irpearfivTeplu)] GLg; ministris {diaconis) A.in the latter way, not of the book, butof the teaching. The parallel passagesare § 9 below ol yap dyanr)Tol7rpo(prJTa.i KarrjyyeiXav els avrov, to 8eevayyeXiov aTrdpTio-Lid ecrrtv a(pdapo~ias,Smym. 5 ovs ovk eireiaav at npocpr)-Telai ovde 6 vollos Mcocrecoy, dXX ovdep-expi wv to evayyeXiov k.t.X., lb. 7Ttpovkytiv he Tols npoCpr/Tais, e£aipetcosde too evayyeXtop,ev a> to ttclBosrjpuv dedriXooTai k.t.X. These passagespoint to the latter view, which regardsthe Apostles as the expositorsof the Gospel. They cannot howeverbe considered decisive in themselves,since * the Gospel ' might herebe broken up into 'the Gospel' and'the Apostles,' just as 'the Prophets'are broken up in Smym. 5 into'the Prophets ' and ' the Law ofMoses.' But the use of evayyeXiovin the context here (els to evayyeXiovKarrjyyeXnevai and avvrjpidp-qpevoi ivtooevayyeXiop) is a more powerfulargument, and seems to show thatthe idea of written documents is notintended in the word evayyeXiov itself,but only involved in the subsequentmention of the 'Apostles.'In this case the description of theOld and New Testaments as 'theProphets' and 'the Apostles' respectivelymay be compared withJustin's statement Aftol.i.67 (p.98 D) to. dnop,vrip,ovevp.aTatcov aivoo~To-X(ov to. r} avyypa.fxp.aTa toov Trpocpr/ToovdvayivdxriceTai, or the language in theso-called Second Epistle of Clement§ 14 Ta /3i/3Xi'a Kal ol dnoo-ToXoi, or theclassification of the MurdorianCanon (Tregelles, p. 58) 'neque interprophetas completum numero nequeinter apostolos.' Towards and afterthe close of the second century theseparation of the ' Gospels ' from the'Apostles' becomes common, e.g.Iren. i. 3- 6 toov evayyeXiKcov Kal toovdnoo-ToXiKaiv, Clem. Alex. Strom, vii.3 (p. 836) to Te evayyeXiov o Te duoo-toXos,Tertull. de Praescr. 36 'evangeliciset apostolicis Uteris,' andelsewhere ;see Reuss Gesch. derheil. Schr. N. T. § 300. There isindeed nothing to prevent the sameauthor from using both modes ofspeaking in different places ; comp.e.g. Clem. Alex. Strom, iii. 10 (p.543) vop.os Te 6p.ov koi 7rpo(pf]Tai avvKal too evayyeXiao ev 6vop.aTi XpicrTovels p.iav avvdyovTai yvooaiv, with lb.V. 5 (p. 664) tov evayyeXiov Kal toovdnoo-ToXaiv 6p.oicos toIs Trpocpr/Tais anaai,vi. II (p. 784) o~vp.(p(0Viav ttjv eKKXrjaiaaTiKrjvvop.ov Kal npoqorjToov 6p.ov Kaldnoo-ToXcov crvv Kal too evayyeXiop. Butwe should certainly not expectit inthe same passage, and thereforethere is no ground for interpretingthe language here in a way whichwould perhaps (we cannot say, certainly)be an anachronism in the ageof Ignatius. Lessing attempted tohandle Ignatian criticism here andburnt his fingers [Sdmmtl. Schrift.XI. 2, pp. 187, 197, 237, ed. Maltzahn;passages referred to by Zahn/. v. A. pp. 431 sq, 575). He statedthat there was no trace of a collectionof N. T. writings in the fathers ofthe first two centuries, and beingconfronted with this passage declaredit to be corrupt. His emendationis an exhibition of recklessaudacity, all the more instructive ascoming from a great man ; irpoacpvyoovrco eirio-KOTTCd cos aapKi IijaovXpio-Tov Kal toIs npeafivTepois eKK.Xr]-aias (os diroa-ToXois' Kal tovs diaKovovsde dyanoo, cos irpo(pt]Tas Xpio-Tov KarayyelXavTasKal tov ovtov nvevpiarosp.eTao~xovTasov Kal 01 diroo~ToXoi.2. ko.1 tovs 8e7rpo(f>rJTask.t.X.]

262 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [v(prjTas Se dyaTTtoiJLev, Sid to kcli ccutovs ek to evayye-Xiov KaTrjyyeXKevaikcli ek clvtov i\7rL(êivKcti uvtovdvctfjieveiv ev to kcci TriCTTevaravTes ecrcedrjo'av ev euortjTi'Iriaov XpicrTOv, ovres dpiaydirriTOi Kal dîoQa\)\xa(jTOii aycnrQ/xeu] GL; diligamns L; ayairCj g; diligo A. Perhapsit was treatedas two words aya7rc3 /xei>: see the lower note. 5 Kal avvr\pid[X7]p.evoC\GL; om. g. A translates the passage quos testificatusest dominies noster iesusSee the note onFor what reason are the prophets'ing that all the saints under the 4. di-iaydnr)Toi\ worthy of thisold dispensation entered through love, which we accord to them,' aHim into the presence of God, and reference to Kal tovs npocp^Tas 8ethat the prophets heralded the Gos- On theayatraixev. compounds ofpel. especially thus suddenly introduced ? The motive§ 9 KaXol KCU K.T.X.is clearly apologetic but what is1.;dyan-tofxev] Not an imperative,the accusation or the antagonism'let us love,' as the Latin Version'against which the words are directeddiligamus,' but an indicative, ' we? Is it aimed at Judaizers love.' It may be a question how-who overrated the Old Testament ever, whether we should not readin comparison with the Gospel? ayairco uev, to which the antitheticalor at Anti-judaic Gnostics or Marcionitesclause would be iav 8e tis lov8a'io-[x6vwho depreciated or even re-k.t.X. ; comp. Trail. 4 ayemw p£v yapjected it ? In the former case the to naOelv k.t.X.force of the words will be, 'We do els to evayyfkiov K.r.X.] For thenot disparage the prophets any more construction and sentiment alikethan yourselves ; only we maintain COmp. § 9 ol aycnrr)To\ TrpocprJTai Karrjyyeikavthe superiority of the Gospel ;theels avTov, Barnab. 5 ol npocprjTai,prophets themselves look forward arf avTov eôvTes ttjv X^P LV te ' ? ovtovand bear witness to the Gospel.' eTrpo(pr]Tevaav.For the sentimentAnd this sense is required by the see also the notes on Magn. 8, 9 ;context, iav he tis for the constructionlov$a'icrp,bv epp,rjvevyK.r.X., i.e. 'but if any one, while Acts ii.comp. \lyav els,25, Ephes. v. 32, and seeupholding the Prophets (the Old Winer § xlix. p. 495.Testament), so linterprets them as 3. ev J koI ac.t.X.] in whom alsoto teach Judaism, etc' It is moreover(i.e.when He actually appeared tosupported by the very close them) they believed and so wereparallel in §§ 9, 10, where Ignatiussaved* ; comp. § 9 below. On therepresents his Judaizing opponentssalvation of the prophets throughas alleging against him the archivesChrist, as involving the descent into(i.e. the records of the Old Hades, see the note on Magfi. 9.lTestament), while he himself concedesev evoTT]Ti] in an unity whichthe greatness of the Mosaic centres in Jesus Christ* i.e. theypriesthood (koXoI kcu ol lepels), but were incorporated in one and themaintains the superiority of the same body with the faithful membersgreat High-priest of the new covenantof the Church ; comp. § 9 ndvTa(Kpelaaov de 6 dpx^pevs), declar-TaxiTa els evoTrjTaQeov.

v] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 2635 ayioi, V7r6 'Iti&ov Xpio-rou ê/uaprvprjiuLei/OL kcii crvvnpidfArj/ULevoiev tw evayyeXico rrjs Koivfjs e'A7nSos.VI. 'Ed v $e Tis iovâ'io-fJiov ip/ULrjveuri v/uuv, /uriaKOvere ccvtov. apeivov yap iariv irapd avlpos Trcpichristusquodfideles computantur {numerantur) in evangelio, thus clearly recognising(xvvvptd/xrjfxivoi. 7 8e] GL ; et A;om. [g]. r«] GA[g] ;om. L.v/mp] LA; rjfjuv G ; al. g.agios in Ignatius see the note onRphes. 4 agiovofiaaTov.5. ayiot] Connected by previouseditors with the preceding words,but it seems to go better with thosefollowing.avvTipiOiJirjfjLevoi]i.e. 'included a-mong those who participatein theprivileges of the Gospel.' It iswrongly explained by Smith 'prophetaecum apostolis in evangelioconnumerati, utpote de quibus utrisqueinsigne testimonium illic reliquitChristus.' There is no referenceto the written record in evayyeXicohere.6. ttjs Koivfjs £kirL8os] 'our commonhope ,' i.e. Christ, as appearsfrom §1 1 below ev Xpio"ra> 'irjcroii, rrjKoivrj eXnidi t]/j.cov;and so elsewherein Ignatius; see the notes on Ephes.1, Mag7i. 11. Zahn (/. v. A. pp. 430,435) suggests reading rfjs Kaivfjs ikiri-80s, comparing Magn. 9 els Kaivor-qraeXnidos ;but I cannot think this animprovement. Not to mention thatrj Koivrj skirls occurs more than onceelsewhere in Ignatius, the epithethere is especially appropriate, asenforcing the main idea of the passage(comp. ev evorr)T\. 'I^crou XptoroOand o-wr]piQ\ir][i.ivoL) that all alike,whether they lived before or afterthe coming of Christ, are united in acommon Saviour.VI. But ifanyone so interprets'them as to find Judaism in them,listen not to him It is better tohear the circumcised teaching Christianitythan the uncircumcised teachingJudaism. But in either case,if they speak not of Jesus Christ,they are no better than tombstonesinscribed with men's names. Fleetherefore from the snares and devicesof the Evil One, lest your love waxfeeble : and meet together all of youin concord. I thank God that myconscience acquits me of oppressingany one, while I was among you.And Ipray that my words thenspoken may not rise up in judgmentagainst you.'7. touScucr/iov] See the note onMagn. 8.ep/xT]vevT]] propound'''; as Celsus'in Orig. c. Cels. iii.58 (1. p. 485) ovdehvvrjcrovTai tols TtaiaXv ep/jLrjveveiv aya-Bov (quoted by Pearson), where ashere the accusative describes not thetext interpreted but the result attainedby interpretation. The referencehere is doubtless to the interpretationput upon the language of theprophets who have been mentionedin the last sentence, so as to supportJudaizing practices, just as below(§ 8) Ignatius represents his opponentsas appealing to the dpxelaagainst him.8. ap.eivov yap K.r.X.]Who ismeant by the dicpofivo-Tosin thissentence? Is he to be identifiedwith the tis in the preceding clause,SO that anoveiv ntipa. aKpofivarov inthe latter place corresponds to qkov-

ut264 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [VITOfJLY\V 6XOVTOS ^plCTiaVLCTfJiOV($v(ttov iovSaio-jULOV. Lav SeCLKOV61V f] TTClpa (XKpO-d/uipoTepoi 7repi IrjQ-ovXplCTTOV fJLf) \a\(J0(TLVy OVTOL i/ULOl (TTrjXctL eicTLV KCtl TCt

VI]TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 265eâa'devrjorere ev ty\ ayairr]' dXKa irdvTes eiri to avTOylvecrde ev d/jLepicTa) KapZla. evâpLcrrco he tw OecofjLOVy otl evavveidriTos eljui ev vfjuv, kccl ovk e-êi tls kccv-10 ^(racrdaL oi/re \adpa oi/re (pavepoos, otl e(idpr\o'd Tivaev fULLKpwtj ev /uieyaAcQ. kcll ttolgl Se, ev oh e\d\r]ara,evyo\iai iva \xr\eis /mapTVpiov avTO KTriccovTai,5e); om. gA (but A omits /ecu also). 12 p.aprvpLou] G; fiapTvplav g.kt7]tcu] g ; possideant L ;KTiawvTai G ; fiatKTltjavde for avaKT-qoaade.Us A. So in Trail. 8 G has ava-is in Laberius (Macrob. Sat. ii. 7)'sepulcrisimilis nil nisi nomen retineo,'quoted by Voss ; comp. alsoLucian Tim. 5 fjvnov nal oc5co (3adl£a>v€vtvxaircp Tiva CTTTjXrjV7ra.Xa.10v veitpov vnTiav vno tov XP GV0VdvaT€TpafxpL€in]v napepxovraL p,rjbi avayvovres.So Jerome (Op. VI. p. 105),referred to by Ussher, explains orr}-Xai in the LXX, Hos. x. 1, of theheretics, because 'terrae suae bonaverterunt in titulos mortuorum, quiaomnis doctrina eorum non ad viventesrefertur, sed ad mortuos etc'The Pythagoreans used to erect'cenotaphs' (Orig. c. Cels. ii. 12, iii.51) to those who were untrue to theprinciples and practice of theirschool; comp. Clem. Alex. Strom.V. 9 (p. 680) (ttiJXtjv in avra yeveadaiola vtKpcp, Iambi. Vit. Pythag. 17(TTrjXrjv drj Tiva rco tolovtco kcu p.vrjp.e'iov...Xooo-avTcs, a practice to which Zahndirects attention in his note. Thefalse teachers in Ignatius howeverare compared not to the dead, butto the sepulchres themselves.5. cpevyere k.t.X.] See Polyc. 5ras KdKOTexvias (pevye (with the note).tov apxovros k.t.X.] See the noteon Ephes. 17.6. 6Xij3evTes k.t.X.] 'worn out,wearied, by his suggestions?'7. et-aadeprjereTe] grow weak';comp. Matt. xxiv. 12 yj^vyrjcreTai r)dydrrT]tcov ttoXXwv, Apoc. ii. 4 ttjvayairrjv o~ov Tr)v npcoTrjv acpfjices.eir\ to civt6 k.t.X.] 'meet together]i.e. for public worship and the eucharist; comp. 4 airovdao-are p,ia ev-XapiaTLa xprjo-Qai.For iv dpLepiara)Kapdia comp. Trail. 13.9. evo-vveibrjTos] See Magn. 4with the note.10. otl ifidp-qo-a k.t.X.] 2 Cor. xi. 9iv TvavTL dfiapr) ip,avTov vp.lv iTrjprjo'a,xii. 16 iya> ov KaTe(3dpr)o~a vp.ds (v. 1.Ka.T€vdpicT]o-a), I Thess. ii. 9 npos to p,r)iiTLâpfja-al Ttva vp.a>v (comp. 2 Thess.iii. 8). See also the protest of Samuel,2 Sam. xii. 3 riva KaTedwdcrTevaa vp.a>vrivar) iêniao-a vp.a>v, Hefele supposesthat Ignatius refers to theyoke of Jewish ordinances : but hewas extremely unlikely to be chargedwith imposing such a burden. Theparallel of S. Paul's language wouldrather suggest that he isspeaking ofusing his position and authority tyrannically,whether (as in S. Paul'scase) to burden them with hismaintenance, or (as the followingwords suggest) to overawe and crushany free expression of opinion. Thisapology obviously implies that he hadheard of such accusations broughtagainst him at Philadelphia. Thereport was probably conveyed to himby Philo and Agathopus (§ 11). SeeZahn I.v. A. p. 266 sq.11. Koi Tvaai 84 k.t.X.] 'yea, andfor all those among whom I spoke, I

266 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vnVII. Gl yap icai Kara. crdpKa jme Tives ijdeXrjcrap7r\aufjcrai 9dWa to irve\j\±a ov 7r\ai/ctTai 9diro Qeov 6voTagn yap noGeN epyerAik

VIl] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 267KpV7TTa e\eyx ei ' eKpavyacra juera^vaiv, iAaXovv ii€-5yaXrf (poovij, Qeov (poopy*Tco eiTLCTKOTrtd TrpoG-eêrekcliT(Z 7rp€(r(3vT6pi(t)KCXL SlClKOVOlS. ol S' V7T07rT€V(raVT€Stestatur autem nobis etc Sj et sunt quidam qui cogitaverunt de me quomodo ;cognoviego divisiones quorundam et dixi hoc ; testatur mihi etc A ; et 8e viroTrTeveri pe wsirpopadovra top pepiapov tipcop Xeyetp ravra, pdprvs poi k.t.X. g* (but1 has hi verodespexerunt me etc, thus showing that the earlier reading of g more closely followed G).It seems clear that the original of all these was ol 5' virowTevtxapTes pe ws irpoeidoTatop pep. tip. Xey. ravra, pdprvs de poi k.t.X. G has preserved this with the corruptionof TrricravTes for v7roirTe6(raPTes ;L has translated it literally (for the sunt of L 2is obviouslya later addition) ; S : (followed by A) has set the syntax straight ; and g (asit now stands) has paraphrased the sentence, mending the grammar at the sametime.See the lower note.25 ra KpvTTTa ttjs Kapbias avTov (pavepayiverai, Ephes. v. 12, 13 pakkov deKai eXeyêre" ra.yap Kpvcprj yivopevaK.T.X.4. eKpavyacra] For the expressionsee J oh. xi. 43 Cpwr/ peydXr)eKpavyacrev : comp. Tatian Oral. IJKeKpayoros ooanep anb tov perecopovKaTaKovaaTe pov, and. see the note onEphes. 19 pvo-Trjpia Kpavyfjs. Bunsen(Ign. p. 73) translates eKpavyacra ' Ichschrieb einen Brief,' and suggeststhat the writer alludes to passagesin the letter to Polycarp (I supposeto § 4, 6). By such free renderingsanything may be made of anything.Moreover the letter to Polycarpdoes not profess to be written fromPhiladelphia, but from Troas.peTa£v'oov] when I was amongyou? It is evident from the wholecontext that Ignatius had himselfvisited Philadelphia. He must thereforehave taken the northern roadthrough Sardis to Smyrna, insteadof the southern which would haveled him to Ephesus on his waythither (see above, p. 241). Zahn(/. v. A. p. 268) adopts the readingperat-v

268 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vnûe,ok 7rpoei§OTcttov fJLepicrfJLOv tlvwv, Xeyeiv ravra./uctpTVs Be fJLOi ev a) heSe/mai, otl dwo capKOS dv6pto7rivrjôuk eyvtov to Se irvevfjia eKripvcrarev, \eyov TaSe'Xtopk tov Ittickoitov /mtjSev TroieiTe' Tt]V crapKa vfXtovcos vaov Qeov TnpelTe' ttjv evtoaiv dyairaTe' tovs fj.epi- 5(rôi)s cbevyeTe* /uLijULtjTai ylvecrde 'Iti&ov Xpio"TOv,tos kcliCtVTOS TOV TTCLTpOSCLVTOV.1 ws irpoeidoTa] GL ;ws irpop-adovra g. Zahn supposes that the reading ofSjA (see the last note) was Cicnrep et'dora, and adopts this reading. But the omissionof the preposition in rendering irpocopta/j.evr} Ephes. inscr. (2A), and wpoopuivTrail. 8 (A), renders the inference somewhat doubtful. And, even if it were certain,this reading does not seem so well supported, or so good in itself,as cus irpoeido'ra.1 te] GLSi ;om. [A] [g] [Antioch 14] [Dam-Rup 5]:see the lastnote. /xoi] GL[A]g Antioch ; fiov Dam-Rup ;nobis (]? for v) Sv ev $]GLS XA Antioch Dam-Rup ; St' 6v g : see the note on Magn. 5. dirb crapKoscott Ca?W7i p. 60, ed. 4). Ignatiuseither that some word such as #-Religion 1. p. 273, ed. 2 see West- nothing in a sectarian I:spirit. heardtl&vto has fallen out, or that the is plainly speaking throughout thissentence is an anacoluthon. This passage of a spiritual revelation tolatter seems the more probable hypothesis.himself.For similar instances, where 4. Xcop\s k.t.X.]See the note onin the hurry of dictating under pressureMagn. 7.of circumstances sentences are ttjv crdpKa k.t.X.] Comp. [Clem.left unfinished, see the notes, Ephes. Rom.] ii. 9 Set ovv r]p,dscos vaov QeovAnode £afjLevos k.t.X. Otherwise we (pvXdcraeiv ttjv crdpKa, with the note.'1might adopt Zahn's conjecture, el Be See also the notes on Ephes. 9, 15.vnccTTTevaav rives fxe k.t.X., thus making5. evcoaiv] Comp. Polyc.1ttjspiaprvs de fxoi the apodosis..evcocrecos cpp6vTi£e, and see the note2. ev cp Bede/iai] See § 5 with the on Magn. 1.note.tqvs p.epLO'p.ovs (pevyere] Comp. § 2ano aapKos k.t.X.] Matt. xvi. 17 above (with the note), and S??iyrn. 8.crapij Koi aip,a ovk ,a7reKaAirv// k.t.X.6.p.ip,r)Tai k.t.X.] i.e. of His eVteiKeiaei/; 3. Xeyov k.t.X.] See Rom. 7 eaco-comp. Ephes. 10, and see theOev fxoi Xeyov, Aevpo k.t.X. (with theovres Qeov Ephes. I.note on p.ip.t]Tainote). If the masculine Xeycov be VIII. 'I therefore did my best tocorrect here, itmay be compared promote union. Where dissensionwith eKelvos in Joh. xvi. 13, 14 ;but is, there God has no dwelling-place.no dependence can be placed on the Now the Lord will forgive all whoreading in such a case. There is the repent and return to the unity ofsame v. 1. also in Rom. 7. The passageGod and to fellowship with thehas been misunderstood to mean bishop.I have faith in the gracethat 'an apocryphal writing isquoted of Christ, who will shake off youras Holy Scripture' {Supernatural chains ;but I exhort you to do

vm] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 269eUVIII. 'GyW JJL€V OVV TO illOV iirOlOVP, W9 avdpttiirosevwcrivKarnpTio-fJievos. ov §e /mepKr/uLos ecrrtv kolI10 opyr],Qeos ov KaroLKe?. iraaiv ovv \ie.Tavoovvnpeo-fivTepoov at Philadelphia is mentionedC. I. G. 3417 (comp. 3422).13. Xvaei k.t.A.]Is. lviii. 6 XvendvTa crvvBecrp.ov dBiKias, from whichpassage the interpolator has substitutedcrvvBeap,ov abulias for Beo~p.6vhere. The passage of Isaiah isquoted, Barnab. 3, Justin Apol. i. yj(p. 77), Dial. 15 (p. 233), Iren. iv. 17.3, Clem. Alex. Strom, ii. 18 (p. 470),Apost. Const, ii. 53, viii, 5,and seemsto have been a very favourite citationin the early Church. In theoriginal the 'bonds of wickedness'refer to the oppression of the weak,and apparently in a literal sense tothe chains of slaves and of debtors. Inthe LXX however it may be a questionwhether avvBeapov is not in-

270 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[viiiv/uSis, /uLtiêp kclt epideiav irpaorceTe dWa kcltcc xpurTOfjiadiav.eirel yikovccl tivuov Aeyovrcov otl 'Gav \xt]ev1 Trpao-aere] g ; facite A ; -rrpaaaeiv GL :see the lower note. xpt-v-/nadlav] G; xP L(XTO Jia^âv l g* (with a v. 1. -jxadiav). There is no authority of anyvalue for xPV^Top-adeiav. AL1 all render xptoro- not XPWT°-' 1 e7reitended to mean 'a conspiracy' (comp.ver. 9 crvvbecrpov nai êiporoi//aj/), as itis used in Jer. xi.9 and elsewherein the LXX. In Apost. Const, ii.53e^ciKokovdei tw tov Kvpiov vopco AveTTavra o~vv8eo-pov d8iKias' eiri vol yapiôvo-iav 6 croarrip eOero dcpievat cipapriasK.T.X., lb. viii. 5 Xveiv Se ndvraavvdecrpov Kara ttjv ii-ovaiav r\v edaucasrots dnoaTokois, it is understood ofthe remission of sins (comp. Matt,xvi. 19, xviii. 18). There may ormay not be an allusion to this passageof Isaiah here. In any caseit seems to refer to the power of evilgenerally, as in the words of thecollect 'though we be tied and boundwith the chain of our sins, yet letthe pitifulness of Thy great mercyloose us.' Hilgenfeld however refersit to the oppressive yoke of Judaism;Uhlhorn to the overbearingness ofthe heretical teachers. See also thenote on Ephes. 19 o0ev iXvero naaapayeia nal iras b cap, 6 s K.r.X.i. kot epldeiav] i in a sectarianspirit? From Phil. ii.3 p,r)8iv Kara.ipiOeiav prjbe Kara Kevohoi-Lav : see thenote on § 1, where the other memberof S. Paul's sentence appears. Forthe meaning of lipldeia, partisanship]''factiousness] see the noteGalatia?is v. 20.6.Tvpaaa-cTe]See the note on Trail.XpurropaOiav] So xptoro/xatfrjs, Modest.Encom. in B. Virg.1 00-01 cpi\opaOeisrjyovv xP L(TT0 H' a^€^ (Patrol.Graec. lxxxvi. p. 3080, a referencegiven in E. A. Sophocles s.v.) ;Xpio-Tovopos Rom. inscr.comp.l2. iv rols dpxîois] in the archives?For dpxelov comp. Dion.Hal. A. R. ii. 26 pixP1 T *) s €ls Taapx^la (v. 1. dpxaia) to. 8r)poo~ia iyypa-(prjs, Jos. C. Ap. i. 20 iv rois dpxeiois(v. 1. dpxaiois) twv QoiviKoav, B. J.ii.17. 6 to nvp inl ra dpxâ ecpepov,dcpaviaai anevdovres ra avp(B6\aiak.t.X., Apollon. in Euseb. H. E. v. 18to rrjs 'Ao-t'as dpxôv, African, inEuseb. H. E. i.7 dvaypdnrcov els tot*iv roils dpx^LOts bvrcov TG)V 'E/3pai'xo3j>ytvwv, Euseb. H. E. i. 13tg>v itno~To\a>vdno rcHv apêicov rjplv dva-\r](pOeio-cov.The word occurs inthe following inscriptions found atSmyrna itself; C. I. G. 3137, 3264,3266, 3281, 3282, 3286, 3295, 3318,3335, 3349> 3356, 3382, 3386, 3394,3400. It signifies originally ' thegovernment house,' 'the magistrates'office.' Hence it comes to mean'the record-office ' and; hence, likethe English word 'archives,' it isused indifferently of the place wherethe documents are kept and thecollection of documents themselves ;nor is italways easy to separatethe one meaning from the other.The word is naturalised in Chaldee(see Levy Lex. Chald. s. v. p*D"lfcS)and in Syriac (see Payne SmithThes. Syr.s. v.f^lAlK'). Themeaning here is as follows. Theopponents of Ignatius refuse to deferto any modern writings, whetherGospels or Epistles, as a standardof truth ; they will submit only tosuch documents as have been preservedin the archives of the Jews,or in other words, only to the Old

vm] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 271toIs dpê'iois evpco,iv too evayyeXiwov TrurTevw tealrJKovaa] G; quia audivi L ; Tpiowa ydp g sed quoniam audivi A. ; 3 dp-Xet'oi?] g A ; scripturis antiquis {prioribus) ; dpxaiois G ;vcteribus L. evry evayyeXiy] GL ;to evayyeXiov or tov evayyeXiov g*. A also seems to haveread to evayyeXiov, for it translates si in scripturis antiquis non laudatur (glorificatur)evangelium, non credimus ci.second and third places, while evenTestament Scriptures. Thus thebe preferred on external authority. (because it appears) in the Gospel?For dpxâ alone is read in the The parallelism demands this. [Thisdpxâ and the evayyeXiov are opposedin the first the weight of authorityas the Old Testament and is in favour of apêiW rather thanthe New. so that the antithesis is dpxaiois- 2 While tci( )adiKra dpxeia,similar to that in [Clem. Rom.'] ii. 14 the inviolable archives/ is an intelligible'to. /3t/3Aia kcli 01 cnrocrTokoi. A whollyphrase, no very satisfactorydifferent interpretation however has meaning can be attached to to. aSiKranot uncommonly been given to the apxaia. (3) It is more probable thatpassage, e.g. by Voss (apparently), the more usual word dpxaiois shouldSmith, and several later writers; to. be substituted for the less usualdpxela being explained as referring dpxaiois than conversely, as indeedto the original autographs or authenticwe find to have been done elsewhere.MSS of the Evangelical writ-For the common substitution of dp-ings, with which is contrasted to Xala for dpxâ see Wyttenbach onevayyeXiov, the Gospel as written and Plut. Mor. p. 218 C. On the otherpreached in Ignatius' time. In other hand Credner {Beitrcige1. p. 15)words his antagonists are representedreads dpxaiois, apxai-a, dpxala, conpelsas complaining that the Gossistently,and so Hefele (in his laterhad been tampered with ; comp. editions), Dressel, Hilgenfeld (A. V.Polyc. Phil. 7 bs av p.e6obevrj to. Xoyiatov Kvpiov npostcis I8ias eiriOvp-iasp. 236), and others.Some of those who retain dpxaiois(quoted by Zahn /. v. A. p. 379), take it as a masculine, 'the ancientwhere however the words perhaps writers' (comp. Matt. v. 21, 27, 33);refer rather to misinterpretation than and Markland even proposes at theto corruption of our Lord's sayings. second occurrence of the word toBut this restriction of evayyeXiov is read apâlot cortv 'Itjo-ovs Xpiaros,unnatural ;and altogether the interpretationunsuited to the age Eft. iv. 27 Unus ' Plinius est mihicomparing the line quoted in Plinyisbut he does not whatand character of these Judaizing4priores' ; sayantagonists. Nor againis it easily he would do with the third passagereconcilable with yeypanTai.to. adiKTa dpxâ. The view of BullThere can be no doubt, I think, Works VI.( p. 208, ed. Burton), thatthat dpxelois ought to be read here ; dpxaioi signifies 'the old rabbis oras by Voss, Cotelier, Smith, Rothe doctors,' has nothing to recommend(Anfange p. 339), and others. For (1) it.The argument requires that the same3. ev rw evayyeXico k.t.X.]Theform should stand in all the three construction is,if I mistake not,places and, if this be 'so, there can Unless I find it (the point at issue);be no question which word should in the archives, I do not believe it

272 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vinAeyovTos jjlov ccvtoTs otl FeyparrTai, direKpiQ^cav /ulolotl npOKeiTcu. ifJLol §e apyeia ecrTLV 'Irjcrovs Xpicrros,tcladiKTa dp-yeia 6 aravpos clvtov kul 6 davaros kcli >J1 UpoKeirai] GL, and so too [g*] (but with a v. 1. TrpoKplvercu) ; superfluum estA. dp%e?a]Gg; principium L ; scriptura prior A. 'Irjcrovs XpicrTos] G;Ir/aovs 6 xptcTos g- 3 &9ucra\ ddrjKra G ; inapproximabilia L ; qui nonconstruction I find issupported byHilgenfeld Zeitschr. f. Wissensch.Theol. XVII. p. 116; but he readsapxaiois for apêioty.] On the otherhand the passage seems to be almostuniversally taken, Unless'Ifind it (i.e. the Gospel) in the archives(or in the ancients), I do notbelieve in the Gospel] with the veryrare construction which occurs Marki.15 7ncrT€veT€ iv ro) cvayyeXico.Athird interpretation is adopted byZahn (/. v. A. p. 378 sq, and ad loc.)after Holsten (in Dressel, p. 180),'Unless I fi7id it in the archives,that is, in the Gospel, 1 do not believeif ;but the Greek order and parallelismare strongly against thismode of breaking up the sentence ;not to say that the apposition of thedpxela with the Gospel is in itself ananachronism. Zahn takes the viewthat these objectors appeal to theoriginal documents of the New Testament,as evidence for the trueGospel.I.TeypanTai] i.e. 'in the Old5Testament Scriptures, as Ephes. 5,Magn. 12, according to the commonuse of yeypcnrTaiin the N. T. ; comp.Clem. Rom. 4, 14, 17, 29, 36, etc.Though it is not impossible thatIgnatius might have applied yeypanraito some Evangelical orApostolical writings (as e.g. Barnab.4 ; comp. Polyc. Phil. 12), yet quiteindependently of the requirementsof the context the word would refermuch more naturally to the OldTestament. Ignatius meets theseobjectors on their own ground ;they ask for proof from 'the charters'(rois dpxeiois), and he points to thepassages in the Old Testament.What the points at issue were, thefollowing words 6 aravposk.t.X. willsuggest. The old question el nadr)-ros 6 Xpurros (Acts xxvi. 23 ; comp.Justin. Dial. 36, 76, pp. 254, 302)had still to be discussed. The Crosswas still a stumbling-block to theseDocetic Judaizers, as it had been inthe Apostolic age to the Jews, thoughfrom a different point of view. Theydenied the reality of Christ's birthand death and resurrection ;see thenote on Trail. 9. It was thereforenecessary to show from the HebrewScriptures, not only (as in the Apostolicage) on tov Xpicrrbv edei iraBtlvkcli dvao-TTJvai e< veKpa>v (Acts xvii. 3 ;comp. Luke xxiv. 26, 46, Acts iii.18), but also that He 'must needs'have been born in the flesh.2. UpoKeirai] ' This is the questionbefore us, this remai?is to be proved' \comp. Arist. Eccl. 401 7rep\ acor^piasnpoKapevov, Dion. Hal. Ars Rhet. vii.5 (p. 274) ov nep\ avrov vvv irpoKtLTai,Plut. Mor. p. 875 A, Galen Op. v. p.126, Clem. Horn. xix. 12 vvv cmohziâipot rrpoKeirai (comp. ib. v. 8, xix. 13),Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 8 (p. 676) -npb-Ketrai 8' rjp.lv tl 7roiovvT€s...d(piKoip.€6a(comp. Strom, i. 10, p. 344, ii. 21, p.500, vi. 15, p. 801, vii. 1, 10, pp. 829,867), Athenag. Suppl. 18 ov yap 7rpo-Keipevov p,oi eXe'yêii/, Orig.C. Cels. i.22, ii. 3, iii. 1, iv. 38, 52, 53, 60, v. 2,vi. 19, 41, 51, vii. 2, 30, 48, and so

vm] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 273avacTTCMTis avTOv kcu t\ 7ri(TTis fj Sl avTOU' ev ok 6e\co5ev Trj 7rpoorev^fj v/ulcov SiKaicodrjvcu.rapittir A (attaching it to 'Irjaovs Xptaros and omitting apxe'ia). In the correspondingplace g* has adiKrov, for which some texts substitute avdevrinov.ap%eta] G; principia L; om. A; apx^-ov [g]. 4 r/ 5t' airroi] GL; 7/ irepitoijtwv g ;ejus A.frequently. Hence to 7rp0K.eip.ev0p'the subject under discussion'; e.g.iv. 1.Joseph, c. Apion. i. 22, 35, Epict.46, Clem. Horn. xix. 1,Clem. Al. Quisdiv. salv. 26 (p. 950), Orig.c. Cels. i.24, 44, iv. 21, v. 1, vi. 1, viii. 16, 65;and ra npoKeipeva Joseph. Ant. xvi.2. 5. Many other interpretationshave been adopted ; e.g. by Pearson'It stands already written' (comparingA then. xiv. p. 646 TrpoKeuraito papTvpiov), and so Bull (in the passagecited below) as an alternative,as also several later writers ; by Bull{Works vi. p. 208) 'It is rejected byus'; by Credner {Beitragel. p. 16) 'Itis obvious,' ' So ist die Sache ausgemacht,'and so other writers ;by Hug(lutrod. to the N. T. 1. p. 105) 'Thisis to be preferred' (comparing Sext.Emp. Pyrrh. i. 8) ; together withothers which it isunnecessary togive. All these fail, either as forcinga meaning on irpoKenai which isalien to it, or as yielding a sensewhich is unsuited to the context.The emendation of Voss, who insertsa negative, on ov npoKeiTai, and theconjecture of Pearson (see Smith p.84), who substitutes ovti for ort, maylikewise be dismissed, notwithstandingthe great names of their authors.They do not gain any support fromthe language of the interpolator,ov yap npoKeiTai (v. 1. TrpoKp'tveTai)to. applet tov 7rvevpa.Tos, but justthe contrary ;for this language isput by him into the mouth, not of theobjectors, but of Ignatius himself.is clear therefore that the interpolatorIGN. II.Itread in his text npcxeiTai, which heinterpreted, ' The archives (i.e. theOld Testament Scriptures) are to bepreferred] and he makes Ignatiusanswer the objectors accordingly.efiol de k.t.A.] i.e. 'Though I havecondescended to argue, though Ihave accepted their appeal to the OldTestament Scriptures, yet to myselfsuch an appeal is superfluous Jesus:Christ is the archives ;He containsin Himself the documentary proofsof His person and mission': comp.Clem. Recogn.i.59 non ' ideo credendumesse Jesu, quia de eo prophetaepraedixerint, sed ideo magiscredendum esse prophetis, quod vereprophetae sint, quia eis testimoniumChristus reddat, etc'3. adiKTa] i 1inviolable' an appropriate';epithet of dpxâ, being usedespecially of sacrosanct places andthings.5. iv tj) irpoaevxy K. t. X.] i. e.'through your prayers'; compareEphes. 20 with the note.hiKai

comp.274 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [ixIX. KaXoi Kai oliepeis* KpeTaaov Se 6 dpxiepevs6 TreTnaTevfJievo^ to. ayia toov dylcov, 6s julovos 7T67tl-0"T6VTai T« KpV7TT(X TOV QeOU* CtVTOS WV OvpCCTOV7raTjOOs,$i 179 eiaepxovTai 'Afipaa/ULkcli 'lactate kcli1 Kal] GL; p.eu g: om. A. Kpetcrvov] GL; Kpeia&wv g* (though someMSS read KpelaaoS); dub. A. 3 auros ai>] GL; ouro's eorti' [g] (butthe whole context is changed) ; et hie est A (but A commonly changes participlesinto finite verbs). 4 elaepxovrai] GLA; elarjXdov [g]. 6 Qeov]told Him ;but the Gospelis thecrown and completion of immortality.All things together are good,ifyour faith is joined with love.'I. KaXoi kcu /c.r.X.]The contrasthere is between the Levitical priesthood,and the great High-priest ofthe Gospel, i.e. between the old andnew dispensations. This is recognisedby most commentators, andindeed is so directly demanded bythe context, that it is strange anyother interpretation should have beenmaintained. The interpolator howeverhas altered the passage, so asto make a reference to the threeorders of the Christian ministry, Ka-Xoi pep ol lepels /cat ol tov XoyouduiKovoi, Kpeiaaoov 8e 6 dpftiepevs k.t.X,interpolating several words so as todisconnect avTos wv 6vpa from a/rîepevs,which he evidently intends to beunderstood of the Christian bishop.This has misled Cotelier, who interpretsUpels of the Christian presbyters,and so too others (e.g.Greenwood Cathedra Pet?'i 1. p. 73).Rothe (Anftinge 1. p. 732) applies itto the Christians of Philadelphiagenerally, as the Upch of the newdispensation (comp. Rev. i. 6, v. 10,xx. 6).But what form of antagonism hasthe writer in view, when he saysKaXoi kcu ol lepets?Is the statementaggressive, as against those who disparagedthe Old Testament dispensation?or co?icessive, as towardsthose who rated it too highly ? Werethese antagonists Antijudaic or Judaic?The latter view alone seemsconsistent with the sequence of thewriter's thoughts. There is no indicationthat the antagonists contemplatedhere are different from thosementioned in the previous context,who were plainly Judaizers ;andmoreover the stress of the sentenceitself is not on the eminence of theAaronic priesthood, but on the superioreminence of the High-priest andthe Gospel.upelo-o-ov] The neuter is justifiedby such passages as Matt. xii. 41, 427rXeIoz> , Iu>va....'2o\opa)vos also',Winer § lviii. p. 649 sq.6 dpxiepevs] After the Epistle tothe Hebrews, ii. 17, iii. 1, iv. 14, v. 5,10, vi. 20, vii. 26, viii. 1, ix. 11;see esp. vii. 7, 19, 22, 23, 26, vnotov KpetTTovos...erreiaayaiyrjKpeirrovose\7rldos...KpeiTTOvos 8ici6rjK.r]s...ol ptv7rXe loves elcnv lepels yeyovores 81a toBavciTco KcoXveaOai napapeveiv, 6 Se 81ato peveiv /c.r.X tolovtos rjptv [/cat]enpeTrev dpx^pevs. For this termdpxiepevs applied to Christ in earlywriters, see the note on Clem. Rom.36 and to the references there ; givenadd id. 6l 81a tov apîepeco? /cai 7rpoo-raTovTav y\rvx^>v rjpa>v, MelitOF?'agm. 15 (Otto) 'in sacerdotibusprinceps sacerdotum,' Clem. Alex.Protr. 12 (p. 93), Strom, iv. 23 (p.

IX]TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 2 755 7«/ca)/3 kciI ol 7rpov dvpa] 'He not onlyenters into the presence-chamber ofthe Father, but is Himself the door' ;doubtless an allusion to John x. 9iya> elfii r/ dvpa' St e/xov iav tiselo-eXdrj, (TCddrjaeTai. For similar referencesto Christ, as the door orgate, see the note on Clem. Rom.48. See especially the allegory inHernias Si?n. ix. 12. It is worthobserving also that this image occursin the message to the PhiladelphianChurch, Rev. iii. 8 Ibov dedoica. cvwtviovdov 6vpav dveaypivrju k.t.X.4. 'Afipacip, k.t.X.]For the mannerin which Ignatius regards theprivileges of the Gospel as extendedto the patriarchs, etc, see the noteson § 5 above, and esp. on Magn. 9.In the allegory of Hermas thosestones which represent the patriarchsand prophets, not less thanthose which represent the apostles,are carried through the gate for thebuilding of the tower, i.e. the Church ;Sim. ix. 4, 15.6. navra ravra k.t.X.]iAll theseelements, whether they belong to theold dispensation or to the new, arebrought to the unity of God] i.e. allare united together in the same Godthrough the same Christ ; § 5 above,TTio~Tevo~avTes i(TG>dr)

276 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IXKvpiov tj/uitov 'Irjcrov Xpio~TOv to 7rados 9 ccvtov, ty]V dva-(TTacriv. oiyap dya7cr\Tol 7rpo

x] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 277to. (nr\dyxya a eêre eV XpKTTtp 'hicrou, d7rt]yye\y] juolelpriveveiv ty\v €KK\r]criav t\]v iv 'AvTioxeia rfjs Cvpias,irpeirov ecrrlv ufxlv, ws 6KK\t]cria Qeov, x eL P OTOV^(Ta ^ZiaKOvov eU to 7rpe(r(3ev

278 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xTO OVOfXa' 6V /ULaKCtpiOS XpKTTtp 'lr}(TOV, OS KaTCt^L0)6ricreTaiTrjs Toiavrtis SiaKOvlas* Kal vfxeh Soâ&dricrecrde.deXovo-Lv §e vfjuvovk i(TTiv ol&vvcltov virep ovofxarosQeov* cos Kal al eyyicrra eKKXtjaiai €7r6[x\Jsav iwi-O-K07T0VS, al Se 7rpeo-/3vT€povs Kal SiaKovovs. 51 to 8vo/ia] GL; add. rov deov g; add. domini S a A. X/hotw 'Ii)

XI]TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 279XI.riepl Se @i\covos tov Siclkovov oltto Ki\iKias>clvSpos /ULEiuapTvpriiuievov, 6 9 kcu vvv ev \oyco Qeov vtty\-perel iulol, a/uasanctae ecclesiae quae A.'Paico 'Ayadoiroî, dvZpl 6k\€ktw, osPetermann supposes that this reading is to be explainedby a confusion of tô\!X*71B sanctae and r^wV3-»TQ propinquae. It seemsquite as likely however that AflAI ma Y have been corrupted from KAIAI, the wordiyyuTTa being omitted. 6 airo KtXt/ctas dvdpbs] GLA; dvdpos curdKiXucias g. 7 Qeov] GLA; om. g* (but1 adds del). 8 'Pcu'w'Ayado-rrodi] see the lower note; pew . dyadoirodi. (with the interpunctuation) G;reo agathopode L; reo fratre et agathopode A; yaicp (or yavta) /cat dyadoirodt g*.See also Smyrn. io, where L, in addition to Ag, inserts the conjunction.ipso Ignatio et de his qui cum eosunt [rots avv avTco] quod certius agnoveritis,significate'; see PearsonV. I. p. 171. In the opinion of thosecritics who maintain the genuinenessof the Antiochene Martyrology, theywere also the eye-witnesses and narratorsof the saint's voyage and sufferings(§ 7 tovtcov avroTTTai yevopevot).So for instance Ussher {App. Ign.p. 54), Ruinart {Act. Sine. Mart. p. 55,Ratisbon. 1859), Smith (p. 42, whosays, { vix a quoquam dubitari autpotest aut debet'), and many laterwriters. The firstperson howeverdoes not commence, as on this hypothesisit ought, at Troas, but offPuteoli (§ 5 -qpels) ;see Zahn /. v. A.p. 42.tov biaKovov k.t.A.] The Pseudo-Ignatius makes him a deacon ofTarsus, Tars. 10 dairaêTat vpas&[kcDv 6 diaKovos vfxav (a letter purportingto be written from Philippi).In the genuine Ignatius, Smyrn. 13,he sends a salutation to the Smyrnaeans.7. dvdpbs pepapTvpypevov] Thesame phraseis used of the Sevenin Acts vi. 3.On the meaning ofp.€fj.apTvpr]fievov see the note on Ephes.•12.iv Xoyo) Qeov] i.e. 'the preachingof the Gospel,' as e.g. Acts vi. 2KaraketyavTas tov \6yov tov Qeov,Col. i.25 TrK-qpaaai tov \6yov tovQeov, Rev. i.9 81a tov \6yov tov Qeov.In the parallel passage Smyrn. 10els Xoyov Qeov the expression has awholly different sense. Zahn howevertreats the two phrases as equivalentand compares Phil. iv. 17,etc.vTv-qpeTeH] By doing the work of adeacon or attendant ; comp. Actsxiii. 5 elxov Se Kai 'icodvvrjv vwqpeTrjv.c8. Paio)1 I have ventured onthis correction of the reading for tworeasons. (1) I have not succeededin finding the proper name Rheuselsewhere, whereas Raius (Raiius,Rahius) occurs several times Corp.Inscr. Lat. II. 1129, 4975 48 ,in. 6183,V. 4078, and the feminine Raia, C.I. L. 11. 3499, in. 2400, 2502, v.973; see also the indices to Vols.IX. X. (2) This form explains boththe readings of the MSS. By a commonitacism it would become c Peo),as in the MS of Ignatius ; by a slightit wouldcorruption, r&icoi f°r P&ica>i,produce the Tata of the interpolator'stext. As Raius is a nomen, andAgathopus a cognomen, the combinationis correct. In a Greekinscription at Palmyra (C. I. G. 4482)the name 'Paatos A occurs.yAya66irodi]common name, moreespecially in the case of slaves andfreedmen ;see for Greek inscrip-

28o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[XIdwo Cvpias /uioi aKo\ov6eT dTTOTaâ\xevo^ tw /3*or/ULapTvpovcriv vjjuv. Kayo) tw Qecooi KatevâpicrTio virepvjulgov, otl eheâcrde clvtovs, w? kcci u/ul

XI] TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 281

282 IGNATIUS TO THE PHILADELPHIANS.[XI(pdevTOS ctfjia i/moi cltto'Gcpe&iwv Kal CfJLVpvaiwv eisXoyov Ti/ufjs. Ti[xr]

6.TO THE SMYRNÂNS.

6.TO THE SMYRNÂNS.IT would not be possible, even if it were advisable, to discuss thenotices of Smyrna and the Smyrnsean Church with the same fulnesswhich has been aimed at in the introductions to previous epistles. Thehistory of a city which struck its roots into the most remote antiquity,which claimed Theseus or Tantalus or an Amazon as its founder andHomer as its most illustrious child, which has had a continuous authentichistory of twenty-five centuries, and which is at this day themost flourishing and populous centreof commerce in the Levant, mustbe too well known to require, and too copious to admit, the scale oftreatment which seemed suited to Magnesiaand Tralles and Philadelphia.Such details moreover, as are necessaryto understand theposition of Christianity in Smyrna at this time, have found theirproperplace in the notice of Polycarp.This letter, like the preceding one to the Philadelphians, was writtenfrom Troas, and probably about the same time. The persotinel thereforeis the same. Burrhus is again his amanuensis (§ 12). Philo andRhaius Agathopus are again mentioned as having received a kindlywelcome from his correspondents (§ 10). Directions are again givenfor the dispatch of a representative to congratulate the Church of Antioch(§ n). But at Smyrna he had made a longer halt, and apparently hadestablished more affectionate relations, than at Philadelphia. Hencehe sends special salutations to certain classes of persons, and to certainindividuals by name (§ 13).The main purport of the letter is the condemnation of the sameJudaic Docetism which he assails elsewhere (see pp. 16, 103, 147 sq,

286 IGNATIUS TO THE SMYRNtEANS.242 sq). But whereas in the Philadelphian letter it is attackedchiefly from its Judaic side, here on the contrary he denounces mainlyits Docetism (§§1—6).Yet at the same time its Judaism appears incidentallyfrom an allusion to the tuition which these heretics hadreceived from the Law and the Prophets (§ 5).Their separatism andtheir contentiousness are dwelt upon more fully here than in hisother letters, and the duty of unity is strenuously enforced in consequence.The following is an analysis of the epistle.'Ignatius to the Church of Smyrna, which abounds in faith andlove and lacks no spiritual grace ;'I give gloryabundant greeting.'to Christ who has bestowed so much wisdom onyou, that ye fully believe in the blood of Christ and are convinced ofHis incarnation, His baptism, His passion. The cross was the standardround which Jew and Gentile alike were summoned to rally (§ 1).Thesethings were realities, not phantoms, as some persons, phantom-likethemselves, imagine (§ 2).The Lord appeared to Peter and to thedisciples after the resurrection. They handled Him. He ate anddrank with them (§ 3).These things I say to warn you. If the lifeand death of Christ were unreal, then my sufferings also are unreal (§ 4).These heretics have failed to learn from either the Law or the Gospel.It is a mockery to praise me, and yet to deny my Lord. I wouldgladly forget the existence of these men (§ 5).Even angels will becondemned, if they believe not in the blood of Christ. Beware of theseheretics. They abstain from deeds of love (§ 6). They hold aloof fromthe eucharist of the Church. Yet love onlyis life. Shun them therefore,and avoid dissension (§ 7). Obey your bishop. The bishopisthe centre of the individual congregation, as Christ is the centre of theuniversal Church. The bishopis the fountain-head of all authority(§ 8).Be wise in time. May God requite you for your kindness tome (§ 9).I thank you also for your welcome of Philo and Agathopus.God will reward you (§ 10). The Church of Antioch at length haspeace. Send ye a delegate to rejoice with them. This will be aworthy work and it is within ; your reach (§ n).''Salutations from Troas. Burrhus, your representative, is my amanuensis.I salute your bishop, your clergy, your laity (§ 12).Isalutethe families of the brethren, and the holy widows. Philo sends salutations.I salute Gavia and Alee and Daphnus. Farewell (§ 13).'

TTPOCCMYPNAIOYC.ITNATIOC, 6 Kal Qeocpopos, eKKXtiaia Qeov ira-Tpos Kal tov ijya7rriiuLevov'Irjcrov XpLCTOV, tjAeri/uievti ev7ravTLx a P L(T l JLaTL >TreirX^pco/uevr] ev iria'Tei Kal dya7rti,dvv

288 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUSKai dyicxpopco, Trj ovcr\ ev C/ULVpvrj Tr\s 'Ao-ias, ev dfjitofjivpTrvevfJLctTiI.Kai \6yco Qeov 7r\eTcrTa -âipeiv.Ao^d^co 'Itiarovv XpicrTOv tov Qeov tov outwsv fid's cro(pi(ravTa' evorjcra yap v/md* KaTripTLcr/uevov^ ev2 TrvevjxaTL] GLCg; fide A. Xo'yy] txt GLAg; add. sancto (app.) C(having transposed Qeov and connected it with irvevixaTi). 3 Ao£d£w] LACg Sev-Syr 2; 5o%afav G. 'Itjctovv XpicrTov tov Qeov rbv k.t.X.] GLSev-Syr (com p. Ephr-Ant); iesum christum qui etc. (om. tov debv) AC; Tbv debv/cat iraTepa tov Kvpiov rjfxCov 'I. X. tov 5i' avTod k.t.X. g. ovtcos] GACg Sev-1. ayiocpopco] 'ferax sanctorum]says Pearson. The analogy of otherIgnatian compounds however, suchas 6eo Qeov] Regarded here asan inward monitor; comp. 1 Joh. i. 10,ii. and see the note on Colossians14,iii. 16.7rAeI(jTa âipeti/] See the noteEphes. inscr.I. 'I give glory to Christ who hasbestowed this wisdom upon you.Iperceive that your faith is steadfast,being nailed to the Cross, and thatyour love is firm in the convictionof Christ's blood. Ye believe thatChrist was truly born of a virgin,was truly baptized, was truly nailedto the Cross. From the fruit of thistree we are sprung. Through Hisresurrection God has held up astandard to Jew and Gentile alike,that all may flock to it, and be unitedin the one body of His Church.'3. Ao£a£co] The finite verb ishere adopted in preference to theparticiple, both because the greatpreponderance of authority is in itsfavour, and because the variation isvery slight (dogd£a), 8ogd£d>); comp.Polyc. 1 v7repbo£;d£co.It is quite possiblehowever that Ao£d£a>v is rightand that we have here again ananacoluthon (the sentence being interruptedby a succession of subordinateclauses and never finished), asin Ephes.'Anode I £dp:evos k.t.X., Pom.

I]TO THE SMYRNÂNS. 2895 ctKivriTcp iTKTTei, wcirep KadtiXcojULevovs iv tw aTavpoo tovKvpiov'Irjcrov XpicrTOv, crapni re kcclTrvev/uLctTi,kcilrihpaafjLevovs iv dyawr] iv too atjutaTi XpicrTov, 7re7r\rjpo-Syr om. L (but see Appx). 4 yap] GLCg Sev-Syr ; ;om. A. 5 tovKvpiov] txt GCg* (but Gk mss add. iffiwu); add. nostri L[A][Sev-Syr] (but the twolast are valueless, since the addition isalways made in the Syriac).6 /catsec.] GL[A]g Sev-Syr; om. C. 7 Xpiarov] G; tov xp^tov g.I 'Ene\ evgdfievos k.t.X. ;see the noteson both passages.tov Qebv tov k.t.X.] 'the God whothus made you wise.'' For reasonswhich are explained in the note onEphes. inscr., tov Qebv must beclosely connected with the wordsfollowing. Ignatius does not appearever to call Jesus Christ God absolutely.Ephraim of Antioch, quotedby Photius [Bibl. 229, p. 258), refersto this passage, ko.1 6 6eo(p6pos 8e'lyvctTiosKai paprvs, Spvpvaiois emo~TeXXcov,opolcos KexprjTairco apdpcp(i.e.uses the article with Qeos, whenspeaking of our Lord) but the inferenceto be drawn from the pre-;sence of the article is somewhatmodified by the additional words tovovtcos k.t.X. Thoughthe words tovQebv are wanting in two importantauthorities, they seem to be genuine,as they are appealed to by twofathers. The omission would be easyowing to the repetition of similarletters TON0NTONOYTO2.ovtcos 'made vfias (ToobicravTa] youthus wise] as described in the openingsalutation. For the expressioncomp. 2 Tim. iii. 15 to. hvvdpevd ereaocpiaaLk.t.X. See also Ps. xviii(xix). 8, civ (cv). 22, cxviii (cxix).98.4. evb-qo-a]was staying among you.'KaTTjpTicrpevovs]note on Ephes.2.IGN. II.iI perceived, when I'settled' ;see the1.5. ciKtvrjToj] Comp. Philad. \,Polyc.coanep KaOrjXoopevovs] Col. ii. 14TrpocrqXcia-as ovto too crTavpoo. For themetaphor see Gal. ii. 20 Xpicmu

290 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS['(popri/uevovs ek tov Kvpiov tj/uwi/ dXridcos ovtcl e/cyevovsAaveiB Kara capita, vlov Qeov KaTa deXrj/ua Kat Svva/uiiv,yeyevvri/mevov dXtjdcos €K Trapdevov, /3efia7TTtcriuLevov vtto1 7}/j.

I]TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 291'Iwavvov \va ttAhpooGh n Kapirov q/jiels diroPetermann's translation. 5 KadrjXwfxdvov] GL Theodt ; Ka9r]\oopevov g*(some authorities); dub. AC Sev-Syr. 6 ev] GLC(?)g; om. Theodt;dub. Sev-Syr. As A is derived from the ambiguous Syriac, it has no authority onthis point. Kapwov] GLAC Sev-Syr (not Kapiruv, as Zahn ;for the word&ON2 is very commonly used in the plural, as a rendering of Kapnos: see thenote on Trail, n, p. 176); Kal g. ij/xeis] GLC ;add. icr/xev g.*of this specification see the note onMagn.11. Here the date is stillfurther defined by the mention ofHerod.'HpcoBov rerpdpxov] The part takenby Herod is mentioned by S. Lukealone in the Canonical writings ;Luke xxiii. 7— 12, 15, Acts iv. 27.This Herod Antipasis called 'tetrarch'also in Matt. xiv. 1, Luke iii.19, ix. 7, Acts xiii. 1, to distinguishhim from his predecessor Herod theGreat who is 6 ftaaiXevs (Matt. ii. 1,comp. Luke i. 5),and from his successorHerod Agrippa who is also(3a

292 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[1tov deo/ULaKapLCTTOv avTOv iraGov^ \va a'ph cycchmon etstovs aicovas Sia Trjs dvao'Tao'ecos eU tovs dyiovskcli7TKTTOVS aVTOU, €LT€ €V ' lovSaiOlS €LT€ 6V edveCTlV, €V €VlcriofJiaTL Trjs eKKXtjcrias avrov,I avTa yap iravra eiravev 01 rjfxa^ \iva crcouco- 51 8eojJLaKapl(jTov\ g; divine beatissima L (i.e. deo/iaKctpLcTov, the word having beenmistaken for a superlative); Oeo/iaKapLrov G; dub. A Sev-Syr; &?a/z' (fxaKapiov) C.3 etre iv...efre iv] gC &>Te iv..Jvre iv G; etf in...et in L. ; eî] GLAgSev-Syr; om. C. 5 7] GLg Sev-Syr; om. CA (but supplied'marg.). tva crcodto/xev] GL Sev-Syr; adut salvemur) om. C[g]. 6 ; ujs] ;GLCgin thevivificandum nos A (but in the marg.om. A (but it omits the context'iiradev us Kal aXrjd&s owing to homoeoteleuton) Sev-Syr. dviaTrjaev iavrov]GL Sev-Syr; avicrrr] g (but below it adds 6 \6yos tov iavrov vadv...avicrT7)aev);as parenthetical,so that tva apt] is phet. Jerome says on Is. v. 26 {Op.connected with the preceding sentence.The punctuation in the commentariis,hoc quod dicitur LevabitIV. p. 88), 'Legi in cujusdam commoneditions (Cureton, Jacobson, signnm in natiojiibics ftrocul et sibilabitad eum de finibus terrae deHefele, Dressel) is wrong.I. OeopaKapLcnov] Comp. Polyc. vocatione gentium debere intelligi,7.The word occurs also Method. quod elevato signo crucis etde Sym. et Ann. depositisoneribus peccatorum velociter5 (p. 107 Jahn) fxa-Kapia crv iv y weals yvvaiK&v, deopa- venerint atque crediderint.' TheKapLo-T€.The other form 6eop,aKapiTov commentator to whom Jeromealludesis probably, as Pearson sug-is worse supported and isexposedto a double objection, as a anat; Xeyofievovgests,Origen. There isnothing ofand as being somewhat out the kind in Eusebius. But the ideaof place here (since pampasis used seems to have been present to theof the blessed dead). Zahn retains mind of Lactantius Div. Inst. iv. 26.it and endeavours to justify it as a There isperhaps a reference to thistransference from the dead to the same prophetic image of a standarddeath.in John xii. 32 Kaya> iav v^raBa i npos ip.avTov.aloft.''The reference is to Isaiah The expression a'lpeiv o-vao-r)p.ov occursalso Diod. Sic. xi. 22, 61, xx.xlix. 22, lxii. 10 (comp. v. 26), wherethe LXX has aipeiv (TV(T(Tr]p,ov to 51. The word o-vo-o-rjpov, which signifiesproperly 'a concerted signal'describe the raising of Jehovah'sstandard in Jerusalem, about which (Diod. Sic. xx. 51 to avyKeiLievov...(in the prophet's image) men should avao-rjfxov, comp. Mark xiv. 44), wasrally from all parts of the earth. used even by Menander, who howeverisIgnatius sees the fulfilment of thisroundly scolded by Phrynichusin Christ's resurrection. Hence the for the solcecism (ed. Lobeck, p. 418).words fire iv 'lovdaiois eire iv edvecriv, There is mention of the i vexillumwhich follow; for the gathering of crucis' in Fragm. 5 of the passagesthe Gentiles is a prominent feature ascribed to Polycarp by Victor of Capua.The word Tponaiov is in the context of the evangelical pro- frequently

«]TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 293fiev\' Kcti dXridws 67ra6ev, ok Kcti d\r\6u>s dvecrTricreveavTov ol/y cocrTrepcnricTTOi Tives Aeyoucriv to SoksTvavTOV 7r£7rov6evai, avTOi to ôkelv ovt€s' kcu Kadcios(ppovov(riv 9 kcll crvfjifiricreTai ccvtoIs, ovaiv dcrco/uLdrois kclio Sai/moviKoTs.resurrexit a mortuis A resurrexit C.; 7 to doiceiv] G ; t£ doKeTv g (somemss) ;secundu77i videri L. And so again just below. A has opinionein the firstpassage, and opinio in the second. 8 avrov iretrovdevaL] GLA ;ireirovdev[g]; al. C. /cat] GLA; om. C; al. g. 9 dcufiaTois /ecu 5cu/j.ovikois]GL daemonia sine; corpore C ; incorporei sicut daemones A ; al. g.rent se et in unum congregarent, sisigni militaris,used by Athanasius of the cross orusus erat ut collige- § liii. p. 548 sq, A. Buttmann p. 311.crucifixion of Christ (see the note quando erant dispersi aut dissipati.'on the Festal Letters p. 97, Oxf. II. 'He thus suffered for ourtransl.), as well as by later fathers. salvation. His passion and His resurrectionThis image would gain currencywere realities, and notthrough the Labarum of Cons tantinephantoms, as some think. To such;but itappears before his time, persons it shall happen according toas the passage of Methodius p. 103 thoughts for they are unreal;(referred to by Zahn) shows, and and visionary.'indeed might be suggested by Col. 6. dveaTrjo-ev eavTov] This is differentii. 15. The conjectural reading o-va-from the language of the N. T,which a-oifxov, is adopted by Bunsen, where Christ is always said to bedestroys the point of the expression. raised by the Father. Accordingly3. iriarovs]The Docetae, who the interpolator has substituted aviary,denied the reality of the Cross, didas Jacobson points out. Below,not fall under this category ;see the § 7, the doctrine is stated in thenote on ama-Toi § 2.scriptural way, adp

'294 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [inIII. 'Eyco yap teal /ueTcc Trjv dvacTaa'tv ev capKii7 comp. Rom. xiv. 14est exciderunt, nee sectae haereticorum,quae nullam retinent verita-16), clearly deriving the quotation atolda Ka\ T7€TT€io-p.ai. Jerome (Vir. III.tem, sed in umbrarum similitudinem second hand from Eusebius and referringthe passage by inadvertencetranseunt et intereunt,' where thereis a similar comparison. For baip,ovikoIssee the note on baip.6viov § 3. 'in carne eum vidi et credo quia sit,'to the Epistle to Polycarp, translatesIn dacop-aTois there is possibly an as if it were elbov, and evidently supposesthat Ignatius had seen ourallusion to the aa>p.a rfjs iKKXrjaias(at the end of § 1) in which they have Lord in the flesh. Similarly theno part. The two adjectives are Latin Version here 'in carne ipsumchosen with a view to the baip.6viov vidi et credo existentem.' This interpretationwould be encouraged byaora>p.a.Tov in the narrative whichfollows. The word baip,oviK.6s occurs the story, built upon a misinterpretationof Qeocpopos (see on Ephcs.in Athenag. Suppl. 25, Clem. Alex.Strom, vi. 12 (p. 789), as well as in inscr.), that he was the child whomPlutarch. Pearson distinguishes betweendaip.oviKus (our Lord blessed. Chrysostom= distinctlystates the opposite, Horn, in= daLp.ovic68r)s)andSaip-ovLdKos ( daipoviaôjAevos). The S. Ign. 4 (II. p. 599) tov ovde ia>padistinctionis fundamentally just, but Kora avrov ovde a7roXeXavKOTa avrovthe one sense frequently runs into rfjs o-wovo-ias. Pearson conjecturedthe other.that the false interpretation aroseIII. 'I myself am convinced that from John xx. 8 Kal etdev mi eirio~Tevo~ev.He was still incarnate even after theresurrection. He told Peter and his 2. Kal ore k.t.X.] The referencecompanions to handle Him and assurethemselves that He was not a is related in Luke xxiv. 36 sq seeis plainly to the same incident which;phantom. They did so. They were esp. vv. 2^j 39 iftoKOW Trvevfxa decopelv,convinced, and in this conviction Kal einev avTols . ..^r]Xa(prjaaTe p,e Kalthey despised death. Nay, He event'Sere, otl nvevjxa uapKa Kal ocrre'a ovkate and drank with them in the flesh, eêi, Ka6a>s ifie deoopelre e%ovTa. Thethough in the spirit He was one with words however, in which it is told,the Father.'are different. Eusebius (H. E. iii.I. icai jiera k.t.X.] i.e. 'not only 36) is at a loss to say from whatduring His natural life, of which they source this incident was taken (ovk

in] TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 295avTOV oi$a kcli 7TLCTT6vco bvrcc kcli ot€ 7rpos 7-01)9 7repirecensionButJerome so translates the oWa of Euseb).6vto\ GLg Euseb Theodt ; hocown Church or palace, and certainly Caesarean library would representmodo (ovtus) C ;dominion A.oid* oirodev prjTois crvyK.ixP'qTai). Jeromewas habitually used by him ; andhowever states that it was he makes it his business to recordtaken ' de evangelio quod nuper a all references tome apocryphaltranslatum est,' i.e. the Gospel gospels in early writers, and does soto which he has referred before in in other cases. Yet he cannot verifythe same treatise, 'evangelium quod the quotation in this instance, notwithstandingappellatur secundum Hebraeos, etthe striking words 8aifi6-quod a me nuper in Graecum Latinumquevlov acrdjiarov which would be likelysermonem translatum est,to dwell on his mind. (2) Origen,quo et Origenes saepe utitur' {Vir. who was also well acquainted withIII. 2),and which at this time he Gospel according to the Hebrews,was disposed to regard as the originalascribes the words not to this butHebrew of S. Matthew ; Ip-'to an entirely different apocryphalsum Hebraicum [Matthaei] habetur writing, de Princ. praef. 8 (1. p. 49)usque hodie in Caesariensi bibliotheca'Si vero quis velit nobis proferre exquam Pamphilus martyr stu-illo libello qui Petri Doctrina ap-diosissime confecit mihi ;quoque a pellatur, ubi salvator videtur ad discipulosdicere, Non sum daemoniumNazaraeis, qui in Beroea urbe Syriaehoc volumine utuntur, describendi incorporeum, primo respondendumfacultas fuit ' Vir. ( III. 3) ; though est ei, quoniamille liber inter librosafterwards he spoke less confidently ecclesiasticos non habetur, et ostendendumquia neque Petri est ipsaon this £>oint ;in Matt. xii. 13 'quodvocatur a plerisque Matthaei authenticumscriptura, neque alterius cujusquam5 {Op. VII. p. 77) ; c.Pelag. iii. 2 qui spiritu Dei fuerit inspiratus'.'in Evangeliojuxta Hebraeos: . .siveut With these facts before us it isplerique autumant, juxta Matthaeum^quod et in Caesariensi habetur bibliotheca'reasonable to suppose either (1) Thatit was a lapse of memory in Jerome.{Op. II. p. 782). In another His memory sometimes plays himpassage also Comm. in Isai. xviii. strange tricks. Thus he quotes, aspraef. {Op. iv. p. 770) he writes from ' Ignatius vir apostolicus etenim eum passage in'quum apostoli putarent martyr,'spiritum, vel, juxta evangelium quod the Epistle of Barnabas ; c.Pelag. iii.Hebraeorum lectitant Nazaraei, incorporate2 (11. p. 783). Or inasmuch as, hav-daemonium, dixit etc.'ing translated the book, he was notthis statement, though thus repeated likely to have this made mistake, itand explicit, is attended with difficultiesseems more probable that (2) His;for (1) Eusebius was well copy contained a differentacquainted with the Gospel accordingto the Hebrews. There was a brews from that which was known toof the Gospel according to the He-copy preserved in his own city, Origen and Eusebius. This GospelCaesarea, in the library which had bore various titles and there iseverybeen collected by his friend Pamphilus,was probably attached to his various recensions. The copy inreason to think that it went throughthe

296 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [mrieTpov r)Adev, epaTov\'an in-of the Gospel, there is no corporeal spirit.' Origen (1. c.) sup-reason to suppose that he had seen poses that the author of the Doctrinait. His own, as he tells us, was a Petri used this epithet do~a>paTov, nottranscript made at Beroea : and this in its philosophical sense (=' immaterial'),incident seems to have been a laterbut as meaning composedaccretion incorporated either from of some subtle substance and withouta gross body like man. He saysIgnatius or from the Teaching ofPeter or from some other source. also that the Scriptures of the ChurchAs regards Ignatius himself,it is do not countenance the use of theimpossible to say whether he got it word. Similarly in Clem. Alex. E.xc.from oral tradition or from some Theod. 14 (p. 971) we read to. daipoviaaorcop-ara eip^rat, ovx pawritten source. Under any circumstancesthe more elaborate language prj exovra' rêt yap ax*)^' &o

Ill]TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 297Kal too aifdciTi. Zid tovto Kal davarov KaTe(pp6vt]crav,5 rjupedrjcrav Se virtp davarov. fJLera Se Tt)v dvdo'Taa'iv\Kai\ crvv€ avyK€Kpap,ai balfwvi,andsee the note on dvaK€Kpap.evovs Ephes.5.The editors for the most parthave followed Voss in substituting substituted for alfxan, because theKpaTTjBevres, which perhaps the Latin conjunction ''flesh and spirit is frequentIgnatius. See Trail, inscr.,translator had in his text. But thisis not so good. The same confusion where there is the same confusion ofThecl. 9 Kparelrai (Tndvfiia Kaivrj,Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 13 (p. 755)spear-wounds in His side might besaid almost literally to touch Hisblood as well as His flesh. At thesame time 7rvevp.aTi might easily benvzvp.aTi and aifian indifferent texts.

298 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[IVIV. TauTa $e irapaivu) u/uuv, dya7rr]TOL 9 eificos otlkcli v/mels outcos eêre* 7rpo

iv]TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 299O-tOClV, 07T6p $V(TK0\0V TOVTOV $6 '€^6£ iÔV(TiaV IrjCOUSXpi&TOs, to d\f]divov t^/ulcov el(^rjv. yap to SokbTvTavTa eirpa-^driv7ro tov Kvpiov iJ/ukjov, Kayco to So/cetVSeSe/uLai. tl Se ical eavTov ekSotov SehcoKa tw davctTia,o 7rpos 7rvp, 7Tpos }±dyaipav, TTpos dripia ; dW6 €771)?L*AC (but AC add. us also after 8v

3oo THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IVixa-âlpa^y iyyvs Qeou' juteTa^v 6r]pla)v, /ueTct^v Qeov*fxovov ev TW ovofdUTi Irjcrou XpLcrrov els to avfjiTradeivaVTtp.TTCLVTCtU7rO/UL€V(V ,CtVTOU /U€ €V$V VCLflOVVTOS TOVreXeiov dvdptiwov.V. *'Ov Tives dyvoouvres dpvovvrai, fJLaWov de 5ipera^v dtjpliav pera^v Qeov] GLS 2AC ;om. Theodt (from homoeoteleuton);def. g. 2 'Irjcrov Xpiarov] GLAC Theodt ;domini nostri iesu christiqui mortuus est propter nos S 2 ; al. g. 3 virope'vio] GS 2ACg Theodt;sustinebo (v7ropevTcu~] GLS 2 AC Theodt ; ripvyjo-avro g. 7 irpo^retaL] GLg ;TrpocprjTcu C; prophetia prophetarum A. 8 Mwcrews] G; 6 puae'us g. It wasternatives but one;see Zahn /. v. A.p. 246 sq. As a matter of fact all thethree had a place in the case ofPolycarp's martyrdom. He was intendedto be thrown to the wildbeasts (§ 3, 12); he was actuallyburnt at the stake (§5, 13 sq) ;andhe was ultimately dispatched by theexecutioner's sword (§ 16).1.pera^v Orjpicov K.r.A.] So Rom.4 aepere pie Orjpiayv eivai, 6 v i a>ueveariv Qeov eTTirvxelv.2. povov] SC. yeviadco. For asimilar ellipsis with povov comp.Rom. 5, and see the note on Ephes.11. The common punctuation (Ussher,Voss, Smith, Jacobson, Cureton)which attaches povov k.tX. to ndvravnopevay destroys the sense. Thatof Hefele, Dressel, and Zahn, whichpunctuates after Xpiarov and attachesels to avpnaOelv avru> withwhat follows, is somewhat awkward.I have adopted a punctuation differentfrom either.17.avprradelv avrv opov re ko.1 avOpamosreXeios 6 avros. The addition yevopevov,which appears in the commontexts, ought to be omitted. Ithas doubtless been added to suggestindirectly the preexistence andDivinity of Christ see the note on;Rom. 7. The substitutions in theSyriac and Armenian are due to asimilar motive. The object of Ignatiushowever in this passage was toassert broadly the humanity againstthe Docetics, and with the Divinityhe was not concerned here ; comp.1 Tim. ii.5.'V. Certain persons deny Him,or rather are denied by Him. Theyare advocates of death, not of truth.They turn a deaf ear to the Law andthe Prophets and the Gospel. Oursufferings produce no effect uponthem. What good is it to me, if Iam praised by one who denies myLord in denying His humanity?Iwill not mention their names. I will

v] TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 301Vpvr]6y]

302 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vyap irepl rifjLwvto clvto (ppovovciv.tl yap [jue]oov ep.avTov daanepels qpiov, de Agric. 5 (I. p. 304) axOosToaovrov ovk diTOTtdeTai veKpo(popovo~a,Leg. Alleg. iii. 22 (I. p. 100) p.r) yapaXXo ti Troifjcreie eKacrTOv 77/icoz/ Trotelv,f) veKpocpopelv, to veKpov e£ eavTovo~u>p,a eyeipovo~r)s Ka\ apo\6\ (pepovarjsttjs ylsvxvs (comp. de Migr. Abr. 5,I.p. 439, de Sotnn. ii. 36, I. p. 690),Greg. Naz. Op. II. 246 veKpoqbopos(of Adam on his expulsion fromEden). Cotelier quotes Cypr. deLaps. 30 (p. 259, Hartel) 'spiritalitermortua supervivere hie tibi etipsa ambulans funus tuum portarecoepisti,' Hieron. Ep. 68 (1. p. 319)'Quanti hodie diu vivendo portantfunera sua et, quasi sepulcra dealbata,plena sunt ossibus mortuorum.'This last quotation combinesthe metaphors which appear in thisand the parallel passage of Ignatiusreferring to these same DoceticJudaizers, Philad. 6 ovtoi ep.o\ aTrfkaielcriv ko.\ Ta(poi veKpav. But whyare they called ve

v] TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 303dWa fArjSe yevoiTO /uoi avTcov juvrj/uLoveveiv, imexpis ovlxeTavof](Tco(TLV eU to 7rados, 6 bcttiv tifULwv avdarTavi^.VI. MriSek TrXavacrdco. Kai tcc eirovpdvia kol t)coâ tu>v dyye\coi/ Kai oi dpyovTes opaToire kclio doparoi, eav /urj TTia-Tevanacriv ek to al/ua XpicrTOv [rovnecessary to harmonize with changes in the context).rov Qeov] qui est deusAnon-Sy^; qui est dei Tim-Syr (where the relative may refer either to al/xa orto xP ia" ro ^')'tom. GLAC (which last renders the sentence, in dominant nostrumjesum christum et sangtiinem eius sanctum)', al. g (but something corresponding torov deov might have been expected, if it had been in his text). If any insertion isto be made, rov Qeov has the advantage of explaining the renderings of both Anon-Syrx and Tim-Syr. They might however be brought to conformity by substitutingNrvXTl for Xrpfcn in the Syriac, or conversely. See the lower note.but I believe that itpoints moredirectly to their doctrinal positioti.If Christ's resurrection were not real,then their own immortality was destroyedalso ;they were simply carryingcorpses to the grave.5. ovra amara] i.e. 'being thoseof unbelievers,' by a very naturalbrachylogy ; comp. § 2 wcnrep dmo-roirives Xeyovaiv.7. els to Trddos] For the constructioncomp. Philad. 8 peravorj-v dyyeXcov] i.e. 'the angelsnotwithstanding all their glory.'9. dpxovres] For this word as adesignation of angels comp. Trail. 5with the note, and see Hort's articlein Smith's Diet, of Christ. Biogr.s.v. Archon.oparol re Kai doparoi] The sameexpression occurs again in a similarconnexion, Trail. 5ras avo-rdo-eis rasdpxovriKas, opard re Ka\ do para (seethe note there).'10. rov Qeov~\ who is God.' Ihave inserted these words in bracketswith very great hesitation, as a possiblereading. Such a mode ofspeaking however is almost, if notquite, unique in Ignatius see Ephes.;inscr. rov Qeov r\pQiv. If this wasthe reading of Timotheus and theanonymous Syrian writer, as it seemsto have been (see the upper note),be due to a transcriber'sit mayreminiscence of Ephes. 1 ev aiportQeov. See the notes on § 10 below,and on Trail. 7, and compare thevariation of the Syriac Version abovein § 4 rov reXeiov dudpanov.

304 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[VI0€o£Th KClKeLVOlS KpMTLS€0~TIV. yOOpoON X^peiTOO. T07T0S/ULrjdeva (pvciovTco' to yap b\ov e&Tiv tticttis kul dya7rt],ihv ovdev 7rpOK6KpiTaL. KaTa/uadeTE Se tous irepoSoôvvraseis Tr\v yapiv hvov Xpio~TOv Tr\v et9 r\\xa^'i\6ouito7tos] GCg Tim-Syr; qualiter (rb 7rc5?) L; def. A. The same corruption oft6tos appears in Clem. Rom. 54. 3 5£] GLC; etiam A; odv [g].4 'I?7

VI]TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 305crav, 7TW9 evavTLOL eicTiv Trj yvcofJLr] tov Qeov.weptdyct7rtis ov jueAei clvtoIs, ov Trepl ^ripas, ov 7repl 6p,Polyc. Phil. 6 p,r) dp.eXovvTes XVP as Vopqbavov rj irevrjTos,Hermas Vis. ii.4vovdtrijcrei tcis xVP as KaL Toils opcpavovs,Mand. viiixvP aLS vnrjpeTelv,opcpavovs Kcii varepovp-evovs €iri€TK€Trreadai,Sim. i avri dypcov ovv dyopd-£ere yj/v^ns 6Xi(3op.evas .Ka\ xVPas KaL. .opCpavovs e7nav V v(JT€povp.evco (comp.Sim. ix. 26, 27), Justin Apol. i. 67(p. 99) iiriKovpel opcpavols re Kai XW 1115Kai toIs did vocrov rjSt aXXr/v atriavXeinopiivois Ka\ toIs iv Se 07x01? ovaik.t.X., Clem. Horn. Ep. Clem. 8 rot?\ikv opcpavols TTOiovvres ra yovecov TalsSe xVP aLS Ta dvdpav, ii i- 7 1 rt^tare...XVPas *v ftcftt(OKvias, opcpavovs coscKKkrjo-Las reKva, Tertull. Apol. 39'dispensatur...egenis alendis humandisque,et pueris ac puellis re ac parentibusdestitutis, iamque domesticissenibus, item naufragis, et si quiin metallis, et si qui in insulis velin custodiis, dumtaxat ex causa deisectae alumni confessionis suae fiunt,'Apost. Const, ii. 24 otKoi/otieiVco op-Carols' /cat \r\pais KaL 8Xiôp,ivois Kai£evois a7ropovp.€vois, Cyprian Epist.(p. 487) 'sive viduae sive thlibomeniqui se exhibere non possunt, sive hiqui in carceribus sunt etc.' (comp.Epist. 7, p. 485; Test. 113, p. 181).For the practice of the RomanChurch see Cornelius in Euseb. H. E.IGN. II.VI.43 X 1 1P (1S °~^ v 6Xt{3op.ivois virepras nevTaKocrlas, ovs navras r)tov Sea7rorotiX (^P IS K(lL CpiXavOponria °â ~rpeqbei.7. 8\il3op,€vov] Besides passagesin the last note, comp. Doctr. Apost.5 dnoo-Tpecpofievoi tov e'vSedpevov, Karattovovvtcstov 6\i(B6p.€vov, Clem. Alex.Strom, vi. 12 (p. 873) ape'Aet 6Xi{$6-pievov irriKovCplêi, 7rapap.v6iais, napopp.rjaecri,Tals j3ia>TiKals ^pet'at?e7rt-Kovpav.SeSepeVou] The prisoners againwere a special object of solicitude tothe early Christians, more especiallyif they were suffering for the faith ;comp. Heb. x. 34 ko.1 yap rots 8eapi-01s crvve7radi]o-aT€,xiii. 3 p-ip-vijcrKeadeT(£>v 8eo~p.ia>v a>s o-urSeSe/xeVot, Clem.Rom. 55 imardp-eOa noXXovs iv rjp.lvnapadebooKOTas eavTOvs els 8eo-p,a oncos€T€pOVS XvTpwaOVTai K.T.X.,lb. 59 ^ _Tpcoaai tovs Secrptov? r)p.wv,HermasMa?id. viii e£ dvayKcov \vTpovcr8aitovs 8ov\ovs tov Qeov (with Sim. iquoted above), Clem. Horn. Ep.Clem. 9 7roXXco pxiXkov neivavTas Tpk-(p€Te Ka\ Si^coo-i 7rap6êre ttotov, yvp.-vols ev8vp,a, tovs vocrovvTas e7rio~Ke-7rrecr#e, rots iv (pv\aKals inKpaivop-evoia5s dvvao-Oe /3or/êIrek.t.X. (comp. id.iii. 69, xi. 4, xii. 32, where nearly thesame words are repeated), Dionys.Cor. in Euseb. H. E. iv. 23 (of theRoman Christians) iv peraAXot? SedSeXcpot? v7rapxova-ti/ imxoprjyovvTask.t.X., Apost. Const, iv. 9 pvdp,evoi20

3o6 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[VI7T€pl TTEivwvTos t\ SiyjscovTOS' evyjxpMTTias Kcti ^poo-ev^mdireôvTai $lcl to lut) ojuoXoyeTv ty\v evyapMTTiav crapKct'Irjaou XpicTTOVy Tr]v vTrep twvelvai tov o~coTtjpos y\[xwvidixpQivTos]C breaks off at this word. eOxapiurfas /cat irpoaevxvs »7r -SouXovy Kai alxp-a\a>Tovs, 8eap.iovs enrjpea(op,evovs,rJKovras eV KaradiKt]? Stato ovojxa tov XpiaTov i7r6 Tvpavvwv elsp,ovofia)/iai> Kai Qavarov, v. I el $e kciiolos re iaTiv anavTa tgv fiiov avrovdrroftopevos pvaao~6cu avrovs eK tov8eap.a>TT)plov, p.aKapi,os earai (with thewhole context), Hippol. Haer. ix. 12,Cyprian Epist. 72 (p. 698) and passim.See especially, as the testimonyof a heathen, Lucian de Mo?'t. Peregr.ft'> . *, V12 e7rei* '*ft 'ft I" TT " ' 1ovv eoeoeTO \o liepeypivos], 01"Kpiariavol o-vp,d)opai> rjyovpevoi to rrpdyp.aivavTa eKivovv eâprraaai Treipoopevoiavrov €lt eVel tovt f)v d8vvciTov, r) yeaXkrj depanela iracra ov rrapepyoos aXKao~vv cnrovdf] eylyvero • Kai ecapev pevevdvs r)v opav napd rco decrpLcoTr/pia)TiepipevovTd ypah La XVP* 15 fivas KaiTraiSla 6p

VI]TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 07d/uLctpTicov rj/ULcov Tradovcrav, r\v Trj xp y l (J 'T° Tr lTi °*7raTr)priyeipev.VII. Ol ovv dvTiXeyovTes Trj ScopedcrvFrjTOvvTes aTroQvr\

'3 o8 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vn7rav 9 °iva Kcti avacTTWcriv. Trpeirov \ovv\ Icttlv direyêa-QaiTCOV TOIOVTWV, KCLl /UrjT€ KCtT iS'lCtV 7T€pl aVTLCV XaXeTvfjLYire Kotvrj' irpocrkyeiv Se Tofc TrpcxptJTais, iâipercos Setu> evayyeXioo, ev w to irados r\\xiv SeSÂtoTca kcci r\dvacTTacris TereXeiwTai. 5VIII. Tous [Se] /uLepKr/uLOvs (pevyere,a)sdpyr\vi K

vm] TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 3°9KCIKGOV. TTCLVTES TOO 67TL(TKO7r0p (XKOXovOeiTe, OIS '/;/CTOl>9Xf)L(TTOS TOO TTCtTpi, KCll TW fo)S7Tp€G'/3vT6plGpTOh cItTO-(ttoKols' tovs Se Slcckovovs 6UTpe7rea6e W9 Qeov evTo\r]v.o jurjSek xwpis eirio^KOTrov tl spacer et go toov olvy\kovtoov eisty]v €KK.\ri(riav . 6K€Lvri fiefiala evx a pio~Tia fjyeicrdoo y\V7TO TOV 67TICTK07TOV OVCra, 7] OpCIVCtUTOS€7TLTpe\frr] .sacerdutibus A (see the note on Trail. 7, p. 170). 9 hroKy\v\ txt GLADam-Reg Dam-Rup ;add. diaKovovvras g Dam-Vat. 10 eTruTKoirov] gDam-Vat Dam-Rup rod e-ncncoTTOv G. els; rr\v eKKXrjcriav] GLg Dam- Vat ;ev iKKXrjcrlq, Dam-Rup; al. A. 11 e/ceu/77] GLg Dam-Vat; om. A (?)Dam-Rup. 12 virb top eirio-KOwou] GLg Dam-Reg;virb tQv einaKoTTOvDam-Vat; virb rod i-wto-ico-rov A (translating quaeciimque ab episcopo efficiatur)Dam-Rup. a;] GAg Dam-Rup; quod (6) L; def. Dam-Vat. av]Gg; kav Dam-Rup; def. Dam-Vat.Philad. 2 (note), 7, where the sameexpression occurs of these sameheretics. These Docetic teacherswere separatists, as well as heretics.Their separatism however seems tohave been only partial. They wouldmix with the Church generally, butthey would have their separate ritual,e.g. the agape, baptism, etc.7. cos- 'lrjo-ovs k.t.A.] For thisanalogy see Magn. 6, 7 TrpoKa6r)p£vovTOV eTTLCTKOTTOV els TVTTOV QeOV . ..COCTTTepovp Kvpios avev tov TTarpbs ovbeveTToirjarev k.t.X., ib. 1 3 vTTOTciyqTe tooeVicn Ktu aXXr/Xois, cos3Ii]crovsXpiOTOS TCO TTdTpl, Trail. 3 TOV €TTl-CJKOTTOV OVTCL TVTTOV TOV TTOTpOS, withthe respective notes.8. cos toIs aVocrroAois'] For thiscomparison see Magn. 6 tcov irpeo-fiv-Tepcov els tvttov crvvedpiov TOOV ClTTOaTO-Xoov, Trail. 2 vTTOTaacreaOe km tooTrpecrftvTepioo 00s toIs cittocttoXois k.t.X.,lb. 3 tovs de Trpeo-jSvTepovs cos crvvedpiovQeov koa cos crvvdecrpov cittoctto-Xcov, and conversely Philad. 5 toIsdiroaToXois cosTrpecrfivTepLop eKKXrjatas,with the several notes.9. cos Qeov ivToXrjv] not ' as theordinance enjoined by God'' (so Pearson'tanquam Dei praecepto institutes'),but 'as the voice of Godenjoining you? The deacons speakwith the authority of God ; theycommand in God's place. See thenote on the parallel passage Trail.13 VTTOTO.0-0~6p.eVOt TCO eTTLCTKOTTCO COS TTjthe v. 1. in theivToXfj, and compareLatin of Trail. 3 'vereantur diaconosut mandatum Jesu Christi,'which is probably borrowed fromthis passage. See also 1 Cor. xiv.37 eir ljlv co CTKeTco a ypaCpco otl Kvptovio-Tiv ivToXij. The interpolator hasinserted SiaKovovvTas to govern eVToXr/v and thus relieve the sense.10. p.rj8e\s x-°P LS K «r -^-]See thenote on Magn. 7.tcov dvj)KovTcov as] See the noteson Philad. 1 and Clem. Rom. 45.11. iiteLvT) k.t.X.] This passageshows that the heretics celebratedthe eucharist separately ; see alsobelow ovk e£6v k.t.X.(3e[3cua] 'valid,' as e.g. Rom. iv. 16,Heb. ii. 2, ix. 17; comp. Pom. 3.'be held' This rjyeiadoo]passiveuse of deponent verbs, even in thepresent and imperfect tenses, is notother words, e.g.very uncommon in

3IO THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vm07rov au (pavrj6 67ri(rK07ros 9e'/ce? to 7r\rjdos €

ut(2)vm] TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 3 I Ibrrov av t) Xpiffros 'Iqcrovs, e/ce? r\ Kado\iKt\ €KK\ri-Tvlvas (TvvrjXvcreis 7T€7roir]Kao-iv...iK ttjsTvpoyevzcTTaT-qs ko\ dX^deaTaTr/s eia

312 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vmouk eôvicrTivX^P^ T0 ^ ^TTiorKOTrov ovt€ (iaTrTiêivitov] Gg Antioch Dam-Vat; om. Dam-Rup.2 dydir'qv'] GLA (seePetermann) Antioch Dam-Vat; dydiras S x (owing to ribiri) Dam-Rup; 5oxwXoLTTols KXrjpiKols e7TLTpe7T0p.eV /3a7TTt-airavra ra els yucoaiv dvQptotrcov eXdeiv49, 50), Apost. Const, iii. 1 1 oure to7s where he isspeaking of the 'impious6(peiXovTa boyfxara ; (3) Sia to kclOo- £etv, olov avayvtocrTais k.t.X., rj p.ovoLSXikcos laTpeveiv pev kcu Oeparreveiv cnrav eTriaKOTVOis kcl\ npea^vTepois, e§-to tcou djxapTta>v eidos k.t.X. Thesev7TT)peTovp.iv(»)v avTols tcov diaKovcov,two latter reasons, that it is comprehensive[Cypr.] de Rebapt. 10 (p. 82, Hartel)in doctrine, and that it is 'aut si a minore clero per necessi-universal in application, can only be tatem traditum fuerit.' Yet theoreticallyregarded as secondary glosses. Sothe powerstill remained withagain Augustine Epist. xciii. 7 (11.the bishop see; esp. Hieron. c.Lucif.p. 240) calls a Donatist adversary 9 (11. p. 181 sq) 'Non quidem abnuoto account because he explained hanc esse ecclesiarum consuetudinem,Catholicae nomen non ex totius orbisut ad eos qui longe a maioribus'communione sed ex observatione urbibus per presbyteros et diaconospraeceptorum omnium divinorum atqueomnium sacramentorum ',baptizati sunt, episcopus ad invocationemsancti spiritus manum im-but headds 'quasi nos, etiamsi forte hinc sit positurus excurrat.... Inde venit utappellata Catholica, quod totum veracitersine chrismate et episcopi jussioneteneat, cuius veritatis non-neque presbyter neque diaconus jusnullae particulae etiam in diversis inveniunturhabeant baptizandi ; quod frequenter,haeresibus, etc'si tamen necessitas cogit, scimusI. ovt€ (3a7TTi£eiv] Tertull. de etiam licere laicis ' ;Ambros. deBapt. 17 'Superest...de observatione Sacrani. iii. I (p. 362) ' Succinctusquoque dandi et accipiendi baptismi summus sacerdos: licet enim presbyterifecerint, tamen exordium mi-commonefacere. Dandi quidem habetjus summus sacerdos, qui est nisterii a summo est sacerdote.'episcopus dehinc;presbyteri et diaconi,Comp. Bingham Christ. Ant. ii. 3. 3,non tamen sine episcopi aucto-Augusti Denkw. aus der Christl.ritate, etc' In early times the bishop Archdol. VII. p. 136 sq, Probst Sakramentestood to his diocese in the same intimateetc. p. 1 1 5 sq.relations in which a rector now 2.'ovtc dydnrjv Troielv]nor to hold astands to his parish. Reference to love-feast? The interpolator expandshim therefore was possible on all the sentence, ovtc iBcnrTifciv ovtc 77-poo--these points. The following passages (pepeiv oure Ovcrlav 7rpoaKop,iêiv ovtcshow how it soon became necessary doxrjv eVtreXeiv. For this last clauseto relax the rule and extend the comp. Apost. Const, ii. 28 toIs elspower to others ; Cypr. Epist. lxxiii. aydirrjv tjtol doxrfv,7 sq (p. 783 sq, H Kvpiosartel) 'intellegimusnonnisi in ecclesia praepositis (where the reference is to Luke xiv.cov6p,aae, Trpocupovp-evois KaXelv k.t.X....licere baptizarc.nec posse quenquam13 oTav TToijjs box/jv k.t.X.). Forcontra cpiscopos et sacerdotes doxy, as a synonyme for 07077-77,seeusurpare sibi aliquid'; Can. Apost. the emperor Julian Fragm. Epist.C. 47 c'tio" Konos r/ irpe afivTe pos tov p. 305 Spanh. (1. p. 392, ed. Hertlein)Tr\s Xeyop,evqs nap' avTols dya7rr)skoto akrjOeiav tx oVTa /3a7rncr/Lia eavavcoBev ânTiarj k.t.X. (comp. C 46, r) v7ro8oxrjs Kal diaKovlas Tpaneôov,

quodVIIl]TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 3*3ovt6 aôLTTYiVTTOieiv ct\X 6 av e/ceu/os doKLjudcrr], tovto[g]. 0] GLSjA[g] Antioch Dam- Vat; # Dam-Rup. av] GgAntioch Dam- Vat; eav Dam-Rup.Galileans.' For this use of dydnr] in latrocinia, ne adulteria committerentthe earliest ages of the Church see ...quibus peractis morem sibi discedendifuisse, rursusque \cocundi~\ adJude 12 iv rais dydnais vpaiv o-7nXd8es(compared with 2 Pet. ii. 13 ivrpv- capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen(ficovres iv reus aycmais avrcov, avvevay- et innoxium :ipsum facereXovpevoi vp.1v,where the v. 1. andrais desisse post edictum meum, quois an obvious error), Clem. Alex. secundum mandata tua hetaeriasPaed. ii. I (p. 165) bv dydirqv Tivis esse vetueram and ' Lucian de;Tokfxeoenv Ka\elv...d€L7Tvdpia Tiva.--.Ti ot co Mort. Peregr. 12 eira helrrva noiKiXaT€ KM TpV

3*4 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vinkclI Tw Qew evapecTTOv,iVa ctaipaXeirjKal (iefiaiov iravO 7Tpa(T

IX]TO THE SMYRN/EANS. 315ActTpevei. irdvTa ovv vjjuv iv %dpiTi 7rept(rcrev€Ta),d^LOL yap 6CTT6. KCLTCL TTCtVTa JJL6 dv67TaV(TaT€, KCtl V fJLOLS'IqcrovsdirovTa /ue kcli irapovTa Yiya7ri]

i6 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS FxOrjcrav [jLoieisXoyov Qeov, /coAws eVo^'care virohepdp.evoiak Sicckovovs [XpKTTOv] Qeov' o'l kccI ev-âpicTTOvcrivTtp Kvpiw virep v/ucov, art ccvtovs dveiravcraTe kclto.iravTa Tpoirov. ovhev vfjuv ov /uridiroXeiTai. dvTL-\lsu%ov vfuLcov to TrvevjjLct julou, teal tu SecTjud juou a ov^ 52 Xp«TTov Qeov] G; del chrlstl L; 8eov (om. xp Ls diaKovovs xpi0- TO O, in the Greek MSS, but 1 has ministrosdel in this last place, and perhaps 5iaic6i>ovs deov was the original reading of ghere. If so, the paraphrase may point to xP Lv deov as standingin the textto Philad. n. They had evidentlyarrived at Smyrna after the departureof Ignatius thence and followedhim to Troas.i. els Xoyov] 'to the score ofJ i inthe matter of\ see the note onPhilad. 1 1els Xoyov ripfjs.2. coy diciKovovs k.t.X.] It is probablethat the Armenian Version haspreserved the correct text. The commonreading diaKovovs XpicrTov Qeovmust be regarded as a confusion ofthe two expressions Slcikovovs Xpio-rovand SitiKovovs Qeov. Both occur inS. Paul ;diaKovos Qeov, Rom. xiii. 4,2 Cor. vi. 4, 1 Thess. iii. 2 (v. I.); dtdkovos[tov] Xpio-rov, 2 Cor. xi. 23, Col.and bothi.7 (comp. 1 Tim. iv. 6) :are combined by Polyc. Phil. 5 QeovkciL Xpio-rov hiaicovoi. A scribe, familiarwith the language of the Apostle,would not unnaturally write downthe alternative phrase in his marginor elsewhere ;and hence the confusion.At all events the expressionXpio-rov Qeov is very awkward initself and quite without a paralleleven in Ignatius. The nearest approachto it is the various readingXpio-rov tov Qeov (above, § 6) which,though more intelligible, is itselfhighly doubtful (see the note there).See also a questionable parallel inTrail. 7. For the limitations withwhich Ignatius speaks of Christ asGod, see the note on Ephes. inscr.Though S. Paul uses the expressionhiaKovoi Qeov (or Xpio-rov) in amuch wider sense, it isprobable thatIgnatius here employs hiaKovos inits technical, restricted meaning ofdeacon,' for he never uses it with'any other signification ; comp. esp.Trail. 2 tovs 8ia.Kouovs ovras pvarrjpicov'irjaov Xpio-rov. See also thenote on Ephes. 2 respecting his applicationof crvvhovkos after S. Paul,but with a similar restriction. Philois distinctly called a deacon inPhilad. 1 1 ;and the same was probablytrue of Agathopus (see the notethere).4. avrtyvxov k.t.X.] Comp. Polyc.2 Kara iravra crov dvri^/vxov eya> nai ret8eapd pov a -qycnrriaas. For the meaningof avTL-^rvxov see the note onEphes. 21.5. ox>x vnepr)Cpavr]aare] Comp. Gal.iv. 14.6. ovde e7rr]o~xvp0r)Te] Suggested by2 Tim. i. 16 rrjv dXvcriv pov ovk enyo-x^vdrj(see the note on Ephes. 2).The interpolator has seen the paralleland introduced the context ofS. Paul into the context of Ignatius,Scot] vplv 6 Kvpcos evpelv eXeos k.t.X. Itwill be seen that there is considerableauthority for eTrai.o-xvv6r]re here and;

x] TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 3*7v7T€pri

3*8 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [x.eKeidev ewcu, earyaTOs clvtcov wv kcltcc 6e\r]fjLa kcltiiîu}-6t]v, ovk €K (yvveihoTOSy dAA' €K xapiTOs Qeov, v\v cvx'/ulcliTeXeiav jjlol SodrjvaL, iva tv Trj Trpoo~ev)(Y\ v/ucov QeoveTTLTVû). iva ouv TeXeiov v/uwv yevrjraL to 'epyovKaiiwi yfjs Kai ev ovpavu>> irpeTreieU Ti\xy\v Qeov yeipoTO- 51 elvcu] GL; vocari A; om. g*. avTu>v~\ GLg; avdpdnriov (anCOn)it with whatA {vilior quam omnis homo). cov] LAg; u>u G (connectingfollows). Dressel adopts this reading, which however yields no tolerable sense.For similar false aspirates in G see the note on Philad. 7. /card diX-q/xa]txt L* (but antem added in the printed texts) g* (but 5e added in some texts);add. 5£ G; pragf. jam A. After diX-qâ. add. dei L; om. GA {voluntate viea) g*(originally, but some texts add tov deov). 2 aweidoros] cr vvei dor cjs G; conscientiaL; mente A; crvveLOrjcreus e/xrjs g. 3 ry 7rpo

xi]TO THE SMYRNÂNS. 319vrjcrai Tt]V €KK\r]

320 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xiTivu tcov v/uerepcov juet' €7ricrToArjs, \va vvvhoâcrri ty\vKCLTa Oeov clvtoTs yevojULevtjv evhiav, Kal otl At/xei/o? rjSritTvyyavov rrj 7rpocrev^fj v/uoov. teXblol 6vt€$ TeXeia kcci(ppovelTe*deXovciv yap vfMv ev irpacraeiv Geo? eroi^to?eis to Trapaayeiv.'XII. AcTTrdVeTai v/uds r\ dydirt] tvov dêX

xn] TO THE SMYRNÂNS. 19 J(TTeiXctTe fixer' e/uiov a/ua 'dpecriois Toh ddeAcpofc vfjLwv6? Kara iravra kxe dveiravcrev. k tov e/uu/uiouvTO, ovtcl eêkXTrXapiov Oeov hiaicovias. dfj.ei-\Is€tcu avTOV y\ X a P L ^ KtfTa TravTa. 'kviraXpiiai tovdîodeov €7ri

322 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xnavTOv Kcti Tip ai/uaTi, 7radei T€ kcci dvacrTacrei (rapKiKrjTe kcu TrvevfjLCLTiKr], ev evoTf]Ti Qeov kcu v/ulwv. X a P lo-Kovaas on ela\evorrjs vueiiv, Philad. 2. The firstdvo-iao-rrjpiov Qeov. It is certainly referredto in Hermas Vis. ii. 4, andgenitive describes the binding principleof the unity the;second the in Clem. Horn. xi. 36 xVP lK® crvo~rr)-component parts.adpevos (said of S. Peter). It was\apts k.t.X.]The form of benedictiongathered words heathen, as ap-even known to theby time. In pears from Lucian De Mort. Peregr.all S. Paul's Epistles, except the 12 r\v opav Tvapa ra becrpcorripiw nepipivovraypabia xVP as fivds (i.e. widowslatest, in 1, 2 'Peter, and in Clement,it isxnpw Kal elpr^vr) in the Pastoral; asEpistles, and they call them' ; comp. ib. § 41in 2 John, x

XIIl]TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 23XI II.'AffTraô/uiai tovs oikovs tcov dSe\

324 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [xmjuevas %ripas. eppwcrde ev julol h^vvdfxei iraTpos.do"rra-TeTat v/ulcls &l\(x)V, orvv i/uoi wis. d(nraXp\xaitop olkovi Tarpos] LA; Tvei/xaros G (contracted irvs) g* (mss, but 1 has dei patris).3 Vaovtas] 7aiuas g: gaviae A: Taovtas G; thaviae L: see the lower note.prefer to call virgins, for such theyas admitted into the diaconate inward condition they are widows, I P- 773) see a lso;the notes on Ephes.somewhat early times, though quoted are in God's sight by their purity andin support of this view, prove nothing,when it is seen that the Platoniz. p. 42, on some uses ofdevotion.' See also Jahn S. Method.viduate and the diaconate were nap8evos which illustrate this. M.originally separate institutions. I Renan (Les Apotres p. 124 sq), withoutdo not hesitate therefore to offer aany thought of this passage inwholly different interpretation, which Ignatius, says, 'Cette position si difficileis suggested by the following passagesde la veuve sans enfants, le; Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 12 (p. christianisme l'eleva, la rendit sainte.875) yap eTnOvfxrjcras ko.1Karaaxav La veuve redevint presque Vegale deiavrov KaOcnrep rj XVP a § la ^ o-co(ppo- vierge? These words give fairly the(Tvvrjs avOis 7rap6€Vos...avTai be Christian sentiment about widows inelaiv al yvaxTTiKai yjsvxal as aTreUaaev the age of Ignatius, and the mode ofto evayyiXiov [Matt. xxv. Isq] rals expressing it here is eminently characteristici]yiao~p,€vais napOevois rals 7rpoo-8e;(ofxevaisof this father in its tersetov Kvpiov' irapOtvoi p.iv yap cos epigrammatic form. It is difficultKaKcov aTTea-xn^vai, k.t.\. (comp. Strom. to say exactly what interpretationVoss takes ;but he quotes (in aiii. 16, p. 558 V^V fives *ai rrjs irapQevovtt)p xVP av e* s eytcpareiav nporeivovcnmutilated form) Clem. Alex.KaTapeyaXo(ppovijo~aaav rjs ire-12, and seems in one part of hisneipaTai ijdovrjs), Tertull. ad Uxor. 4 note, as if he were approaching the(of certain widows) 'Adhibe sororumexplanation which I have given.nostrarum exempla, quarum nomina The expression in Seneca Again.penes Dominum, quae nullam formae 196 'An te morantur virgines viduaevel aetatis occasionem praemissis maritisdomi?', quoted by Pearson, has asanctitati anteponunt malunt wholly different sense. The reader;enim Deo nubere ;Deo speciosae, should be cautioned that in the notesDeo stmt puellae] de Virg. Vel. 10 of both Cotelier and Voss, as quoted'Non enim et continentia virginitati by Jacobson, important sentencesantistat, sive viduorum (v. are left out without any sign of1. viduarum),sive qui ex consensu contumeliamcommunem jam recusaverunt ?',1. ev dwapei rrarpos] In con-omission.de Exit. Cast. 1 'secunda [species] firmation of this reading comp. Magn.virginitas a secunda nativitate, id 3 Kara bvvapiv Qeov narpos. Theest a lavacro, quae aut in matrimonio confusion of the oblique cases ofpurificat ex consensu aut in viduitate 7raTrjp and irvevp.a is not uncommon,perseverat ex arbitrio.' This then Iowing to the contractions npc, ttnc,suppose to be the meaning of Ignatiushere ; I salute those women quoted (pvTeia tov nvevp-aros in [Ioann.etc. So Trail. I 1 cpvreia irarpos is'whom, though by name and in out-Damasc] Par. Rupef. a. lxxvi. {Op. II.

XIIl] TO THE SMYRNÊANS. 325raov'ias, r\v evô/uai iSpdcrdca ttL

26 IGNATIUS TO THE SMYRNÊANS. [xmfjioi ovo/ma, Kal Ad(pvov top kccidcruyKpiTOV Evtckvovkcci TravTas kut ovofjia. eppcocuedi ev yapiTi e< KJ€OV.i fwC\ g; mihi L; fiov G; al. A. See also Polyc. 8, Rom. 10. i 6eoG]GL; add. amen A; add. koX Kvpiov r^fiCov k.t.X. g.For the subscriptions of GL see the title to the Epistle to Polycarp. For Ano subscription is given.For g see Appx.i. Adcpvov] This name occursfrom time to time in the inscriptions.In one, Reines. Inscr. p. 693,it is found in connexion with anothername which occurs in this con-.text, D . M GAVIAE .QVADRATILLAE...C . GAVIVS . DAPHNVS . PATER . INfelicissimvs.Pearson also refersto Daphnus the Ephesian physician,who is an interlocutor in Athenseus1. p. 1.avvynpiTov]HermasMand. 7 r\''incomparable* :npatjls o~ov davytcpirosearai, Clem. Horn. i.21, ii. 43, 45, iii.30, xi. 12, etc. Test, xn Pair. Levi 2,Hippol. p. 89 (Lagarde). It occursalso in classical writers of this age.Pearson points out that the corresponding'incomparabilis' is a verycommon epithet in the Latin inscriptions;and davyKpiros itself occurson epitaphs in Jewish cemeteriesat Rome (Garrucci Dissert. Archeol.11. pp. 179, 182). In Rom. xvi. 14itappears as a proper name; butthis isapparently rare.Evtckvov] I have not observed anyother example of this name; nordoes it seem very suitable as a propername. However Evt4kvlos is foundin literary history see Fabric. Bibl.;Graec. v. p. 601, ed. Harles. Zahnwrites cvtckvov and treats it as anepithet, but this is awkward.2. kcit ovojxa] 3 J oh. 15 dandôvrovs (piXovs KaT uvop,a, Polyc. 8 do~7rd-£op,ai navras e'£ ov6p.aro

TO7-POLYCARP.

7-TOPOLYCARP.\\ THILE addressing a letter from Troas to the Church of Smyrnagenerally, Ignatius writes at the same time more especially to thebishop Polycarp. He had during his stay in Smyrna received muchkindly attention from Polycarp, whom he mentions affectionately inletters written thence (Ephes. 21, Magn. 15), and had learnt to admirehis character and work.Like the Pastoral Epistles of S. Paul, with which it has manypoints in common, this letter is the exhortation of an older servant ofChrist to a younger friend who holds a responsible office in the Church.Like them also, though special, it is not private.It was obviouslyintended to be communicated to the Smyrnsean Church, for at thebeginning of § 6 the writer turns from the bishop to the congregationand addresses them directly on their reciprocal duties towards theirchief officer.In this letter fuller instructions than in the more general epistleare given respecting the delegate who is to represent the Smyrnseansat Antioch (§ 7). Moreover Polycarpischarged with the duty ofwriting to other churches nearer to Syria and directing them to sendrepresentatives in like manner (§ 8).As in the letter to the Smyrnseans,so here special salutations are sent to individual persons (ib).On theother hand there is no mention, beyond a passing allusion expressedin general terms (§ 3), of the heresy which occupies so large a spacein the companion epistle. The directions have reference to the internalcircumstances and private life of the Church, not to its relationswith alien persons and creeds. Owing to this fact it has escaped with

'330 IGNATIUS TO POLYCARP.comparatively few changes from the violence of the interpolator, whoaccepts any mention of heresy as a signal for free-handling andinsertion.The following is an analysis of the epistle.1Ignatius to Polycarp greeting.'It was a great privilege to see thee. I exhort thee to greater zealthan ever. More especially have a care for unity. Be firm and tenderand watchful. Bear the ailments of all (§ i). Adapt thy medicinesto the complaints of thy patients. Join the wisdom of the serpentwith the guilelessness of the dove. Thou art compact of flesh andspirit, that thou mayest use each in its proper function. Thou artthe pilot of the vessel of the Church, the athlete in the race of God(§ 2).Be not scared by false teachers. Be firm as an anvil ;submitto bruises, as a victorious athlete. Read the signs of the times, butawait the advent of the Eternal (§3).''Provide for the widows. Let nothing be done without thee. Letyour meetings be more frequent. Do not overlook slaves, but do notexalt them unduly (§ 4).Warn thy flock against evil arts. Explainthe duties of husbands and wives to each other. Vows of chastityand vows of marriage should be taken with thy cognisance; and allthings done to God's honour (§5).''Ye laity, obey your bishop and your clergy. Work and suffer,sleep and rise, together. Be not remiss in your spiritual warfare;but buckle on your armour and win your reward. Be patient onewith another (§6).''As the Church of Antioch now enjoys peace, I am the moreready to die. Gather together a council, Polycarp, and elect arepresentative who shall go to Syria. A Christian is not his ownmaster. It remains for you to complete your good deed (§ 7).''Hurried in my departure hence, I have had no time to write tothe distant Churches. Do thou, Polycarp, urge them to send delegatesto Syria.Salutations to the widow and children of Epitropus, to Attalus,to your elected representative, to Alee. Farewell(§ 8).'

TTPOCTTOAYKAPnON.'ITNATIOC, 6kclIQeo

32,2 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[iI.(TfJLevrjvW5 €7ri7T€Tpav (XKiprjTOU, v7rep$o£a(^(i)'A7roSeô/xeyos arov ty\v eV Oew yvtijxriv tjSpa-kcltcc-^Modeis tov 7rpo] Used absolutely, likeidoâaa in Trail. I quoted above(see the note there). The Syriacand Armenian versions, followed byPetermann, supply 'Deum,' from notappreciating this usage. For xnrep-So|a^co see Orig. Comm. in Ioann.xiii {Op. IV. p.235), and comp. vnepevtppaivopaiBarnab. I, V7repevxapicrT(oBarnab. 5.

I]TO POLYCARP. 333Qew.7rapaKa\(i) ere ev yâpiTi *1 €VO€$vo~vv-qs tovTrp\iKovTov tottov, Alexander in Euseb.H. E. vi. 1 1NdpKiacros 6 irpb tpovduTTCOV TOV TOTTOV TTjS eTTLaKOTTTJS TOVevdafte, Orig. Comm. in Matt. 1. c.So also in Latin, Tertull. de Fuga 1 1'omnem servum dei...etiam minorisloci, ut majoris fieri possit...sed cumipsi auctores, id est, ipsi diaconi etpresbyteri et episcopi fugiunt, etc ',Cyprian Epist. iii (p. 469 ed. H artel)'immemor sacerdotalis loci tui et

334 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[i7rvev[jiaTiKfj. Trjs evwarews (ppovTiê,r}s ovSev dfjieivoviravTas fidcTTaê, w? kcll ere 6 Kupios' ttclvtlqv dvkyoveV dyctTrri, uxiTrepkcll Troieis'7rpoo'€V')(cus a"%6\aê d$ia-\€L7ttois' aiTOv (tvv€(tiv irXeiova r)s eêt?' yprjyopei1 u?s kcll] GLAg Dam-Vat 2 Antioch (twice) 7, n; sicut (om. /cat)S 4 2. 6KvpLos] GLg Antioch (twice) Dam ;add. portat S 4S ;add. portavit A : see a similaraddition of SA in § 6 ws koX 6 Qeos v/juv. 3 iccrirep /cat] GL*Ag; sicut(om. koX) 2 (see above 1. 1); id quod S :4 def. Dam-Vat Antioch. d8ia-XeL-rrTOLs] GLg* Dam-Vat Antioch n (who paraphrases irpocrevxtcQu vwep tt6lvtlovadLaXeiTTTOJs); om. S 4 2A (seemingly, but see the note on Ephes. 10). 5 irpev/xa]officii/ xv (p. 513) ' solicitudo locinostri,' xvi (p. 517) ' aliqui de presbyterisnee evangelii nee loci suimemores,' xl (p. 586) ' promovebiturquidem...ad ampliorem locum reliononissuae.' See Pearson here andon Smyrn. 6, where several passagesare collected. So in English wespeak of 'placemen, 5 ' place- seekers.'The scruples of Cureton (C. I. p. 265)respecting tov tottov are groundless ;for T07ros was certainly so used in thetime of Ignatius, as the quotationsgiven above show. The renderingof the Syriac and Armenian 'thingsbecoming' is perhaps merely a looseofficialparaphrase, meaning the 'duties' of a bishop (see e.g. PayneSmith Thes. Syr. s. v. r*f 1A0).But in uncial characters tontottonmight easily be read TonpenoN, theconfusion between n, tt and betweene, o, being very frequent where theMS is blurred ;and the plural is explainedby ribui.aapKiKji re k.t.A.]As we shouldsay, 'secular as well as spiritual.'For this favourite combination inIgnatius, see the note on Ephes. 10.1. rrjs ivanT€a)s] See the note onMagn. 1.ovhlv apL€Lvov] Comp. Ephes. 13,Magn. 7.2. Travras /3aora£e]i. e.'supportthe burdens of all men'; comp. Rom.xv. 1, Gal. vi. 2. So Epist. ad Diogn.IO to tov nXrjaiov araoVêrai fidpos.See Apost. Const, i. 1 j3ao-Ta£eTe ovv,01 SodXoi KCLL VLol TOV 06OU, aXXljXoVS)6 Liev dvrjp tt\v yvvalKa k.t.X.as Kai ere 6 Kvpios k.t.X.] An allusionto Isaiah liii.4 paraphrasedin Matt. viii. 17 avTos Tas dtrBeveiasrju,u>v t'Xafiev kcll Tas voo~ovs e/3acrra(rei>.The influence of the evangelist'sparaphrase is clear, when we comparethe words used just below,TtavTotv tcls vocrovs :/3aoTa£e for thelxx rendering is quite different, ovtosTas ap.apTias r)p,cov (fiepel ko\ neplrjp.Q>v odvvarai. The interpolator hasseen the reference, and has introducedthe words of Is. liii. 4, as givenin S. Matthew, into the context ofTVClVTCdV TCLS VOO-OVS K.T.X. JUSt beloW.ndvTcov dvexov] This describes thepassive side of his duty to others, asthe previous clause had describedthe active. See Ephes. iv. 2 dvexdp,evoLdXX^Xcou iv dyaTrrj, which Ignatiusprobably has in his mind. Comp.also the saying of Epictetus, dvixovKa\ dnexov, Aul. Gell. xvii. 19. Thisverb generally takes the genitive inthe N. T.3. ddiaXein-TOLs] See Ephes. iOaoVaXeL7TT(os 7Tpoo~evxô-6e with the note,where the omission of aSiaXeiWots insome texts here is discussed.

''I]TO POLYCARP. i n rJO,5 ctKOipjitiTOv TrvevfJLa K€KTrifjL€vo

36 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS EnII. KaXovs luadtiTas eav (piXys, X

n»] TO POLYCARP. 3o37ov Trav TpavfJLa Tvj avTrj efXirXaa'Tpw 6epa7T€V6Tar toi)sTrapo^vcrfjiov^ e/u^poâh Trade. 4> p d n i mo c r io y ojcAnton; irpadr^ri G Antioch Dam- Vat. 3 tous Trapo^vapovs] GLg AntiochDam-Vat Anton; abscissionem 2; abscissam A. 4 kp^po\oA.%\ g* (hutwith v. 1.)Dam- Vat Anton; iv fipoxaU GL Antioch; (in) lenitate 2; lenitate A;ev evxous Dam- Reg.form here. See the note on Galatiansv. 23.3. rpavfxa] The word, as a medicalterm, is not confined to bleedingwounds, but includes all externalbruises and sores.'the sa?ne plastercomp. Clem. Alex. F?'agm.rrj avTj) e fjiTr\d(TTf) oi]4or salve' ':p. I020 (Potter) ev pia epTrXdo-Tpat .The word is properly an adjective,Qepaireia or cpappa

338 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS ["6 o'(j)ic ev Tracriv kai AKepAioc eicraei go c h nepi-CTepA.$LCL TOVTO (TCtpKLKOSel KCLl TTVEVfJiaTlKOS,\VCL TO.(baivofxeva aov eU Trpoaumov KoXaKevrjs* tcc Se doparai 6 ocpis] g* (but with a v. 1. 6'0is),and so prob. Antioch who substitutes the plur.ol ocpeis; dcpis (om. 6) G. Zahn (/. v. A. p. 597) is not altogether correct aboutthe authorities. The clauses are balanced, 6 ocpts against i] irepicrTepct. iraaiv)or iracrt g Antioch; diracnv G. elcrael] g (but om. 1,which likewiseomits ev iraaiv in the first clause) ad ea ; quae requiruntur (els cl dei)2 ;iisquae digna (or qui digni) sunt A ;om. GL Antioch. The omission is doubtlessowing to the recurrence of similar letters. ws i)] Gg, and so prob. Antioch,who has the plural cos at TrepiaTepai ;uael vulg. 3 aov els irpdcrtowov] G ;in tuam faciem L; coram facie tua SA; col els irpbaomov g Dam-Vat 2. InAntioch 1 it stands avrcbv els irpoccoirov, where avruv corresponds to cov, but as thecontext is in the 3rd person singular we should prob. read avTcp corresponding toaoi. KoKaKevrjs] GLS Dam-Vat; KoXaiceveLS Dam-Reg; KoXaKevy Antioch(transferred to the 3rd pers.); lucreris A; etravopdcccys g*. 4 at'rei] GDam- Vat, and this was prob. the reading of g*, though the existing authoritiesvary; pete 2A; petas L. Antioch has airy, which corresponds to alrys, whenpias paXXov jxev ovv belrai rj (3ias evrols napo^vap-ols k.t.X. (comp. ib. p.182 sq).(ppovLpiosA k.t.X. ]reference to thesaying in Matt. x. 16 ylveade ovv cppovtp.01cos ol bcpeis kcu aKepaioi cos at7repio-repaL Ignatius has substitutedthe singular, and inserted ev ndaivand elaael in the respective clauses.2. 81a tovto k.t.X.] i.e. 'You arecomposed of two elements of; flesh,that you may be able to deal withthe world of matter, and shapeit toGod's ends ;of spirit, that you maybe competent to receive a revelationof the unseen world.' For 8id tovtoIva comp. Magn. 9.3. aov] This seems to be theright reading; and if so, it shouldprobably be taken with els Trpoacoirov.This position of the pronoun, evenwhen there is no special emphasis,is common in Hellenistic Greek (e.g.Matt. vi. 17, ix. 6, xvi. 1,8, etc.), andoccurs, as here, even with an interposingpreposition, e.g. Luke vii. 44elaiy\6dv aov els ttjv oikiciv, John ix. 1 5eneOrjKev p.ov eiv\ tovs ocpOaXpovs (thecorrect reading). By ' the thingswhich appear before thy face' ismeant 'the visible and materialworld.' Pearson wrongly interpretstc\ (paivopicvd aov 'corpus tuum.'KoXciKevys]imay est humour* ';acharacteristic word of Ignatius, Rom.4 KoXaKevaare ra drjpia, ib. 5 a kol ko-XaKevaco, and (as I have restored theGreek) lb, 6 p,r)§e vXrj KoXaKevarjTe.The word is used here in a goodsense, as in Clem. Horn. xii. 25 vneXeov KoXciKevdelaa eTreireiaTO evepyerisyeveaBai k.t.X., xiii. 16 77 acofppcov tovavdpa evbiadeTcos cptXel...KoXaK(vei, a-pea

ii]TO POLYCARP. 339airei iva croi (pavepoodrj- 'iva /urjSevos \ei7rri,kcli ttclvtos5 x a PLTai k.t.A.] There wasperhaps some early corruption inthe text here. The Syriac ut guber?iatornavem hardly makes sense,for we should naturally expect utguberuatoremnavis. On the otherhand, the Greek text cos KvftepvrJTatdvepovs, making the crisis the captainand Polycarp the breeze, is certainlynot what we should expect.I can only conjecture that the originalreading was cos KvftepvrjTrjv vavsKal cos dvepois x €L f JLa C f xei' 0S At/ieVa.The variations at all events suggestthe existence of both words,vavs and civepos, in the original textin some form or other. When soread, the metaphor is intelligible.'The ship of the Church is tossed toand fro on the ocean of the world.It is a critical moment, a tempestuousseason. You must be both its22— 2

340 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [»eTTLTVêiv. W9 Qeov vr\

in] TO POLYCARP. 341III. 01 $OKOVVT6S d^lOTriCTTOLeivai KCll 6Tepo$i$a-5 (TKaXovvres /mi]o~6 KaTGnr\t]cr o-0' dirovTa 8a vl - 3*So erepodiddaKaXos, Hegesipp.[?] in Euseb. H. E. iii. 32.See the notes on KaKodidao-KaXovvres[Clem. Rom.] ii. 10, and on erepoduîaMagn. 8.5. arr/dt edpalos K.r.A.]ICor.vii. 37 us fie eo-TT)K.ev ev rf] Kapdiq

342 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [inok aKfxwv TVTTTOfJievos. /meyd\ov ecTiv ddXriTov [to]SepecrOaiKal vikclv. juaXiorTaSe evettev Qeov wdvra vttofjLeveivfleets Set,xiva Kal ccvtos 77/xas v7ro^.€Lurj, wXeoui aKfjoav] GLg Antioch Dam-Reg Dam-Rup Anton ;vir fortis (Kjn?*n) S XS 4A;athletes (KD^nK) 2. /xe7ciXou] GLg (but add. enim 1) Antioch Dam-RegDam-Rup Anton; add. enim S^SA (but S 4A om. p.eydXov). earlyde\r]Tod] Gg; adX-qrod eanv (or eari) Antioch Dam-Reg Dam-Rup Anton. to]G; om. g Antioch Dam-Reg Dam-Rup Anton. 2 Se] GLS 4g AntiochDam-Reg Dam-Rup Anton; om. SA (Petermann's transl. is misleading).edpaios. Comp. Ephes. 10 7rpos rhvnXdurjv avrwv vfiels eSpatoi rfj Trioret,of these same false teachers.I. cos'aK/jLGiv k.t.A.] as an anvilstruck with the hammer* \ comp.Job xli. 15 earrjKf de cocr7rep aK/xcovdvrjXaTos. This passage of Ignatiusis plainly in the mind of EphraemSyrus Parae?i. de Pat. {Op. Graec.II. p. 367) yev(op,e6a cos aKpovesTV7rr6fj,€VOL Kal p.r)ev$i8ovTes...de pofJLGVOlVlKJ](T(0 jJ,€V TOV aVTlTTClXoV didrr/s VTrofxovfj s' Kal yap 6 Kvptos rjpwv...navra vnrjveyKe did rr/v r)p,

m] TO POLYCARP. 343 o~wllclti [g];see the lower note.Luke xii.'dvvaaBe [bianpiveiv]:comp.56. The suspicion of Mill on Rom.xii. 11, that Ignatius had the readingKaipc3 dovXevovTes there, hasnot much weight, since the passagesin the Gospels were more likely tohave suggested the expression to him.'vnep Kaipov] who is above'i.opportunity] e. to whom allseasons are alike.' Smith's translation'omni tempore priorem wouldbe more appropriate to a\povov. Itfails to recognise the distinction betweenxpovos and Kaipos: see TrenchA". T. Synonyms §lvii. p. 197 sq.The editors before Jacobson readit as one word vnepKaipov. If sucha word had existed, it would mean,Jacobson points out, 'immoderate': but in the only passage adduced,Xenophon as quoted in Athen.xiv. p. 613 o~itoov Se v7repKalpa>v, thetext of this author himself {Ages. v.i) has vnep Kaipov.5. axpovov] 'eternal,' 'transcendingof time] as explainedin Plut. Mor. p. 393 eo~Tiv 6 Qebs...Kai eori Kar ovhiva xpovov aWa Karatov alwva tov aKivrjTov Kai a%povov :comp. Greg. Naz. Epist. 101 (11. p.96) etVep TavTov...To /x»} axpovov repxP° V0V For the word in this-sense comp. Iren. i. 17. 2 (whereit is'translated intemporalis,' as here),Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 1, p. 829. Occasionallyopposite meaning'instantaneous,' and so 'brief,'short-lived,' e.g. Plut. Mor. p. 908dvaTvx^s Kai axpovovs (comp. Clem.Alex. Strom, viii. 9, p. 931). Thecorresponding adverb dxpovcos toohas both meanings; (1) 'eternally,'e.g. Hippol. Haer. viii. 12, Julian.Orat. iv. p. 156 Spanheim ; (2) 'instantaneously,'e.g. Philo de Sacr.Ab. et Ca. 13 (1. p. 172).tov aopaTov k.t.X.] See MelitoFragm. 13 (p. 419 Otto) ' Invisibilisvidetur, neque erubescit ; incomprehensibilisprehenditur, neque indignatur;incommensurabilis mensuratur,neque repugnat impassibilis;patitur, neque ulciscitur immortalis;moritur, neque responde't verbum ;. . . tunc intellexit omnis creaturapropter hominem...invisibilem visumesse et incommensurabilem mensuratumesse et impassibilem passumesse et immortalem mortuum esseetc.,' Iren. iii. 16. 6 ' hominem ergoin semetipsum recapitulans est invisibilisvisibilis factus, et incomprehensibilisfactus comprehensibilis, etinpassibilis passibilis etc.,' Greg. Naz.Orat. xxxviii (1. p. 664) 6 doparosopaTai, 6 dvacprjs \l/r}Xa(pdTai, 6 axpovosapxerat, Epist. ci (II. p. 85) iraQ^hvaapKi, dnadfj OeoTrjTi, TrepiypairTovacopaTi, airepiypaTTTov 7rvevp.aTi, tovavTov tir'iyeiov Kai ovpdviov, 6pa>p.evovKa\ voovpievov, x a> P T l T0V KaL "X^P 7 / 7" "'k.t.X. See also the Christologicalpassage, Ephes. 7.6. d\j/r]\d(pT]Tov}The preponder-

'344 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [mr^xa? iradt]TOV, tov kcltci iravra Tpoirov$i r\fjia^ viro-/ueivavTa.IV.Xfjpai fxri dfULeXelo'dcoo'av /uerd tov Kvpiov &vavTtov (ppovTiCTris ecro. /mrjSev avev yvco/ULrjs

IV]TO POLYCARP. 345oude 7rpdcrcr€is.evcTTadei. wvicvoTepov away toy al yivecrdcocrav.i£ 6vofj.aTO iravTa^ (^ret. $ov\ovs tealdovXas jurj V7r€pr](paver dWd /x^Se avTot (pvcLOva'dcoaau,dW as hoâv Qeov 7r\eov Sov\eveTco(rai/> iva Kpelr-TrpaTTe Ps-Chrysost. 6 7rpa

346 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [IVtovos eAtvOepias diro Oeov tvôoctiv jUi) ipaTiocrav dirotov kolvov eAevdepovcrdai,iva jur]SovAol evpeOwcrivewidvfJLias.i and Qeov ruxuaiv] GL Anton; vird deov tvx wo~ lv Dam-Rup; tvxuctlv dwbOeov g; Ttjxwt- Trapa tov deov Nicon. ep&Ttoaav] Gg* Dam-Rup Anton;desiderent L; anient SA. For the v. 1.aiperwaav in g see the Appx. 5 ttolov]GLSAg*. For the reading pi] ttolov in some texts of g see Appx. 6 tovI. anb tov kolvov]'from the their union. Let all things be doneseek the approval of the bishop for Handlex. des Rom. Rcclits s. v. Butcommon fund, the public money? for the honour of God.'See Apost. Const, iv. 9,where it is 4. Toy KciKOTexvLas]The meaningsaid of the disposal of the alms of here is not obvious in itself, but isthe Church, ddpoi£bpeva xP 7 iy LaTa $ta~ shown by the parallel passage, Philad.Tiiaaere eh dyopaapovs dyi

']TO POLYCARP. 347V. 7as KaKoreyyla^ (peuye, /ulclAAov Se irepl tov-5 TOiv dfiiAiav 7roiov. Teas dheA

'oon48 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vkcli irveufJiaTi. o/uioicosKal Toh ddeA

'. SQQ']TO POLYCARP. 49vela jmeveiv eU Ti/uLrjv rfjs crapKos tov Kvptov,5 x^/cr/a fdeveTW eav Kav^c^Tai,ev ctKav-d7rco\ero' koli eavyvcocrdrj irXeov tov eiricrKOTroVy ecpdaprai. irpeirei Se(om. kclI) 2. 6 yvucrdrj] G2g Dam-Rup Anton; inveniatur A (probablya misunderstanding of the Syriac, rather than a corruption of the Armenian, asPetermann supposes);videri velit L (where L departs from its usual literalism andgives a paraphrase). vXeov] GL Dam-Rup Anton; extra {praeter) jD "D?2 ;sine A ; ir\r\v g.oi.8aT€ otl ra orcofiara vp.Qiv p-eXrj Xpi 0-(DfiaTl VfJLCOV [Clem. ROITI.]ii. 14. It is true of all Christiansthat their flesh is the Lord's, nottheir own nor another's ;but it isespecially true of those contemplatedhere :comp. Tertull. de Virg. Vel. 16'Nupsisti Christo,illi tradidisti carnemtuam,' Cypr. Epist. lxii (p. 699Hartel) 'Membra Christo dicata etad aeternum continentiae honorempudica virtute devota'; comp. Method.Conv. iii. 8, iv. 5, v. 4.i5. eav yva>o~dr) k.t.A.] if it beknown beyond the bishop'' where the;nominative to yvoiadf) is 'his purposeor vow of chastity,' as implied in thepreceding words. Just as personsintending to marry are to marry'with the approval (yvcop.r]s) of thebishop,' so persons devoting themselvesto a single life are to take thebishop into their counsels, but noone else; comp. Magn. 7 p.t]8e vfielsavev tov enio-KOTrov

35o THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vtoTs ya/uovcn Kal Tafe

VI]TO POLYCARP. 35'vfjuv. avTi>\svyov eyoo twv VTroTacrffO/uevcov eiri-\ru)~\SlCLKOVOlS'CTKOTTCp, 7rp€(Tl3uTepOlS,fJLET CtVTWV fJLOL TOjuepo^ yevoiTO crêlv irapa Qeco. crvyKOiriaTe dAA.17A.01s,(ruvadXelTe, crvpTpeêTe, crvfjoracr'êTe^ cruyKoi/uiacrde,o (ruveyeipecrde, ws Qeou olkovo/uol Kal 7rapeSpOLkcu virr\-Rup [Antioch]. 7 Trpea^vrepois] GL; Trpe

352 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS[VIf>€TCLl. dp€(TK6Te it) CTTpCLTeV€(706, dv air avTov,Clem. Horn. xi. 160 p.f) tvolcov tov vdp.ovck tov p.rj irio-Teveiv T

vi] TO POLYCARP.00.VfJLOOV /UL6U6T(t)WS 07r\ct, t) TTIO'TI'Z W5 7T6pLK6(pa\aia, 7]dydirr] cos Sopv, r\ vTTOfJLOvri cos 7ravo7r\icc to. Sen6citaS 42; otiosus inveniatur L. G has a marginal gloss apybs to decreprup, whence therendering of L.to P&TrTiv.This passage was doubtless suggestedby Ephes. vi. 13 — 17, whichit closely resembles, though the partsof the armour are differently assignedin the metaphor. The resemblanceto 1 Thess. v. 8 is less. Comp. alsoIs. lix. 17.cWocnra] When a donative wasto.accorded to the soldiery, one halfonly was paid at the time, the remaininghalf being placed in a savingsbankattached to the cohort. Thismoney was said 'deponi apud signa'(Sueton. Dom. 7, Veget. ii. 20) ;andthe fund was managed by a special23

354 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [VIvfjicov tcc spy a vjulcov, \va tci aKK€7TTa v\xlZv aîct kojullcrrjo'de.fjiaKpodvfJLricraTe ovv /uer dWtjXtov ev 7rpavTrjTi>cos 6 Qeos /ned' vfJLtov. ovalfxriv vjuluju Sta Travros.i rd 'ipya vixQiv] Gg; opera bona [S 4]2A; opera (om. v/j,u>p) L* (but the varyingposition of vestra in the MSS should be noticed). r& clKKeirra vp-Hv aîa]GL; add. deov g; donum (or dona) dei, sicut justum est S 42; dona a deo (om.d'£ia) A. 2 fiaKpoOv/J.-qcraTe] G; fxaKpodv/xelre g Dam-Rup 8 Anton 10.o&v] GLg; om. S 42A [Dam-Rup] [Anton]. irpavT7)Ti\ g* Dam-RupAnton; irpaorrjri. G Antioch 9. 3 ws] GLS 42A Dam-Rup Anton; ko.1g; us nal Antioch. /U.e#'] S4wAg Dam-Rup Anton Antioch; om. G;officer entitled 'curator fisci' (e.g.Orell. Inscr. 3462).We read also of a'librarius depositorum' {Dig. 1. 6. 7),perhaps the clerk who kept this depositaccount. The deposits however,as entered in the name of anysoldier, would include other itemsof dona-besides, e.g. other portionstives voluntarily so deposited, prizemoney,etc. The 'peculium' thusaccumulated was paid over to thesoldier at his discharge, or an equivalentin land given to him. SeeBecker and Marquardt Rom. Alterth.in. 2, p. 429. 'Accepta' would thusbe the sums placed to his credit andultimately paid over to him. TheCastrense Peculium is the subject ofa work by H. Fitting (Halle, 1871).It was the special privilege of thiskind of property ('quae sunt partalabore militiae'), that it was securedto the man himself, and was accordinglyexempted from the patria ftotestas,on the principle enunciatedin [Juv.] xvi. 58 sq, ' Ipsius certeducis hoc referre videtur, Ut qui fortiserit, sit felicissimus idem, etc.',where the fact is stated. The exceptionalcharacter of this kind of propertygives its force and appropriatenessto the image here. Coteliermoreover aptly quotes Veget.ii. 20'Miles... qui sumptus suos scit apudsigna depositos,de deserendo nihilcogitat, magis diligit signa, pro illisin acie fortius dimicat, etc.' Thosewho deserted or were dismissed formisconduct would forfeit all thisaccumulated property. For the metaphorcomp. August. Op. v. Appx.p. 150 'Milites igitur Christi sumus,et stipendium ab ipso donativumquepercepimus etc.', in a sermon by anunknown writer. The metaphor ofthe signum (o-vcro-qiiov) appears in thecompanion epistle, Smyrn. 1.1. a£ia] l due\ i.e. 'correspondingto the deposita] as in [Juv.] xvi.56 ' Hunc labor aequus provehit etpulcro reddit sua dona labori,' speakingof this same thing.3. \iz@ vfxcov] SC. nciKpoSv/xel, asabove Iva kol 6 Qebs vpuv sc. irpoaixft(see the note). I should not havethought it necessary to explain theconstruction, if Jacobson had notquoted Phil. iv. 5 6 Kvpios eyyvs, apparentlyled astray by the Armenianmis-rendering 'quasi Deus sit inmediis vobis.'2.6mifxr]v\ See the note on Ephes.VII. 'I hear that the Church ofAntioch has peace at length ;andthe news has gladdened me, if onlyI am allowed to finish my course.Summon a council, and elect a trusty

VIl] TO POLYCARP. 55VII. '€.7rei0t) r\ tKK\r\(ria y\ eV ' Avrtoêla tjJs Cv-5 plas eiprivevei, cos iStjXtadri piot, Sid rfjs Trpoa-ev^s v/uwu,Kayco eudvpiOTepos eyev6fJLr]v iv clpLepipn/ia Qeov, eaWeo$ia tov Tradeiv Qeov e-KiTvyu*, eis to evpedPjvai jue iv rfjdub. L. vju.wv pri.] GL2S 4Ag; ijixQv Dam-Rup Anton [Antioch].iravrbs] Here 2 breaks off, and has only two sentences more, § 7 xP'O'Ttcwdsk.t.X. and § 8 a(nra'£opai rbv ptXXovTa k.t.X.5 5ia rrjs Trpoaevx^]g; per orationem L (which prob. represents the gen., since L commonlytranslates 5:d with the accus. correctly propter) ; 81a tv,v Trpocrenxw G ;precibus A.person to carry your congratulationsto Antioch. This is God's work. Itrust to your compliance and knowingyour zeal, I have thought few;words sufficient.'4. 'E-rretdrj k.t.X.] On this matter,which is mentioned in all the letterswritten from Troas, see the notes toPhilad. 10.6. dpepipvia Qeov] For this genitiveQeov, describing the characterof the preceding substantive, comp.Magn. 6 dpovoia Qeov with the note.7- Qeov eVirâ)] See the noteon Magn. 1.iv rfi alrrjcrei vp-covj ''through yoursupplicatio?i? For the expressionsee Ephes. 20 eav fxe KaTagivcrr) 'I. X.iv tt} npocrevxn vp&v, Philad. 8 deXcocvrfj irpoaevxfl v/xwu diKaicodfjvai,Smym. I 1 Iva iv ttj npoo~evxJ] vpcovQeov eVinâ). The word airrjaisoccurs only once elsewhere in Ignatius{Trail. 13), but he uses it ratherthan Tipoo-evxh here because he hadalready exhausted the latter word inthe context. For the idea of 'discipleship,'as the final result of martyrdom,see the note on Ephes. 1 diatov eiTLTVx^v dvvrjdo) paOrjTrjs elvai.In the connexion dia tov nadelv...HaOrjTijv, Ignatius probably has in hismind the proverb naOqpaTa paOr/para ;comp. e.g. Êsch. Again. 177 rbvnddei pddos QivTa Kvpicos e'xeiv (comp.ib. 257), Herod, i.207 tu oV poiTradrjpaTa eovTa dxdpira padr)paTayeyovee, Philo de Leg. Spec. 6 (II. p.340) Xy eK tov naOelv pdOp, with otherpassages quoted by Wetstein andBleek on Heb. v. 8 epadev dfi -0 -

•356 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vnaiTricrei v/ulwu /ixadriTtiv. irpeirei^ rio\vKap7re 6eo/uLaKapKTTOTare,ctv/ul/3ov\lop dyayeiv 6eo7rpe7re(TTaTOv kcliyeipOTOvr\(ra[Tiva bv dya7rr]T6v Xiav eêre Kal clokvov,6s dwrjceTai BeoSpo/uLOs KaXelcrdar tovtov KaTaîoocrai,r\va Tropevdeh ek Cvpiav Soâcrrj vfjaov ty\v clokvov dya- 57rt]v eU SoâvQeou. xpivTiavos eavTOv eôv&lav ovkeêidWa Qeio côXaêi.tovto to epyov Qeov ecriv1 aiTTjcet] g* ; precibus A (the same word which is used just before to translateSia T-fjs -n-poaevxvs) Jdvaardcrei GL (there is no v. 1. in the MSS of L ; seethe Appx). /j,a9r)Tr]v] gLA; TradrjTrjv G: see also Smym. 5 for a similarerror. irpiirei] GLAg; add. tibi igitur S^ 3 riva ov~\ GL; iliumqui S x eos ; qui A; et riva g. 4 ndXeTadai] GLg ; fieri A ;ut sit et vocettirSr Karaîuxrai] g*; KaraîQae (an itacism) G; dignificari L* (mss); huicpersuadeatur (lit. hie persuadeatur) S 2 ; al. A. 6 Qeov] gLSj^ ; xpio-rovG; def. A. xpio-riaj'os] G Dam-Vat 7 Dam-Rup 10; 6 xPv eraipcov exeiporovrjcre ve-KpayyeXovs Kal vepre podpopovsTvpocrayopevcras.Karaîato-ai] 'to commission', l accredit'''; comp. Philad. iooj Karagico-Oqcrerai rrjs roiavrrjs 8ia.Kovias of asimilar person. For the use of thisword in Ignatius generally see thenote to Ephes. 20.5. nopevdels eh ~2vpiav\ The objectof this mission is more distinctlystated in Philad. 10, Smym. 11, asthe congratulation and encouragementof the Church at Antioch. Thedelegate was to bear a letter fromthe Smyrnasans.l7. Geo) crxd\d£ei] devotes histime to God' \Clem. Alex. Strom, ii.IO (p. 236) rj dyapos povco crxokdêi rcoGecS. The sentiment here has referenceto the Smyrnasans generally,but to the individual messengermore especially.Qeov... Kal vpwv\ 'of God, as wellas of yourselves? where Qeov ex-

VIl]TO POLYCARP. 357Kcti v/ukjov,otclv ctuTO aTrapTiatiTe. 7ri(TT£V(oyap TrjydplTl, OTL erOL/ULOL 6CTT6 €£S €\J7TOUaV Qeiid aVY}KOV

35§ THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS [vniefJorpoG'dev 6KK\tj(riai$, cos Qeov yvcv \xr]v KeKTt]fjievos, ekto kcci avTOvs to ctuTO 7rotfjcraL— ol fjiev hvvctfievoi7T6^0US 7T6IUL\fraL, Ol Se eTTLO'ToXaS SlCt TLOV V7TO COV 7T€/X-TTOjJLevcov, \va %opaardt]T€ alcovita epycp — cJs aîos tov.ÂcrTra^pixaL TravTas e'£ ovoiucltos, Kat t\]V tov '€,7ri- 5TpOTrov crvv b\cp tw olkco avTrjs kcli tcov tekvcov dairaiels to Kal avrovs k.t.X.] For the reading of L see the Appx. i to clvto]GA; tovto g; om. (?)L*. 4 doâadrJTe] GAg; glorificerisL. axwvlit)Zpyy] GL; kv aloovico tyycp g; in operibus aeternitatis A. ws d'£io5 c£V]GLg*; quomodo et digni estis A. 6 twj' re/cj'wj'] GLg. Petermann translatesA filiis (= rinvois), but the case is ambiguous and may be either Jiliorum orfiliis. 7 roV [xeXKovTa . . .TropevecrOcu] GLg (but g omits tov); eum fratrem quiparatus est ire in Syriam A (r^Lwr^ for r^Ll*r^); #/#»? ^//z dignaturire adantiochiam pro me, sicut praecepi tibi 2 (but ~ 3 for praecepi tibi reads praecepistino reason for departing from the ordinaryuse of Ignatius, and explainingit here of the will of the emperoror the Roman authorities.rats epurpoaBev eiav ttoWwv ep.-irpoo-dev ovrav. Uhlhorn (p. 31) refersto Herod, vii. 126 77-00-77? ttjs e'lnrpocr-6ev Evpa>7rr]s, but he himself prefersexplaining it by the Semitic use ofUlpD 'in front,' i.e. eastward. Thisis quite unnecessary. Other explanationswhich have been suggestedhardly deserve consideration.I. Qeov yvd>p.r)v k.t.X.] possessingthe mind ofGod.'' For Qeov yvatprjsee the note Ephes. 3.'3. Tvep,y\rai\ SC. Trep^/dTcoaav, i.e.Let those who are able to sendmessengers, send them, and lettheothers send letters.' The sentence,ol p.ev $vvdp.evoi...al epyco,mustbe regarded as parenthetical, so thatas atjios ap will be connected withypanels... cos Qeov yvdprjv KeKTTjpevos,and refer to Polycarp himself. Muchunnecessary difficulty has been madeabout this singular agios a>v by translatorsand commentators.dia Toiv k.t.X.] i.e.bythe hands ofthe messengers whom Polycarp willsend to the several cities, to informthem of the. wish of Ignatius. Theletters of the several churches willthus be collected, and placed in thehands of the Smyrnasan 6eo8p6p.os,who will carry them to Syria ; comp.Polyc. Phil. 13, quoted above on § 7yeipoTovr\Q-ai tivci.4. ?va k.t.X.] 'that ye]i.e. allwho participate in this mission, 'maybe glorified by a?i ever-memorablework.'§4.5. e£ 6v6p.a.Tos\ See the note ontt)v tov 'ETrtrpoTTou]'the widow]rather than the wife,'of Epitropusjas the words following seem to show.The name appears to be very rare;

VI 1 1] TO POLYCARP. 359Ôfxai'AttoXov tov dyctTrtjTov fiov da-ird^pixai tovIxeWovTa KctTaîovcrdai tov eh Cvpiav 7ropeveo-6cu'eCTTClL t]X a P L£ V 61"' v\See the note onbelonging to Smyrna, C. I. G. 3 141, Ephes. inscr.3142, 3239, 3288, 3289, 3299, 3304, 12. evoTrjTi Qeov] See the note on3331, Mionnet in. pp. 232, 233, Philad. 8.Suppl. VI. lp. 309 (?), 344. The coinse7rio-K07rjj] superintendence? Hebelong to the time of M. Aurelius. had begun the letter by speakingtov peXXovTa k.t.X.] The Oeobpopos,about whom he has given direc-Qeov k.t.X. There is thereforeof Polycarp as eTreo-Koirrjpevos vttumuch

360 IGNATIUS TO POLYCARP. [vniis ancient, as the Armenian Version to adopt eVto-K07r?7 in preference.shows, though its presence in any "A\kt]u] See the note on Smym.Greek texts has no authority. Itwould make good sense ; comp. TO TToOrjTOV flOl K.T.A.] So Roill.Smym. 9 Qeov Koi tTvio-Kcmov eldevai, 10, Smym. 13. Similarly EusebiusTrail. 7 ovaiu dâpiaTois [0eou] 'lrj- speaks of his friend Pamphilus as(TOV XpMTTOV KCU TOV £tUO~k6tTOV. But to TToOtivov [xol GVOfxa, Act. PtWlph. I,the alteration of emo-nonr) into eVio-kottovwould be so much more 13. eppcoo-Oe] See the note on6 {Op.11. 1441, 1445, Migne).natural to a transcriber than the Ephcs. 21.converse, that I have not hesitated

ACTS OF MARTYRDOMOFS. IGNATIUS.

ACTS OF MARTYRDOIOFS. IGNATIUS.I.THE ACTS OF MARTYRDOM of S.forms.Ignatius appear in fivei. The Antiochene Acts. These are extant in three languages.(i) GREEK; Paris. 1451 (formerly Colbert. 460). From this MSthe Acts were firstpublished by Ruinart (Act. Prim. Mart. Sine. 1689,p. 605 sq). No other Greek ms of these Acts is known to exist.(ii)LATIN \attached to the Anglo-Latin Version of the IgnatianEpistles discovered and published by Ussher in his edition (1644)from two mss.(iii) SYRIAC) first published in part by Cureton (Corp. Jgn.p. 222, London, 1849) and afterwards entire by Moesinger (Si(ppleme?iiu?7iCorporis Ignatiani, 1872, p. 7 sq). Four mss of this version areknown to exist, of which two are imperfect at the end.As these Antiochene Acts incorporate the Epistle to the Romans,a full account of the mss in the three languages has been given alreadyin the notices of the mss of the Ignatian Epistles.The original Greekisprinted below ;and the Latin and Syriac will be found in the Appendix.

964 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM2. The Roman Acts, which are extant in the original Greek andin a Coptic Version.GREEK. Of this I am not aware of more than three mss.(i)(a)Vatic. 866. From this ms Dressel first published these Actsin his edition of the Patres Apostolici (1857).He thus describes it:1membraneus, foliis dimidiatis 395, saeculi x. Ex eo (fol. 185 — 188)'1Acta Martyris Ignatii deprompsi inedita.Alia insunt martyria, epistolaesanctorum, similiaque adhuc parum cognita.'—(b) Bodl. Laud. 69, fol. 245 b 255a. This ms is describedin Coxe's Catal. Cod. Grace. Bib!. Bodl. p. 552 sqGrace. 1. It isa large fol. in parchment, of the nth century,and contains a Martyrologyfor December. The Martyrdom of Ignatius is preceded byp.aprvptov rov dylov (ôvôltlov kcli Trokireia ayXa/Sos fol. 240 b, andfollowed by /3ios /cat pLaprvpiov t^s ayias fxaprvpos avacrracrias kcu rdv awavrrj pLapTvprjaavTw cV pw/xry fol. 255 b. Ussher gave some extracts fromthis ms in his Ignatii ct Polycarpi Epistolac 1644, and in his AppendixIgnatiana 1647 but> > notwithstanding the interest of the subject,it haslain unexamined since. I have collated itthroughout for this edition.The iota is adscript, not subscript.(c) Ban's. Bibl. Nat. Graec. 149 1 (formerly Colbert. 450), fol. 86 a,col. 2— fol.93 b, col. 2. (See the Catal. Bibl. Reg. 11. p. 338.) It isa folio in double columns in a bold cursive hand, without iota adscriptor subscript, and appears to have been written in the nth century.TheMartyrdom of Ignatius is preceded (fol. 64 b) by /Jibs tov ocrtov rrpsrjfx^v j3\a(Tiov, and succeeded (fol. 94 a) by tov So-lov 7rpi i^pv kcuopioXoyr]Tov OeoSwpov KaT7])(r)

isOF S. IGNATIUS. 365(a)The Memphiticis found in Vatic. Copt. lxvi. This Vatican msdescribed by Quatremere Recherches sur la Langne et la Litterature deVEgypte p. 128 sq (Paris 1808), and by Assemani in Mai Script. Vet.Nov. Coll. v. Appx. p. 161 sq (see also Bibl. Orient. 1. p. 618). It is aparchment ms in fol., of 313 leaves, written in various hands, andcontains a Martyrology for the Egyptian month Epiphi. The Martyrdomof Ignatius begins the volume (fol. 1).The third document inthe volume has a note appended to the effect that it was givento thechurch of S. Macarius in Scete, A. Mart. 641 (a.d. 925); and the fifthis stated to have been written A. Mart. 634 (a.d. 918). At the close ofthe volume is a note bearing the date A. Mart. 741 (a.d. 1025). Atranscript of this ms, made by Tuki, belonged to the Borgian collection1(Cod. xviii)and is described , by Zoega Catal. Cod. Copt. Mus. Borg.with thep. 19. This transcript is now probably in the Naples Library,other patristic and kindred mss belonging to the Borgian collection.Professor Guidi, with his habitual kindness, made a transcript of theVatican ms for me; and from his transcript this Coptic Version waspublished for the first time in myfirst edition. It will be found in theAppendix in the third volume of the present edition, p. 281 sq.(f3)The Sahidic or Thebaic ispreserved in Taurin. Papyrus 1,in the Egyptian Museum at Turin described ; by Peyron in his LexiconLinguae Copticae p. xxv. It is a papyrus of 63 leaves and contains(1) 'Martyrium S. Ignatii Antiochiae Episcopi'; (2) ' Martyrium S.Gioore'; (3) Historiam, seu potius fabulam virginis Eudoxiae imperatoris*Constantini sororis, quae post Persas a fratre devictosHierosolymamcontendit etc; haec vero contigerunt anno 365 post Christiresurrectionem.'This Sahidic text has been published since the appearance of myfirst edition, with a translation, by F. Rossi in his Papyri Copti del MuseoEgizio di Torino, in the part bearing the title Vita di Sanf Llarione eMartirio di Sanf Lgnazio, Torino 1886, being taken from the Memoriedelta Peale Accadeniia delle Scienze di Torino, Serie 2, Tom. xxxviii.From this I have taken the various readings for my apparatus criticusin the present edition.The earlier part of these Coptic Acts (as far as § 3 wo dirta-Tuiv) inboth dialects was published by Revillout in the Revue Egyptologique in.p. 34 sq (1883), the Thebaic text being placed below the Memphitic onthe same page. The two texts were taken from the two mss describedabove, and indeed I am not aware of any other ms of either version.1Tattam in a letter to Cureton {Corp. Cod. xviii of vol. lxvi Vatic, in Zoega 'sIgn. p. 362) writes loosely, 'It is marked Catalogue of the Borgian mss'.

^66jACTS OF MARTYRDOMThough Revillout's publication had appeared before myfirst edition(1885), I was unaware of the fact. My own text of the Memphitic Actshad been passed through the press some time before its appearance.It is evident at once that these two versions are not independent theone of the other. Not only do they follow the same text with the sameinsertions and omissions, but they render the Greek in the same way.The one therefore must have been taken from the other ;and furtherexamination shows that the priority should be assigned toThough here and there we stumble on a passagethe Thebaic.which seems to pointwhich indicateto the Memphitic as the original, yet these are capable of being explainedotherwise. On the other hand the phenomenathat the Thebaic is the parent of the Memphitic are too numerous anddecisive to be set aside.Occasionally the Memphitic preserves a purerform of the Egyptian text where the existing Thebaic MS is corrupt ;but, as a rule, the Thebaic text is found to be older and closer to theoriginal Greek.From what has been said, it will have appeared that the two cannotbe regarded as independent authorities; but as each manuscriptismutilated in parts by the loss of a leaf or leaves, they supplement eachother, and no part iswanting to both versions. The Memphitic omitsa considerable portion of the 6th chapter ;the Thebaic is defective atthe beginning and leaves out parts of the 10th and nth chapters.There are likewise smaller omissions in other parts.Cureton (C. I. p. 362), while giving an extract from Peyron, speaksof these Coptic Acts as if they were a translation of the Colbertine or (asI prefer to call them) the A7itiochene Acts, though Peyron's own wordsought to have saved him from this erroneous identification. Zoega(I.e.) writes somewhat carelessly, 'Auctor videtur esse Heron quidam,nam circa finem inter alias invocationes S. Ignatii legitur ^pi^meiriAineuujHpi Hpcon Memento filii tui Heronis' The fact is that the Actsare followed by the Prayer of Hero, of which these words form part ;but there is nothing to connect the Acts themselves with Hero. Zahn(/. v. A. p. 3, note 6) is perplexed by this statement of Zoega, asrepeated by Tattam, and says that, if the statement be correct, this mustbe different from any known Martyrdom of Ignatius.3. The Bollandist Acts, extant only in Latin. A portion ofthese was published by Ussher in his Appc7idix Ignatiana (1647) fr°ma Cotton ms. This was, I suppose, Otho d. viii (see the Cataloguep. 369), since charred and rendered illegible by the fire. They wereafterwards given in full in the Bollandist Acta Sanctorum Febr. 1,'ex

OF S. IGNATIUS. 367pluribus eisque vetustissimis codicibus mss desumpta, et cum Rosweydoolim, turn nobis communicata : eorum praecipui sunt Lobiensis, Audomarensis,Ultrajectinus, aliusque Burgundicusa Chiffletio nostro transmissus'.The most convenient and best text is that of Funk (1881),who collated several manuscripts. Manuscripts of these Acts seem tobe numerous. Sometimes they are attached to the Latin version of theinterpolated and spurious Ignatian Epistles: e.g. Troyes 412; Brussels5510; Brussels 703 (perhaps a transcript from the preceding); Paris.Bibl. Nat. 1639 (formerly Cold. 1039). These mss have already beendescribed among the authorities for the text of the Ignatian Epistles.Sometimes the Acts of Martyrdom are apart from the epistles:Bodl. Laud. Lat. 31, fol. 118 a; Laud. Miscell. 114, fol. 61 b;Sangall. 454 l .4. The Armenian Acts, firstpublished by J. B. Aucher in hisArmenian Lives of all the Saints of the Armenian Calendar (Venice1 810— 1814), and reprinted from him by Petermann in his edition ofIgnatius (p. 496 sq). As these Acts contain the Epistle to the Romans,they have been already noticed in the account of the authorities for thetext of the Ignatian Epistles.5. The Acts of the Metaphrast. As these also contain theEpistle to the Romans, they have been noticed alreadyof the mss of the Ignatian Epistles.e.g.in the accountThe short Latin Acts, published by Moesinger [SuppL Corp. Lgnat.p. 18 sq) from a ms in the Vallicellian Library at Rome (see ib. p. 5),may be dismissed at once as ; they are put together from Rufinus'1It is necessary to warn readers whouse Petermann's edition for these Acts,that he has omitted a long paragraph,'Fuerunt autem custodientes ...pejoresfiunt', at the end of § 3 (p. 487) withoutany notice of the omission. It appearsin its proper place in the Bollandist ActaSanctorum p. 29 sq, but is omitted byUssher (p. 5), because Ussher was onlyconcerned with those parts which weretaken from the Antiochene Acts, andthis piece comes from the Roman Acts.Petermann seems to have copied Ussherand omitted itthrough inadvertence, ashis purpose is to give these Acts complete.Zahn {I. v. A. p. iS, note) ismisled by Petermann. This paragraphcertainly appears in the only two msswhich I have consulted for this part,Laud. Lat. 31, and Laud. Miscell. 114.So again in § 1 Petermann (p. 484) andZahn (/.c. )treat the words 'secunduspost apostolos factus, qui post Euodium 'as an interpolation in the Bollandist MSS,whereas they were probably omitted byUssher though found in his Cotton MS,because there was nothing correspondingto them in the Antiochene Acts. Thealternative hypothesis,that some laterscribe interpolated them from the RomanActs, is highly improbable.

3 68 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMLatin version of Eusebius and the account of Ignatius in the Martyrologyof Ado (see Zahn /. v. A. p. 30).2.The next pointis to determine the mutual relations of the fivedocuments described in the last section. And here our task is easy.The two first-mentioned Acts, which (for reasons which will appearpresently) I have called the Antiochene and the Roman respectively, arequite independent the one of the other while the ;remaining three arecombinations of these two more or less modified 1 .1. The first of these five documents begins with an account ofthe successful administration of the Antiochene Church by Ignatiusunder the persecution of Domitian and during the early part of Trajan'sreign (§ 1).We are then carried forward to the ninth year of Trajan.The emperor, elated by his victories over the Scythians and Dacians, isexasperated by the refusal of the Christians to worship the gods ofheathendom. Their subjugationisnecessary to crown his triumphs.He is now at Antioch, preparing for his expedition against Armenia andthe Parthians. Ignatiusis summoned before him. After some altercation,which turns entirely on the word #eo

of a convict.OF S. IGNATIUS. 369From Antioch he goes to Seleucia the port-town, wherehe takes ship for Smyrna. Arrived at Smyrna, he enjoys the society ofPolycarp, formerly his fellow-disciple under the tuition of S. John.Here he receives delegates from the churches, and exhorts them tosecond his desire of martyrdom (§ 3).As a reward for their kindlyattention, he writes letters of exhortation to them. At this point theEpistle to the Romans is inserted to show the spirit of his letters (§ 4).From Smyrna he is hurried forward by his guards to Troas thence ; byand Macedonia toship to Neapolis thence ; by land through PhilippiEpidamnus, where again he embarks. The course of the vessel isthrough the Adriatic and Tyrrhene seas to Portus. As they pass byPuteoli, he desires to land there, so that he may tread in the footstepsof S. Paul ;but adverse winds prevent this. At Portus he disembarks(§ 5). Leaving this place, he and his companions are met by 'thebrethren 'who had heard the rumour of his coming. He entreatsthem not to interpose and rob him of his crown. Immediately onhis arrival he is carried to the amphitheatre. It is the great 'thirteenth' day, and the spectacle is already drawing to a close. Hehad prayed that his remains might not give any trouble to the brethren.His prayer is granted. The beasts devour all but the more solidbones. These are carried back to Antioch, and preserved as reliquesthere (§ 6).happened on the xiii Kal. Jan., in the consulship of Sura andSenecio 11. His companions, who relate the facts, were comfortedduring the night following by various appearances of the martyredsaint. They write this account to the Antiochene Church, that the veryday of the martyrdom may be religiously observed (§ 7).Thus itappears that in these Acts the centre of interest is Antioch.Antioch is the scene of the interview and condemnation ;at Antiochthe martyr's remains are deposited and venerated. It will be seen alsohereafter, that these Acts were probably written at Antioch, and thattheir principal circulation at first was in this city and neighbourhood.I have therefore called them the A?itioche?ie Acts.2. The second of these documents likewise gives the date as the9th year of Trajan, but the consuls are differently named, Atticus Surbanusand Marcellus. Ignatius, the successor of Euodius as bishop ofAntioch, is sent to Rome in custody of ten soldiers of the body-guard,of whose cruelty he complains in his letter. He is taken through Asia,he sails toand thence to Thrace and Rhegium (§ 1).From RhegiumRome. At Rome he is heard by Trajan in the presenceof the senate.IGN. II.24

370 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMThe emperor attempts at first to bribe him ;he will make him highpriestof Jupiter and share his sovereignty with him, if he will recant.Ignatius refuses (§ 2).Then ensues a long altercation between theemperor and the saint, in which the senate from time to time joins.Ignatius ridicules the myths of the gods and assails their morality.Trajan intersperses his part of the dialogue with arguments more powerfulthan words ;he threatens and inflicts a series of the most excruciatingtortures, but without producing — any effect. This interview extendsover several long chapters (§§ 3 9).The emperor ends by condemninghim to starve in prison three days and nights, that he may bebrought to his senses. The senate confirms the sentence (§ 9).On thethird day Ignatius is led into the theatre in the presence of the emperor,the senate, the prefect, and the Roman mob. At the last moment heis offered his release, if he will deny his faith. He refuses. Two lionsare let loose upon him. They crush him to death, but do not devourany part of his flesh. This was done, we are told, that his reliquesmight shield from harm the city, ' in which Peter was crucified and Paulwas beheaded and Onesimus was perfected' (§ 10).But Trajanisdismayed at his own act ;and to increase his dismay,letters arrive from Pliny informing him how the innocent Christianspress forward in crowds to suffer death for their faith.So he allows thebody of the saint to be buried. The Christian brethren deposita place where they can meet together safely from time to time to commemoratehis martyrdom (§ 11).it inAfter this the writer adds the testimony of Irenaeus and Polycarp tothe circumstances of Ignatius' life (tacitly borrowed from Euseb. H. E.iii.36) and the whole closes with the mention of the day of the commemoration—; the1st of Panemus (July)— and the name of the martyr'ssuccessor Hero (§ 12).As in the former case the interest of the story centred in Antioch, sohere it centres in Rome. In Rome the saint is heard and condemnedby the emperor ;at Rome his body is preserved. I have thereforedesignated these the Roman Acts. By this designation however it isnot meant to imply that they were actually written in Rome. They canhardly have been composed before the beginning of the fifth century atthe very earliest ;and long before this time Greek had ceased to be thevulgar tongueof the Church in Rome. There are some indicationsindeed, as I shall point out hereafter, that these Acts were written atAlexandria ; but, whether intentionally or not, they are subservient tothe interests of the Roman Church.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 37 TThese two Acts of Martyrdom are quite independent, the one of theother. They unite indeed in assigning the martyrdom to the 9th yearof Trajan ;but in all the other details they are not only distinct, butcontradictory to each other, agreeing only in the main facts of a journeyto Rome, an interview with Trajan, and a martyrdom in the amphitheatre.In the remaining three documents in which these two conflictingaccounts are combined in different ways, the patch-work isapparent.more or less3. The clumsiest form of the combined narrative appearsin theBollandist Acts. In this recension little or no attemptis made to fusethe Antiochene and Roman Acts. In the incidents at Antioch andthe journey to Rome the former account is followed {Mart. Ant. §§ 1—5),with two unimportant exceptions in § 1— a notice giving the successiontothe see of Antioch and a paragraph relating to the cruel treatment ofhis guards— both these being insertions from the Roman Acts (seeabove, p. 367, note). As soon as Ignatius arrives in the metropolis,the latter account is taken up and continued to the close {Mart. Rom.§§ 2 — 12). Thus the end of the first document and the beginning ofthe second are knocked off; and the two, thus mutilated, are joinedtogether. The narrative at its joining runs thus :'Denique una die etea nocte prosperis ventis usi pervenerunt ad urbem Romam : et nuntiaveruntimperatori de adventu ejus.' This sentence is made up ofrotyapovv iv fjua rj/xepa koll vvkti rrj avrfj ovptois dvi/Jiois Trpoayp-qaafxzvoLfrom Mart. Ant. 5, followed by izapayivovTat [v. 1. 7rap€yivovro] Zv Trjôifxy'koI 7rpo

»The hypothesis of Zahn (/. v. A. p. mediate Syriac version, has been con-37 2 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMall, or nearly all, the incidents of both accounts, and yet to guard theunity of the story. From the Antiochene Acts he has taken the wholeaccount of the interview with Trajan at Antioch, the journey to Rome,and the martyrdom, borrowing here and there an incident or an expressionfrom the Roman Acts. To the Roman Acts he is indebted for thelengthy altercation between the emperor and the saint, with the accountof the tortures inflicted on the latter in the course of this examination.This portion of the story however he has transferred from Rome toAntioch, insertingit in the midst of the conversation between Trajanand Ignatius as given in the Antiochene Acts, and thus the incongruityof the Bollandist Acts, which relate two interviews with Trajan atdifferent places and two condemnations, has been avoided. Occasionallythe compiler has inserted notices which have no counterpart ineither the Antiochene or the Roman narrative, and these he perhapsinvented himself. But with one or two exceptions (see below, p. 373),the insertions are slight and unimportant. The Armenian versionisunfortunately so edited that it is not always easy to separate thenotices inserted by the editor Aucher from the body of the Armeniantext which he had before him. One chapter (§ 50), which gives anaccount of the authorship of this document, is described by Petermannas < additamentum editoris'; by which expression he probablymeans Aucher, as Zahn (I.v. A. p. 24) takes him to mean. In thischapter it is stated that the copy before the writer was < translated fromthe Greek.' If this statement is Aucher's own, we should be glad toknow on what authority he made it. If we may judge from hislanguage in his preface (see Petermann, p. 496),he had no authenticinformation on this point, but offers it as his own decided opinion.There is no reason however for questioning its truth 1 .The amalgamationof the two narratives is much more likely to have been the work ofa Greek compiler than of an Armenian translator.This Armenian Martyrdom is made up as follows :§§ 1—5 (PP- 497—5°5> ed. Petermann), 'Paulo ante... male pereant,'from Mart. Ant. §§ 1, 2/Ap 8ia8e£a^vov ... KaK

OF S. IGNATIUS. 37 3Rom., which is afterwards followed. In § 4 it isworthy of notice that,whereas in one place Ignatius voluntarily goes to Trajan (after Mart.Ant. 2 e/couo-icos rjyiro),in another he is represented as ordered into theemperor's presence (after Mart. Rom. 2 UiXewzv . ..do-axOfjvai avrov).There are also amplifications and explanations (e.g. that Trajan succeededNerva) due to the redactor himself, if not to Aucher.§ 5 (P« 5°5)

374 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMArmenian,cabant beatum, et absumseruntsanctum corpus ejus,et implebatur desiderium ejussecundum dictum divinae scripturaequod desiderium justornm accept a-bile est. Etenim volebat ut absumeretura bestiis et non molestafieret collectio corporis ipsius fratribus;et secundum desideriumpromtitudinis ejus itidem et fecitDeus. Etenim quum absumsissentbestiae totum corpus sancti, paullumquidquam e magnis ossibus reliquerunt,quod postea abstulerunt inAntiochenorum urbem, thesaurumincomparabilem in testimoniumgratiae sanctae ecclesiae relictum.''Sed tunc conventum instituentessancti fratres qui Romae erant,quibus et scripsit beatus ut nonimpedimento fierent ipsius bonoproposito, et tollentes reliquiassancti posuerunt in loco quodam,in quo accidebat congregatis unalaudare Deum et filium ejus unigenitumet sanctum spiritum in memoriamdecessus sancti episcopi etmartyris; etenim et memoria justorumcum laude, proverbiorumauctordixit.'Greek.e£ eKaTepMV tujv fxepuiv Trpoo"7Teo-6vT€Sa.7T€7rvLâv p,6vov, ovk WtyovSe avtovtwv o~apKv1VI. R. 10.ok TrapavToi tov ayiov pcaprvpos"\yvariov TrX-qpovcrOat ttjv iit$vp.iavKara to yeypapipievov iiviBvp.ia Si-KaiOV $€KT7], Xva pLTjOCVL rwv aSeAcf>

•OF S. IGNATIUS. 375'crushing' is retained, but the qualifying adverb 'only' (fxovov) is omitted,and the beasts proceed to devour the body, (ii)The deposition of thereliques and gatherings of the Roman brethren to commemorate themartyr are also adopted from the Roman story ;but the account isintroduced by the words 'sed tunc/ to show that this was only theirtemporary resting-place, prior to their translation to Antioch,— §49 (pp. 543 545) 'et dum nos noctem...Januarias,' the accountof the appearances of Ignatius to his friends on the night after themartyrdom, from Mart. Ant. 7 eyeVero Sk ravra ... fxaKaplo-avres toVaytov but the date is transferred from the beginning to the end of thissection; the day is altered from xiii Kal. Jan. to ix Kal. Jan. (apparentlyto suit the Armenian Calendar) ;and the names of the consuls areomitted.§ 5° (P- 545) i s an addition of the editor, as already stated,§ 51 (pp. 545, 547) 'Novit ejus martyrium ... gavisuros esse,' fromMart. Rom. 12 olSev Se avrov . . .McpeXrjOjjo-to-Oe, the passage of Eusebiuscontaining the testimony of Irenaeus and Polycarp respecting Ignatius.§ 5 2 (P- 547) runs 'Pone verba Polycarpi addit Eusebius Illud quidem,quod de sancto Ignatio erat et martyrium ejus hucusque ; excepitepiscopatum Antiochiae Heron.' This corresponds to Mart. Rom. 12tovto 'lyvaTLovto fxapTvptov. . ."Hpwv, where however the name of Eusebiusis not mentioned. The editor then continues 'At pone hasEusebianas sectiones rursus profert collectio [i.e.Actorum] tanquam exore genuini auctoris sic' The words which follow are an amalgamation:'Memoriam Deo dilecti et pro-/cat ecrriv 7/ ixvrj/xrjrov OeocpuXebiathletae Ignatii in Hrotitz men-

376 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMof Symeon the Metaphrast use the materials much more 1.freely Witha higher literary aim, the author recasts both the diction and the incidents,toning down the ruggedness of the one and rejectingthe morerevolting features of the other. But though he alters without scruple,it is easy to trace the influence of one or other of the independentnarratives throughout the main part of his composition. Like theauthor of the Armenian Acts, he borrows the dispute with Trajan fromthe Roman story and transfers it in like manner to Antioch. Thediscussion however is much curtailed, and the tortures are omitted.At the commencement he introduces the story that Ignatius was thechild whom our Lord took up in His arms and blessed (§ i); and atthe close, where he mentions the translation of the reliques from Rometo Antioch (§ 24), he seems to be recalling the language of S. Chrysostomin his panegyric on the martyr {Op. 11. p. 600 b, ed. Bened.).With these exceptions, he does not appear to employ any other sourcesof information but the two independent Acts of Martyrdom, which heamalgamates.Our firstimpulse is to suppose that the Metaphrast had before himnot the two independent narratives, but the same combined narrativewhich the Armenian translatedfrom the Greek into his own language.The discussion on the name ©eoopos from the Antiochene story isinterrupted in the same way by interposing the altercation with Trajanfrom the Roman story ;and in the account of the scene in the theatreand the disposal of the reliques there is a similar juxtaposition offeatures derived from both narratives. But a closer examination dispelsthis first impression. The Metaphrast preserves portions from eachstory,which are not found in the combined narrative of the ArmenianActs. Thus for example these last-mentioned Acts have nothing correspondingto § 4 kou tl l(TTi 0eocfi6po

OF S. IGNATIUS. 377order in the Armenian version (§ 36, and § 6). It seems probabletherefore that the Metaphrast fitted together the two stories for himself;but if he used a combined narrative, it must have been somewhat differentfrom that which was in the hands of the Armenian translator.It remains to enquire whether either of the two Acts of Martyrdom,which alone have an independent character, the Antiochene and theRoman, deserves any consideration as regards historical credibility.And here we may at once dismiss the Roman Acts, for internalevidence condemns this work as a pure romance. The exaggeratedtortures inflicted on the saint, the length and character of the discoursesattributed to him, and the strange overtures made to him by the emperor,all alike are fatal to the credit of the narrative.Moreover, the writer is not even consistent with himself. He givesthe year of the emperor's reign and the names of the consuls at thetime of the martyrdom (§ 1, see the note).The one date is irreconcilablewith the other. He states also that letters reached Trajan fromPliny after the martyrdom. The receipt of these letters isrepresentedas following so immediately on this event, that they influence the emperorin the disposal of the body (§ 11). This statement again cannotbe harmonized with either of the dates given in the opening chapter.The year of the emperor's reign points to a. d. 106, or 105 at theearliest; the names of the consuls give a.d. 104: but the proconsulshipof Pliny in Bithynia, and the consequent letters respecting theChristians, cannot date before about a.d. 112 (see below, p. 393 sq).Nor is there any reason for supposing that this document wasfounded on an earlier writing or tradition. Zahn indeed has endeavouredto show this (/.v. A. p. 31 sq), but his evidence to my mindfails to establish his point.(1) His first witness isJerome. This father (Catal. 16), after givingan account of the letters of Ignatius which is taken altogether fromEusebius (H. E. iii.36), adds; 'Quumque jam damnatus esset ad bestias,So at least thisardore patiendi, cum rugientes audiret leones, ait, Frumentum Christisum ;dentibus bestiaram molar ut > panis tnundus inveniar. Passus estanno decimo 1. (v. undecimo) Trajani: reliquiae corporis ejus Antiochiaejacent extra portam Daphniticam in coemeterio.'father's text is read in the common editions. In like manner our

378 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMmartyrologist ascribes these same words to Ignatius (§ 10), when he isactually in the amphitheatre and sees the wild beasts let loose 1 . Andas Jerome was several times at Antioch from a.d. 373 onward and heldintimate relations with the Antiochene Church, it is argued by Zahnthat he derived this tradition from Antioch itself, where also he learntabout the burial place of Ignatius.But what was Jerome's position with relation to Ignatius ? There isno evidence that he had ever seen the Ignatian letters. He only twiceelsewhere quotes or attempts to quote Ignatius. The one quotation(Comm. in Matth. i. § 1, Op. vn. p. 12) is a stock passage from Ephes.19, and occurs in a work of Origen Horn, vi in Luc. 1 {Op. in. p. 938),which Jerome himself translated. The other {adv. Pelag. iii. 2, Op. 11.p. 783) is a mere blunder; for the words which he ascribes to Ignatiusbelong to Barnabas, and here again he probably owed the quotation toOrigen, misnaming however the author. In this very notice of Ignatiusin the Catalogue he borrows the whole of the preceding account of thelife and letters from Eusebius ;but even thus he falls into a strangeblunder. Misled by an expression of Eusebius {rfj ^fxypvaimv eK/cA^crta,iSiws re t), he identifies the Epistle tothe Smyrnseans with the special letter to Polycarp, and consequentlyquotes as from the latter a passage which Eusebius gives as from theformer {Smym. 3).When therefore we find that his account of the sayingof Ignatius in the amphitheatre has likewise a parallel inthe narrativeof Eusebius, which he might easily misunderstand so as to bear thissense, we are led perforce to conclude that here also he was indebted tothis same source. The words of Eusebius are :'And Irenseus alsoknows of his martyrdom and makes mention of his letters, saying thus :As one of our own people said, when he was condemned to wild beasts forhis testimony {fiaprvpiav) to God ; I am the wheat of God, and I amground {dXrfOofxai) by the teeth of wild beasts, that I may be found purebread.' The saying occurs in Rom. 5, whence Irenseus doubtless derivedit;but the language of this father, though not incorrect, is sufficientlyambiguous to mislead one unacquainted with the letters, andJerome accordingly, if the common text be correct, has transferred thesaying to the time of the martyrdom, embellishingit with a rhetorical1 Pearson (Vind. Ign. p. 189) suggests this view untenable. With more cogencythat Jerome did not really mean to as- Pearson urges (pp. 189 sq, 610) that itcribe these words to Ignatius at the time does not matter what Jerome meant,of martyrdom ;but if we retain the com- since his information is derived at secondmon text, which Pearson had before him, hand from Eusebius.I agree with Zahn (p. 32) in considering

OF S. IGNATIUS. 379flourish of his own, 'quum rugientesaudiret leones.' But the correcttext appears to be 'et ardore patiendi rugientes audiret leones,' andthis probably means that in his eagerness for martyrdom the saintalready heard by anticipation the roaring of the lions. The author ofthese Roman Acts, who likewise had Eusebius before him, ihough notunacquainted with the epistles themselves, has made the same mistakewhich Jerome is supposed to have made.(2) The second passage, to which Zahn refers, is taken from thepanegyric of Chrysostom on Ignatius. The words of Chrysostom are :'Therefore that all the inhabitants of Rome might learn these thingsin deed, God allowed the saint to be martyred (reAeiw^vai) there.And that this was the reason, I will make good (tovto 7tio-t

380 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMindeed passages in our Acts (§§ 2, 5) lo which the allusion might convenientlybe referred. But this contrast between the temporal and theeternal tortures was an obvious commonplace of martyrologies and;the threats and blandishments of a tyrant were almost a necessity insuch a scene. The elements moreover of Chrysostom'srhetoric arefound in the language of Ignatius himself, Rom. 5, 6, 7, where he defiesthe present tortures for the sake of the future kingdom and denouncesthe attempts of 'the prince of this world' to corrupt his mind and diverthim from his purpose.(3) Zahn's third argument is built on a coincidence with the spuriousEpistle to the Antiochenes. In the Acts of Martyrdom (§ 6) Ignatius,addressing Trajan, describes the Christians as 'obedient to rulerswhereinsoever the obedience is free from peril' (v7roTao-o-ofxivovs apxovo-tviv oh aKtVSvj/os -q vTrorayrj)', while to the Antiochenes he is made towrite (§ 11), 'Be ye obedient to Caesar, whereinsoever the obedience isfree from peril' (tw Kaurapi v7TOTayr}T€.iv ol

OF S. IGNATIUS. 38 1in the genuine Ignatius Ikzlvov tprfrd rov virep >)pv d-rroQavovra, ckcivovOeku) rov 81 tffjLas arao-Tavra, but is read by the interpolator eK&vov t,rjrcorov vrrep yjjxiovdirodavovra kcli avacrravra. Moreover in other passagesour martyrologist reproduces expressions that were first inserted intothe Epistle to the Romans in the interpolator's recension, though theyhave also crept into the text of the genuine Ignatius in later authorities;e.g. COmp. § 2 ovre /?ao-iA.eia? Kooyu/oys icpU/xat with Rom. 4 fxrjSkv e7rt-Ovpziv kovixikov, lb. tl yap oic^^XrjOrjO'OfxaL iav rov Koap.ov 6\ov Kephqawrrjv 8c x^vyrjv puov t,rjp.LO)6o) with Rom. 6 tl yap locpeXelraL dv6pa>7ro} /?Ac7ro/x€va attovta, § 10 atro? yap Icttiv dOavacrias /cat 7ro/xa£0*77? alaiVLOv with Rom. 7 dprov t,o)yjs...Kai nop.a...devvao

382 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMwe know, to have found itsway into the native Egyptian Church. Therelations between Alexandria and Rome were sufficiently close toaccount for the circulation of these Acts in the Western Church, whilethe special prominence assigned to Rome in the narrative would securefor them a favourable reception there. To account for this prominenceno recondite motive need be sought. A romance writer, founding hisstory on the single fact that Ignatius was martyred at Rome, wouldnaturally assume that his trial also took place in the metropolis andthat his reliques were deposited there. The one inference which maybe safely drawn from this treatment is the complete isolation of thewriter from the influences of Antiochene sentiment and Antiochenetradition 1 .The time of writing can only be determined within very rough limits.The writer isevidently acquainted with the Ecclesiastical History ofEusebius. Several facts and expressions in the opening chapter (e.g.fX€Ta. e7TtjiteA.e(rTaT'^s tppovpuiv v\aK7]S, airo %vpia

OF S. IGNATIUS. 38 1therefore allow time for its combination with the Antiochene Actsand for translation into Latin before this date. The correspondingGreek witnesses are later. The Mencea for Dec. 20 show a knowledgeof the Roman as well as of the Antiochene Acts ;but whetherthey were used separately, or in a combined form, may be open toquestion. Zahn (/.v. A. p. 28) argues from the expression onS^pots ovv£i(p. 143, ed. Venet. 1863), that the compiler must have used the samecombined narrative which ispreserved in the Armenian version. TheArmenian Acts (§ 31) also introduce the epithet ferrets tmgulis, wherethe Greek has merely rots ow£l (§ 9). But this inference from theinsertion of a single obvious word is not conclusive. In § 4this sameepithet is supplied by the Coptic, version. In the Menology of BasilPorphyrogenitus also (circ. a. d. 980), under Jan. 29, a knowledge ofthese Acts appears {Patrol. Graec. cxvn. 284, Migne). The Laus fferonisis another and probably an earlier witness ;but of its date we have noevidence. Ussher was disposed to assignit to the author of the spuriousand interpolated Ignatian letters (Ign. et Pol. Ma?'t. p. 131). It hasseemed hitherto to be a sufficient answer to this hypothesis that theLaus Hero?iis, existing only in Latin, was probably written originallyin this language (Zahn /. v. A. p. ^8). But the discovery of a Copticversion alters the case. It is not very probable that a Coptic versionwould be translated from Latin, and we are led therefore to postulate aUssher's hypothesis however has nothing to recommendGreek original.it. We might with greater plausibility urge that this document proceededfrom the same author as our Acts, to which it is attached inthe Coptic version. But however this may be, the writer seems to beacquainted with our story for;he speaks of Ignatius as ' confoundingTrajan and the senate of Rome.' On the whole we may say that theseRoman Acts cannot well have been written before the fifth century,and probably were not written later than the sixth.The claims of the Antiochene Acts deserve greater consideration.Their substantial genuineness has been maintained by Ussher, Pearson,and Leclerc, among earlier critics, and by a considerable number ofmore recent writers. But the objections which have been urged againstthem of late, more especially by Uhlhorn {Die Ignatianischen Briefe p.248 sq) and Zahn (/.v. A. p. 41 sq), must be felt to have the greatestweight ;and the only question which can now be seriously entertainedis whether— though spurious in — their present form they may not haveincorporated some earlier and authentic document and thus contain aresiduum of fact. This question will now be considered.

384 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM1. The internal evidence is decidedly adverse to their claims to beregarded as an authentic document, either wholly or in great part.The difficulties under this head are as follows.(i)These Acts are not consistent with themselves. They give theyear of Trajan in which the martyrdom occurred (§ 2), and the namesof the consuls for the year (§ 7).But the two are not easily reconcilable(see the note on § 7 %vpa kox Scve/aWos k.t.X.).Stillgreat stress can be laid upon this discrepancy, since the names of theconsuls might easily have been a later insertion.(ii) They contradict the genuine Epistles of Ignatius. Eusebiushas rightlyinferred from the letters that the martyr was carried overlandthrough Asia Minor (H. E. hi. 36 ttjv Sl 'Ao-tas dvaKOfxiSrjv...7roLovfxevo

OF S. IGNATIUS. 385crushed the Dacians and Scythians, as he intended shortly to crush theParthians (§ 2).(iii)Not less irreconcilable are the incidents in these Acts withexternal history. Historyis silent about any visit of Trajan to Antioch,or any expedition against Parthia, at this time. His actual campaignagainst the Parthians, on which occasion he made a long sojourn atAntioch, took place several years later than the date assigned to themartyrdom in these Acts, whether the year of Trajan's reign (§2) or thenames of the consuls (§ 7) be taken to determine the time. In eithercase the time of the martyrdom falls in the interval between the emperor'searlier campaigns in the North and his later campaigns in theEast, during which interval he was residing in Rome and Italy, andbusying himself chiefly with public works (see below, p. 407 sq).Soalso the account of the persecution, to which I have already referred,is too far removed from the actual occurrences to have proceeded froma contemporary writer, however prejudiced. It is equally irreconcilablewith Trajan's own rescript to Pliny, in which, so far from entertainingthis dogged purpose of stamping out Christianity, the emperorbetrays a temporising policy, being desirous as far as possible tominimise the judicial proceedings against the Christians, and withthe account of Eusebius, who correctly describes the sufferings of thebelievers under Trajan as confined to particularlocalities and due topopular excitement (If.E. iii.32 [AtpiKws /cat Kara 7roA.€i

^86ACTS OF MARTYRDOMterestecl in such information, but to the persons addressed it was quitesuperfluous.2. Nor are these Acts discredited by their internal character alone.The external testimony is notably defective. Not a single witness totheir existence has been adduced till the close of the sixth century.They were unknown to Eusebius who, as we have seen (p. 384), correctlysends Ignatius by land to Smyrna, thus contradicting the story ofour Acts in one of its main features. Moreover Eusebius says nothingof the altercation with Trajan, of whose intervention he betrays noknowledge. Lastly when he has occasion to mention the account of;Polycarp's martyrdom, he speaks of it as the earliest written narrativeof the kind with which he was acquainted (H. E. iv. 15 avayKatoraxov8e axiTov to riXoq tyypdai

OF S. IGNATIUS. 387the close of the sixth century, and this is explicit enough. The noticeis significant and deserves to be given at length 1 .'At that time also,' writes Evagrius, 'the divine Ignatius (asCemetery of Antioch to the Tychpeum in 1Evagr. H. E. i. 16 Tore /cat 'lyvdrios this city. Hence the erroneous heading of6 decrvecrios, u>s 'ludvvrj Tip'VriTopi cvv erepoisthe chapter, "07rws 6 deovop.ao~To, Tip deocpopip /cat pidp-Tprjyopiov Tavrrjv e^dpavros. ylyove 8e Tvpi exaptfero, thus making TheodosiusraOra exeWev gvdev [ ], tov Qeov t as transfer the reliques from Rome tobcrias tQ>v dyiwv tl/ulwvtos p.vqp\as k.t.X. Antioch, and identifying the sepulchretovto ftdpa r)v to oiKcvopiotipievov irapd tov in the Cemetery with the Tychaeum. ItaojTrjpos Qeov, ws dv /cat tuv fie/iapTvprjkotiovmay be well to add by way of caution1) dvvapiis ^k8t]Xos y, /cat tov dyiov that in the opening sentence of Nice-fxaprvpos rd evayrj Xelxpava evaye'i pierevexdcievphorus, 'Ev 8e Tip Tore /cat 6 deocpoposX KaXXiarip repievei Tipiwp.eva. 'lyvdrios e/c 'Pw/i??? els ttjv KiovaravTivovThe passage is translated literally in the dveKopiiêTo, the word KuvaTavTivov musttext, without any attempt to improve be regarded as a mere scribe's blunderupon the style of Evagrius which is as for 'Avtioxov (assisted perhaps by thebad as possible. The words which I contractions). This appears both fromhave inserted in brackets [ ] seem to be the parallel passage of Evagrius and fromrequired to complete the sense. The passagethe context of Nicephorus, which through-is obviously mutilated, as the break out contemplates Antioch and not Con-in the construction after eneWev evdev stantinople as the place of translation.shows, though commentators do not The Bollandist editors have argued fromappear to have noticed the fact. Bythis KiovaTavr'ivov as if it were genuine.this mutilation an apparent confusion is For the meaning of 5td in the openingcreated between the original translation sentence of Evagrius, 5td tQv \j-KoXei

388 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMrecorded by Joannes Rhetor and others) — forasmuch as he had met hisdeath in the amphitheatre of Rome findinghis tomb in the bellies ofthe wild beasts in fulfilment of his own wish, and afterwards, so far asregards the tougher bones that remained, which were conveyed back tothe city of Antiochus, had been deposited in the Cemetery, as it iscalled— was translated long years afterwards, when the good God putit into the mind of Theodosius to honor the God-bearer with higherhonours, and to dedicate to the victorious martyr a sanctuary given overfrom ancient times to the demons, and called the Tychseum (or Templeof Fortune) by the people of the place. Thus the ancient Tychaeum ismade into a consecrated shrine and holy precinct dedicated to Ignatius,his sacred reliques having with sacred pomp been conveyed throughthe city on a car and deposited in the precinct. Whence also apublic festival and isgeneral rejoicing celebrated down to our owntimes, the archbishop (high-priest) Gregory having exalted this festivalto greater magnificence.' 'This then has providentially been so orderedby God our Saviour, that the power also of those who have sufferedmartyrdom might be clearly manifest and the sacred reliques of theholy martyr might be translated to a sacred place, being honoured witha most beautiful sanctuary.'The historian Evagrius himself wrote about the close of the sixthcentury. His history reaches down to a.d. 594, and no later eventin his own life is on record. The Gregory, whom he mentions, washis contemporary and friend, and held the patriarchate of Antioch fromabout a.d. 570 or 571 to a.d. 593 or 594. Joannes Rhetor, whoseauthority he quotes, was the author of a history which comprised theperiod from the commencement of the reign of the younger Theodosiusto the earthquakes and fire at Antioch in a.d. 526 (Evagr. H. E. iv. 5).The translation of the bones of Ignatius, which is recorded, took placein the reign of the younger Theodosius who succeeded to the empireas a child, when 7 years old, and reigned from a.d. 408 to a.d. 450.The incident is related immediately after the notices of Isidore ofPelusium and Synesius of Cyrene (i. 15) and immediately before theaccount of Attila's invasions.Thus, as a rough approximation, we maysuppose that the translation to the Tychaeum took place about a. d.43°—44°-The account here given by Evagrius of the preservation of thetougher bones and the conveyance of these reliques from Rome toAntioch is clearly not independent of the story of our martyrologist(§ 6 fxova yap ra rpaûrepa rdv ayiwv avrov Xeuj/dvwv 7re puXeiÔr), oltivoleh rrjv 'Avno^ciav air zKofxiaO-q k.t.a.), and may have been taken directly

OF S. IGNATIUS. 389from it. The alternative remains, that both alike were derived from somecommon source, e. g. the account of Joannes Rhetor ;and this solutionis far from improbable. However this may be, the narrative of Evagriusishighly suggestive as to the origin of these Acts. The translationof the martyr's bones from the Cemetery outside the Daphnitic Gateto the Tychaeum by Theodosius 11 would arouse curiosity withrespect to the history of the reliques. The saint had been devouredby wild beasts at Rome, and the presence of his bones at Antiochneeded explanation. The document would be compiled to gratify thiscuriosity and to supply this explanation. Either at the time of thetranslation, or more probably at some later date, when public interestwas excited on the subject, as for instance when the patriarch Gregoryadded new splendours to the festival of the martyr, the narrative wouldmake itsappearance. To this subject I shall have to return again,when I come to speak of the change in the day of the saint's commemoration.At a later date this document obtains a wide circulation. It findsitsway into the Mencea. It is translated into Syriac. It is used bythe Metaphrast. It is combined with the Roman Acts in differentways; and, thus combined, it is read not only by Greek-speakingChristians, but also in Armenia and in all the Churches of LatinChristendom.It has been seen then, that these Acts have no claim to be regardedas an authentic narrative. But the possibility remains that theymay have embodied some earlier document and thus may preserve aresiduum of genuine tradition. Such a residuum, if it exists at all,will naturally be looked for in those portions which profess to be relatedby eye-witnesses, and in which the first person plural is employed.But, even when so limited, the hypothesis of authenticity is involvedin great difficulties. As Zahn (/. v. A. p. 42 sq) has truly remarked,the firstperson plural in this document does not justifyitself in thesame way as in the Acts of the Apostles. There it is suddenly droppedat Philippi, and resumed again at the same place after an interval ofseveral chapters and a lapse of several years (Acts xvi. 17, xx. 5).Here on the contrary there is no such propriety in its presence orabsence. If the writers were, as many critics suppose, Philo andRhaius Agathopus, whom we learn from the letters to have been in themartyr's company at Troas (Philad. 11, Smyrn. 10, 13) the 'we' mightbe expected to appear, while the martyr was still on the shores of theÊgaean (see above, p. 279). As a matter of fact, its first occurrence iswhere we should least look for it—on the Tyrrhene Sea, as the ship is

390 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMapproaching the Italian shore (§ 5 ovpioK dvi/xois 7rpocrxPW°'f JLa/0i W^wixkv k.t.X.).Still the objection is very far from being fatal while on;the other hand there is at least a naturalness in its introduction withoutany attempt to justify or explain Moreover it. I cannot help feelingimpressed with the air of truthfulness, or at least of verisimilitude, in someincidents in the latter portion of the narrative which have excited thesuspicions of others. Thus Hilgenfeld (A. V. p. 215) argues that thedesire of landing at Puteoli, attributed to Ignatius, is due to the writer'swish ' to make his journey to Rome as like as possibleto that of theinference. It isApostle.' To my mind it suggests the very oppositenot easy to see how two journeys from the shores of the Levant toRome could differ more widely. S. Paul goes by sea to Melita;Ignatius crosses over Macedonia and Epirus to Dyrrhachium.S. Paullands at Puteoli ; Ignatius is prevented from landing there and disembarksat Portus. The two journeys in short have nothing incommon, except the fact that both travellers were on the Adriatic andTyrrhene seas. The voyage of Josephus Vita ( 3) bears a much closerresemblance to S. Paul's. On the other hand, if this is not an authentictradition, itshows some artistic skill and very much self-restraint in themartyrologist, that having an unfettered license of invention as regardshis incidents, and remembering, as evidently he does remember, theexpress desire of the saint to tread in the footsteps of S. Paul (Efihes.12 ov yivotro pot v7t6 rd lx v l eipeOrjvcu), he not only refrains fromrepresenting it as fulfilled, but even emphasizes the disappointment ofthe hope. So again, objection has been taken to the appearance of thesaint to his friends on the night after the martyrdom (§ 7), as if thiswere impossible in an authentic document. But here too I cannot butthink that such an apparition was in the highest degree natural afterthe agonizing scenes of the day, and with the tension of feeling whichthey must have left behind in the mourners. If I mistake not, scoresof parallels could be produced from contemporary and genuine narrativesof the deaths of saints and martyrs in later ages. At the sametime it is very difficult to separate these incidents from the inauthenticreferences to the reliques and to the day of commemoration with whichthey are closely connected, and which also are given in the firstpersonplural (§ 7 icfjavepwaafxev vfjuv k.t.X.). Still I should be disposed tobelieve, that the martyrologist had incorporated into the latter portionof his narrative a contemporary letter of the martyr's companions containingan account of the journey from Philippi and the death, thoughfreely interpolating and altering it, where he was so disposed. But

OF S. IGNATIUS. 391one consideration is so serious as to be almost fatal to this hypothesis.It isfifthextremely improbable that such a document should turn up in theor sixth century, though wholly unknown to previous ages.The Chronology of Trajan's reig?i requires investigation as a preliminarystep towards any discussion respecting the time of the martyrdomof Ignatius. The labours of Borghesi, Mommsen, and other recentcritics, have contributed greatly to a more satisfactory arrangement ofthe dates of this period ;and the Fasti, as given by previous writerssuch as Clinton, require considerable modification in consequence.The investigations of Borghesi are scattered up and down his works, towhich frequent references will be given below. Mommsen's Fasti ofthis reign will be found in his article Zur Lebensgeschichte des jiingerenPlinius in Hermes in. p. 31 sq. From it I have mainly taken the namesof the consuls, but not without verification. Under each year I havegiven the typical and important inscriptions, so that the reader may testfor himself the epigraphical evidence on which the chronology rests 1 .1For this purpose I have madeespecial use of the more recent standardcollections of inscriptions, where thegenuineness and accurate transcriptionof the documents can be depended upon,more especially the Corpus InscripiionumLatinarum of the Berlin Academy,compiled by Mommsen and his fellowlabourers.The full and well arrangedindices of this admirable work havebeen of the greatest use. At the sametime the reader needs to be warnedthat the years a.d. affixed to the severalinscriptions, whether in the text or inthe indices, cannot (at least so far asregards Trajan's reign) be accepted withoutverification. The years in the textand indices frequently do not agree;and even in the parts for which Mommsenhimself is it ispersonally responsiblesometimes impossible to harmonize thedates given with either his earlier or hislater theory respecting the tribunicianyears. Thus in C. I. L. III. p. 866 (comp.pp. 1 1 10, 1 1 24) June 30 of Trib. Pot. xiis assigned to a.d. 108, whereas itbelongsto 107 on either reckoning; and in C.I.L.in. p. 102 sq Mommsen reckons accordingto Borghesi's computation of the tribunicianyears, not according to either ofhis own. In the volumes for whichMommsen is not personally responsible,there is still less constancy of reckoningin the dates a.d. affixed to the inscriptions.Klein's Fasti Consulares (1S81)had not yet appeared when these sheetswere passed through the press for my firstedition. Otherwise I should have beensaved some trouble. I have made use ofthis work, where necessary, for this secondedition.

392 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMCONSULS.TRIE.POT.EVENTS AND INSCRIPTIONS.A.D.9 6A.U.C.849A.D.97A.U.C.C. Antistius Vet?isT. Manlius Valens (1)Imp. Newa Augustus111L. Verginius Rufus111Domitian slain Sept. 18. Accessionof Nerva.Trajan adopted about October.The 1 st year of his Trib. Pot.begins then (2).A.D.98A.U.C.851A.D.99A.U.C.852A.D.IOOA.U.C.853A.D.IOIA.U.C.854Imp. Newa August'us ivImp. Newa TrajanusCaesar (afterwards Augustus)11A. Cornelius Palma3Q. Sosius SenecioImp. Newa Trajanus 4Augustus inSex. Julius Frontinus 111Imp. Newa TrajanusAugustus ivQ. Articulems PaetusNerva dies towards the end ofJanuary (3).Accession of Trajanat Cologne. He is alreadyImperator and Germanicus (Plin.Paneg. 9).The title Pater Patriaeassumed this year.C. I I. II.4933 AVG . GERM . PON-TIF.MAX. IMP. TRIB. POTEST. II.COS . 11 . P . p .; comp. 11. 4725,4934, hi- 39 2 4-Trajan enters Rome.C. I L. VI. 563 AVG . GERM .P.M.tr . p . in . cos . 11 . p. p . ; comp.in. p. 863 (Aug. 14), ix. 728.Orelli 449 avg . germ.pont. max .TRIB. POT. COS. II.P.P.DES.III.;comp. Cohen Med. Imp.11.P- 53-Pliny's Panegyric in September.C. I. I. VI.451 AVG . GERM . PON-TIFICI . MAXIMO. TRIB. POT. IIII.cos . in .desi[g mi] . (Dec. 29);comp. 11. 4900, in. 1699, VIILIOl86, I02IO, X. 6819, 682O,Ephem. Epigr. n. p. 334. Seealso Cohen n. pp. 53, 82 sq.The First Dacian War breaks outleaves Rome in(4). TrajanMarch. Imperator ii.C. I. I. VI.1239 AVG. GERMANIC.PONTIF . MAX . TRIB . POTEST . V .cos . iiii .p.p. (several times).C. I. L. VI. 2 184 [TR . POTESJTATE .V. IMP. II . COS. IIII .P.P.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 393

394 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM

OF S. IGNATIUS. 395

9 6 ACT'S OF MARTYRDOM

VIOF S. IGNATIUS. 397CONSULS.TRIE.POT.EVENTS AND INSCRIPTIONS.Ephem. Epigr. in. p. 38 sq (1876)OPTIMO . AVG . GER .PARTHICO ..DACICO.PONTIF.MAXIM.TRIP.VN.POTEST . XVIIII . IMP . XI . COS .vi . p . p .(a correction of C. I. L.11.1028), in Baetica.Fabretti Inscr. Aed. Pat. p. 398,no. 289, OPTIMVS .AVG.GER.DA-CICVS . TRIBVNIC. POTEST. XIX.IMP . XI . COS . VI . P . P . FACIVN-DVM . CVRAVIT .Boeckh Corp. Inscr. Grace. 4948L, 10 . &YTOKp

OF S. IGNATIUS. 399took place towards the end of January a.d. 98. Accordingly oldernumismatists and chronographers (e.g. Eckhel and Clinton) commonlyreckon the 2nd tribunician year from Oct. 98 to Oct. 99, the 3rdfrom Oct. 99 to Oct. 100, and so forth. This mode of computation howeverfails to explain certain inscriptions and coins where the number ofthe tribunician yearis one in advance of the reckoning as required bythis hypothesis; and fresh discoveries are constantly adding to theseexamples. Later writers therefore have busied themselves to findsome other solution which would explain these phenomena.1.Borghesi first applied himself to the problem {CEuvres v. 19 sq;see also his letter to Henzen Bull. Inst, di Corrisp. Archeol. 1859,p. 119 sq). His hypothesisis that Trajan renewed his tribunicianpower at his accession (Jan. 27 or 28),so that his second tribunicianyear was from the end of January a.d. 98 to the end of January 99,the broken piece of a year from the end of October 97 to the end ofJanuary 98 counting as the first year.2. Borghesi's hypothesis covered most of the examples whichthe older view failed to explain, but not all (e.g. C. I. L. in. p. 864,given above under a.d. 103). To account for those which stillremained, Mommsen {Hermes in. p. 128 sq) substituted Jan.1 forJan. 27 or 28. In other words he supposed that Trajan renewedhis tribunician power with the beginning of the new yearnext afterhe had assumed it,so that the 2nd tribunician year coincided exactlywith a.d. 98, the third with a.d. 99, and so forth. One or two exampleshowever resisted this hypothesis also ;but Mommsen was persuadedthat the inscriptions in these cases were either spuriousmiscut.3. Another hypothesis was started byor misread orStobbe in an article DieTribunenjahre der Romische?i Kaiser 1p. sq in Philologus xxxn, 1873.He maintained that some extraordinary event, especially the associationand the tribunician power. But the intervalwas so brief that Aurelius Victor proceeded straight from the Capitol to thep.era ravra would be satisfied even if Nervacan speak of the adoption and the associationin the empire together as taking appreciable, though not necessarily a long,Senate, while the fiera tovto requires anplace three months before Nerva's death. interval. It appears from Pliny's languagethat the 'tribunicia potestas' wasThis account is quite consistent withDion's narrative lxviii. 3, 4, 6 Nepouas... conferred at the same time ('pariter etavefiri re et's to KairiTibXioi' kclI i

400 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMof a colleague in this office, would lead the emperor to a fresh assumptionof the tribunicia potestas. Thus he supposed that Nerva wouldbegin a new tribunician year, when Trajan was associated with himin the office. He believed however that this association in the tribunicianpower took place not, as is generallyassumed and as theauthorities seem naturally to imply, contemporaneously, or nearly so,with the adoption,i.e. in October or November 97, but in the earlydays of January 98. This assumption was made to account for thefact that the 4th consulate of Nerva (i.e. January a.d. 98, for thisemperor died towards the end of the month) is found connected notonly with Trib. Pot. ii,but also with Trib. Pot. iii,in inscriptions.On this hypothesis therefore the 1st tribunician year of Trajan actuallybegan on some early day in January a.d. 98 ; but by a fictitiousreckoning this 1st year was counted as the 2nd year, the previousthree months since his adoption as Caesar being thus retrospectivelyregarded as his first year. This hypothesisis far too artificial tocommend itself, nor does itexplain any phenomena in the inscriptionsof Trajan's reign which Mommsen's solution had left unexplained.But Stobbe has the merit of endeavouring to treat the questiontribunician years of the emperors connectedly as a whole.of the4. Lastly, Mommsen in a later work (Romisches Staatsrecht 11. p.756, iste Aufl 1875; n -P- 775 sc b 2te Aufl. 1877 [11. p. 799 sq, 3teAufl. 1887]) has replaced his former hypothesis by another. He nowsupposes that Trajan's second tribunician year began not on Jan. 1,a.d. 98, but on Dec. 10, a.d. 97. This latter day, Dec. 10, was theancient day for the election of the tribunes, and Dionysius {Ant.Rom. vi. 89) says explicitly that it remained so in his time (wo-7T€p tealfxixpi tov KaO' rjfxas ypovov yivcrai).Now Dion Cassius (liii. 17)tells usthat the years of the emperors' reigns were counted by the tribunicianpower * on the assumption that they received it year by year togetherwith those who for the time being held the office of tribune' (St' avTrjsKal rj iâptOfxr]aL

OF S. IGNATIUS. 401was a matter of paramount convenience that the two colleagues inthe tribunician power should compute their tribunician years from thesame point of time. The difficulty had never occurred before. WhenTiberius was associated with Augustus in the tribunician power, andagain when Titus was associated with Vespasian in the same, thiswas done on the anniversary of the dies imperii. But when Nervaadopted Trajan, the political emergency was so pressing that therecurrence of this anniversary, which was then some ten or elevenmonths distant, could not be waited for. The tribunician power wastherefore conferred upon him at once. But in order that the yearsof Nerva and Trajan might synchronize, both the colleagues re-assumedthe tribunician power on the next Dec. 10, this being the ordinaryday for the election of the tribunes ;and the practice, thus initiated,became general with succeeding emperors. This hypothesisis confirmedby an inscription in Ephem. Epigr. 11. p. 339 imp-nervaecaesari-avg-pontif-max -trie, pot -hi. cos- hi. The third consulateof Nerva fixes this inscription to a.d. 97,since he was consul for thefourth time in a.d. 98. But his second tribunician year only beganin the middle of September 97. Therefore between this time and theend of the year he must have re-assumed the tribunician power; andsuch a re-assumption would appropriately be made on Dec. 10. Thusthe inscription belongs to some date between Dec. 10 and Dec. 31,a.d. 97.It may be a questionwhich of the rival claimants for the vacantplace should be preferred — whether Borghesi's theory, or the early orlater hypothesis of Mommsen ;method of reckoning thebut there can be no doubt that the oldertribunician years, from the actual anniversaryof the firstassumption, must be finally abandoned. The followingfacts show itsinadequacy.1. The base of a statue set up to Trajan at Aratispiin Baeticagives the emperor's honours (C. I. L. 11. 2054; see above, p. 398)trie- potest -xxi -IMP -xui -cos -vi. Coins also bear the inscriptionAHMAPX-ES-KA; see Eckhel vi. p. 456. Now, as Trajan wasinvested with the tribunician power in October 97 and died inAugust 117, he held this rank somewhat less than twenty years, anda 2 1 st year of his tribunician power is only explicable on somehypothesis as regards the mode of reckoning, which anticipates theactual anniversary 1 .1Two recorded inscriptions however Mommsen/. R. N. 5619 {C.I. L. ix. 3915)exceed the 21st year, and these are OPTIMO . AVG .germanico.dacico.parnotexplicable on any reckoning. (1) thico . pont. max . trib . pot . xxmIGN. II. 26.

402 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM2. The military diplomas sometimes give the month and day, aswell as the consuls of the year; and by this means we are able tocompare the tribunician years with the consular years. The comparisonis decisive. Thus the inscription, C. I. L. in. p. 868, Henzen 5443,gives tribvnic • potestat. xiin- imp -vi- cos -v, and is dated 13 Kal.Mart, of the consulate of Salvidienus Orfitus and Peducaeus Priscinus,i.e. a.d. no. Thus again in C. I. L. in. p. 865, Henzen 6857, we havetribvnic potestat • •vim•imp iv cos • • • v, the date being 3 Id. Maiof the consulate of C. Julius Bassus and Cn. Afranius Dexter; butthese appear elsewhere (C. /. L. vi. 2075)as the consules suffecti ofa.d. 105. Henzen himself wrongly ascribes this inscription to a.d.106 (p. 375). Again in a military diploma, C. I. L. 111. p. 863, dated19 Kal. Sept., Trajan is styled tribvnic. potestat. hi. cos. ii. Theconsuls of the year indeed are not named here, but cos. 11 fixes itto a.d. 99, since the emperor was consul for the third time in a.d. 100.Again in another, C. I. L. in. p. 870, dated 6 Id. Sept., he is describedas trib potestat • •xx ;and this must refer to a.d. 116, since Trajanwas no longer living in September 117.This point therefore must be regarded as settled. But hithertono facts have been mentioned, which are not equally consistent withBorghesi's theory and with either of those put forward by Mommsen.This is not the case however with others. Thus in the inscriptionC. I. L. in. p. 864 (see above, p. 393), a military diploma dated14 Kal. Febr. (= Jan. 19) of the consulate of M\ Laberius Maximus 11,Q. Glitius Atilius Agricola 11, Trajan is designated tribvnic potestat • •vii -imp -nil- cos -v.havingThis evidently belongs to the year 103, the emperorretired at once from the consulate to make room for Atilius(see Mommsen Z^r/m in. p. 128). The only alternative is to transposethe consuls for the years a.d. 103 and a.d. 104,did ;but Mommsen has shown that this transpositionas older criticsis inadmissible.Borghesi's theory therefore fails to explain this example. But thisCOS . VI . PATRI . PATRIAE . SENATVS .POPVLVSQ . ROM.found at Avezzano.Orelli (1. p. 191) treats it as spurious.Probably it has been wrongly transcribed.Mommsen says 'scribe trie . pot . xxi .imp . xi 1 '. But we now know that trip. .pot . xxi requires imp .Xin, and thisbetter explains the error, some lettershaving oeen dropped in transcriptionTRIB . POT . X [XI. IMP .] XIII . COS .VI,Asif not left out by the stone-cutter himself.an official inscription was not likely toomit the imperatorial titles, this explanationseems very probable. (2) Renier/. A. 1842 (C. I. L. VIII. 2356) AVG.GERM . DAC . PART . PONT . MAX.TRIB .POT . XXIII . IMP . XVIII . COS . VI . P . P .at Thamugas. This again, if correctlytranscribed, can only be explained bycarelessness of the stone-cutter or of thetranscriber. It ought perhapsTRIB . POT . XVIII . IMP . VIII.to be

OF S. IGNATIUS. 40inscription does not enable us to decide between the earlier and laterof Moramsen's hypotheses, since it would be satisfied by either. Atthis point however a legend on a coin (Cohen Med. Imp. 11. p. 57,no. 354) comes to our aid: imp -caes-nerva- traian-avg- germ•p-M.TR.p-vn,with the R. imp-iiii •cos-iiii-des-v-p-p-s-c. Herethe date is fixed as the last part of a.d. 102 bycos-iiii-des- v.Therefore the 7th year must have begun earlier than Jan. 1, a.d. 103.When he was maintaining his earlier hypothesis, Mommsen had questionedthe deciphering or the genuineness of this coin (Hermes I.e.);but he was afterwards satisfied by M. Waddington that it was neitherspurious nor misread (Staatsj-echt 11. p. 777, note There are1).other coins also (Cohen 11. p. 57, no. 355; p. 85, no. 539), though lesscertainly authenticated, with similar legends. This fact is in favourof Mommsen's later theory as against his earlier, and combined withthe arguments which have been mentioned already (p.400 sq) investsit with a high degree of probability. Some difficulties indeed stillremain, but these are perhaps less serious than on any other hypothesis 1 .It would not be surprising if in the1earlier years of Trajan's reign we foundsome wavering in the inscriptions betweenthe old reckoning and the new. ButI am unable to understand many of thestatements of Mommsen Staatsrecht II.p. 776, note 2. The diploma (C.I. L. Ill,p. 862) of Feb. 20, A.D. 98, may perhapsbe regarded as an example of the retentionof the old reckoning, as it givestrib . potest . cos .II, where the absenceof any number suggests the first year ofthe tribunician power, though accordingto the new reckoningit was the second.But, inasmuch as it is the exception,not the rule, when the number of thetribunician year is given on the coins ofTrajan (though it appears commonly indiplomas), the instance is not conclusive.Mommsen goes on to say that we possessno documents of the years 99— 102 whichare decisive as between the old and thenew systems. He then instances the diploma(C. I. L. in. p. 863) of Aug. 14,which has Trib. Pot. iii,and says that onboth systems this belongs to 100, not 99[as he himself gives it in C. I. L. 1. c.].But it is fixed to a.d. 99 by the additioncos. 11, for Trajan was cos. in in a.d.100; and according to the old systemAug. 14, a.d. 99, would belong to the2nd tribunician year. Again he adducesanother diploma, Orelli 782 (=C./. L.VI. 451, given above, p. 392), bearingdate Dec. 29, with Trib. Pot. iv, andsays that this again would belong to 100on either reckoning. It is indeed fixedto a.d. 100 by the specification cos . III.desi[g nil] but Dec. . ; 29, a.d. 100,would fall in the fifth tribunician yearaccording to the new reckoning, as theyear began on Dec. 10. If thereforeMommsen's later theory be correct, eitherthere is some stone-cutter's error here, orin this instance the old system has survived.[Mommsen has corrected himselfon both these pointsin his lastedition, 1887, II. p. 800, note 1.]At the same time Mommsen omits tomention some inscriptions which, if correctlytranscribed, are opposedto histheory. Thus C. I. L. 11.2352 of Julipain Baetica is given trib . pot . nil . cos .mi. Here we must read cos . Ill, if it isto harmonize with either of Mommsen'stheories; though, as it stands, it is con-26— 2

404 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMWe may therefore accept it provisionally. So far as regards the Ignatianquestion, the differences between the three solutions are unimportant.In the tables given above the inscriptions dated by the tribunicianyears are assigned to the years a.d. with which they roughly coincide.If Mommsen's later theory be correct, these may possibly belongin some cases to the last twenty-one days of the preceding year.If Borghesi's view be adopted then they mayfall within the firsttwenty-seven days of the following year. This is the limit of possibledivergence.(3) See the note on Mart. Ant. 1"Aprt SiaSeâ/xeVou k.t.X.(4)The First Dacia?i War must have broken out after Septembera.d. 100, when Pliny's panegyric was delivered, since the panegyristmakes no mention of it. Until quite recently, this was the nearestapproximation to an exact date, which the evidence supplied. Butsome lately discovered fragments (a.d. 1867— 1871) of the Acta FratrianArvalium afford more precise information. Here we find theseofficials sacrificing q articvleio • [paeto] • se[x • •att]io svbvrano •COS VIII K • • • .APR IN • CAPITOLl[o PRO • •SALVTE ET • • REDIT]v ET VICTORIAimpcaesaris nervae traiani avg • • • • •• • germ and lower down the, objectof the sacrifice is defined 'itu et reditu et victoria imperatoris etc'(C. I. L. vi. 2074; comp. Henzen Act. Fratr. Arv. pp. 117, 124 sq).This is the year 101, Trajan having retired from the consulate tomake room for Suburanus. The sacrifice therefore takes place onMarch 25, a.d. ioi; and it is evidently synchronous, or nearly so,with the emperor's departure from Rome, as the whole context shows.This First Dacian War seems to have been brought to a closetowards the end of the year 102. The title Dacicus at all eventsappears then, if the evidence can be trusted. The following coinsand medals given by Cohen illustrate the course of events.(a) p. 5 7, no. 354. IMP•CAES NERVA TRAIAN • • • • •AVG GERM P M • •TR •P-VIIR. IMP • IIII COS • •IIII DES V P P S C• • • • • •sistent with Borghesi's.The case is similaralso with /. R. N. 2487 (C. I. L. x.1633) AVG . GERM . DACICO . PONT . MAX .TRIB . POT . XV . IMP . VI . COS . VI . P . P .optimo. principi, which is reconcilablewith Borghesi's view but not with eitherof Mommsen's. Here however cos . vwould set all straight, and it appearsfrom Mommsen's own collation that thisreading is given in one transcription.Both these examples would be explicableon the old system of reckoning by completeyears from the day of the first assumptionof the tribunician power, butthis view must be regarded as definitivelyabandoned.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 405P- VII?• • •R. imp mi . • • •cos mi des v p p • . s c • • .( b ) P- 57^0. 355. IMP- CAES-NERVA-TRAIAN-AVG- GERM- DACICVS-(c) p. 85, no. 539. IMP CAES NERVA TRAIAN • • •P-M-•R. TR P VII IMP IIH COS • • • • ••AVGIIII DES • •V P P . • .All these belong to a.d. 102, as cos • 1111 • des • v • shows.GERM •DACICVS •Of these (a),on which the title Dacicus is wanting, is certainlygenuine, and belongs to Dec. 10—Dec. 31 of the year (see above,p. 401). The others are not so well attested; but, if genuine andcorrectly read, (b) (c) must also fall within this same period. Thedevices on the reverses of both represent the subjugation of Dacia.It would appear therefore that the final submission of Dacia and theof a.d. 101. Mommsen attitle Dacicus belong to the very last daysone time {Hermes in. p. 131) threw discredit on all three alike; butnow that he accepts the first as genuine (see above p. 403), the groundfor objecting to the others (the combination of tr-p-vii with cos-mi)has been cut away. Two other types of coins, likewise bearing thename dacicvs in conjunction with cos-mi, i.e. not later than a.d. 102,are also given by Cohen, p. 15, nos. 78, 79.(5) For the consuls of this year see the note on Mart. Ant. 7.(6) On the names of the consuls for this year, and on their transpositionwith those of the preceding year,Ro?n. 1.see the note on Mart.(7) The outbreak of the Second Dacian War is determined bythe same means as the first, the recently discovered fragments (a.d.1867— 1870) of the Acta Fratrum Arvalium) C. I. L. vi.2075 (comp.Henzen Act. Fratr. Arv. p. 124). Here we find these officials assembledAD VOTA • SVSClPlfENDA PRO • ••IT]v ET • • •REDITV [iMP • c]aESa[ri]setc, some day during the Nones of June (i.e. between June 2 — 5) inthe year 105. This therefore is the time of the emperor's departurefrom Rome for the Second Dacian War.The close of this war is not so easy to determine. Unfortunatelyno inscriptions have yet been discovered belonging to the 10th tribunicianyear (a.d. 106); so that the information is deficient just whereit is wanted. The sequence of the imperial titles isimperfect inbefore he starts forconsequence. On May 13, a.d. 105, immediatelythe Second Dacian War, Trajan is still Imperator On iv. June 30,a.d. 107, he isImperatorvi. These two additional attributions of the

4o6ACTS OF MARTYRDOMtitle are doubtless due to the second subjugation of Dacia by Trajanhimself, and to the reduction of Arabia Petraea by Palmas. On thispoint there can hardly be two opinions. But it is doubtful whichof these two events preceded the other. No trustworthy inscriptionsbearing the designation Itnperator v have been discovered ; for,though the words inscribed on the bridge at Alcantara (C. I. L. n. 759)are certainly trie- potes-viii- imp- v-cos-v (thetribunician year beingwrittenviii, and not vim, as it has been read; see Renier's noteon Borghesi CEuvres iv. p. 122), this must be a stone-cutter's error,since Trajan was still Tmperator iv in the following year, and probablytherefore imp -iv should be substituted for imp -v. Here thereforewe receive no assistance as regards the matter in question.Mommsen (C.I. L. hi. 550), combining the sequence of Hadrian'shonours as recorded in an Athenian inscription with the accountof the same in Vit. Hadr. 3, arrives at the result that the SecondDacian War extended into a.d. 107; and his inference, though farfrom conclusive, is plausible. Dion at all events remarks that Trajan'soperations in this second war were characterized by caution ratherthan by speed, and that he only conquered the Dacians after a longtime and with difficulty (avv XP° V( ? Kat /Âis, lxviii. 14). On the otherhand Julian (Caes. p. 327) makes Trajan say that he reduced thispeople 'within about five years' (eVpa^^r/ Se to//-01 ipyov rovro iviviavTols €to-(o 7rov irivre);and five years reckoned from the outbreakof the First Dacian War would bring us to about midsummer a.d. 106.To meet this difficulty, Mommsen suggests that the interval of peacebetween the two wars is not reckoned in the five years; but thissolution seems impossible. It does not appear necessary however totake Julian's off-hand statement an pied de la lettre. On the otherside Dierauer (p. 106, note) decides positively that the war must havebeen concluded before the end of 106, because Sura, one of Trajan'sgenerals in this war, was consul in 107.(8) Dion Cassius (lxviii. 14), after describingthe Second DacianWar, adds, Kara. SI tov avrov ^povov ko! IlaAyita? nys %vpia

OF S. IGNATIUS. 407reckoned their years from this date. This probably means, as Clintonsays, that the year of the Seleucidae which began in the Octoberfalling within this consulship was counted as the 1st year of thePetrsean era. The fact would imply that Arabia Petraea was conqueredand made a Roman province some time between Oct. 105 and Oct.106. Whether early or late in this period, it would probably bebefore the close of the Second Dacian War. If so, Imperator vbelongs to the conquest of Arabia, and Imperator vi to that ofDacia.Ant. 7.(9) For the consuls of the year 107 see the note on Mart.(10) For the date of Pliny's propraetorship in Bithynia, and thepersecution of the Christians connected therewith, see the note onMart. Rom. 11.(n)It may now be regarded as an established fact that Trajanas emperor only made one expedition to the East, and that this tookplace in the last years of his reign. This is the opinion of almost all,if not all, critics who have approached the subject from an independentpoint of view (without reference to the Acts of Martyrdom of Ignatius) ;e.g. Eckhel D. Ar . vi. p. 450 sq, Francke Geschichte Trajans pp. 16 sq,253 sq, Dierauer Geschichte Trajans p. 152 sq, Momrasen C. I. L. in.p. 103 sq. And even among those who accept these Acts as genuinein the main, many have been led to infer that there is an error inthe date there given, the 9th year of Trajan. It is Pearson's greatmerit that, with the very imperfect and confused materials before him,he yet discerned the main fact correctly, that an earlier expeditionof Trajan to the East was impossible. His view required that the19th year should be substituted for the 9th, and in this he is followedby Clinton and others. The only point of difference among thesewriters has reference to the exact year in which Trajan started forthe East. Thus Eckhel and others placed his departure in the autumna.d. 114, being misled by their mode of reckoningthe tribunicianyears. With the new light thrown upon this point, we may now regardit as certain that he left Rome in the autumn of 1 13.The reasons for concluding that this was the first and only expeditionof Trajan as emperor seem quite conclusive,(i)Dion Cassiusrepresents his departure for the East as taking placeafter the erectionof the column (a.d. 113), and says nothing of any earlier expedition,There is not the(ii) slightest indication in the genuine coins and in-

408 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMscriptions of any such Eastern expedition, or indeed of any importantmilitary operations of any kind, in the interval between the close ofthe Second Dacian War and the autumn a.d. 113. Thus for instancethere is no accession to the emperor's titles. He is Imperator viin June a.d. 107, and he remains so as late as a.d. 113 when thecolumn is erected. The next accumulation, Imperator vii, firstappears a.d. 114. (iii)In accordance therewith, so far as we are ableto trace the movements of the emperor during the interval, we findhim in Rome or Italy.The correspondence of Pliny with theemperor (a.d. hi— 113), which falls in this interval, indicates this.The medals and inscriptions too, which belong to this period, representhim as actively engaged in public works at home, e.g. the forumbearing his name at Rome, the Aqua Trajana, the great roads andharbours of Italy, etc.On the other hand Tillemont (Empereurs 11. p. 196 sq, p. 562 sq)sends Trajan to the East several years earlier and makes him enterAntioch in January a.d. 107, thus antedating the conquest of Armeniaand Mesopotamia, which really took place a.d. 114, by sevenyears.With the mixture of genuine and spurious documents accessibleto Tillemont this position is intelligible. But such views are not soeasy of explanation in later writers. Quite recently (a.d. 1869)Nirschl (Das Todesjahr des HI. Ignatius) has made an elaborate attemptto prove that Trajan made three several expeditions to the East,a.d. 107, a.d. 1 10, and a.d. 116. And even De Rossi (Inscr. Christ.Urb. 1. p. 6 sq) is disposed provisionally (for he speaks with caution)to assume one earlier Parthian expedition with Tillemont in order tosave the credit of the Ignatian Acts of Martyrdom. The argumentsby which it is attempted to sustain the theory of an early expeditionor expeditions to the East are as follows.Our information(i) respecting Trajan's reign isvery deficient.Dion Cassius, our chief authority, or rather his abbreviator Xiphilinus,does not give events in sequence, but groups them. Hence all thecampaigns in the East are put together. This however is not anaccurate statement of the case. The historian (lxviii. 17), after describingthe construction of the forum and the erection of the column,proceeds fiera Se Tana iarparevaeviir 'Ap/xevtoDS koI HdpOovs.Hence it was not before the close of a.d. 113 according to this representation.Thus there is a direct notice of time. Nor is there anyground for supposing that the abbreviator tampered with the sequenceof the original. The order of Xiphilinusis the order of Zonaras also.Thus it must be regarded as Dion's own. Moreover the sequence of

OF S. IGNATIUS. 409events, as given by Dion, is confirmed in all respects by the genuinecoins and inscriptions. It should be added also that Julian (Caes.p. 328) only speaks of one Parthian expedition, which he assigns toTrajan's old age. The words which he puts into Trajan's mouth arethese :7rpos Hap6vo.iovs Se, irp\v jxkv ahtK^laOat Trap oujtwv, ovk wp.r)v8uv xprjcrOai toi

4IOACTS OF MARTYRDOMthese modern writers, they drew this as a critical inference from statementswhich they accepted without sifting. One authority howeveris not so easily explained. The compiler of the Chronicon Paschale(p. 471 sq, ed. Bonn.) places the martyrdom of Ignatiusin the consulateof Candidus and Quadratus (i.e.a.d. 105). Then under thefollowing year (a.D. 106) he writes, 7roXcfxov âXcx-ov £7ri/?avTos rrj 'Pw/xcu/tavtto Uepcrwv / •legend Tigris, or india, or parthicvs, or rex parthis • datvs,or other words which point to an eastern campaign of Trajan. Itis sufficient to say that they are discredited by the channels throughwhich they come to us, that their genuineness has never been established,that in some instances they convict themselves, and thatgenerally they are confuted by the eloquent silence of a large andever- increasing mass of epigraphic and numismatic evidence, whichbetrays no knowledge of such stirring events 2 .(12) The designation Optimusis an important landmark in thechronology of this reign. The two following notices have referencetoit.(i) Pliny Paneg. 2 writes, ' Jam quid tarn civile, tarn senatorium,quam illud additum a nobis Optimi cognomen ? quod peculiare hujus1Julian (Caes. p. 327)calls the Da- nobis Gruterus, Muratorius, Mediobarbuscians 'Getae' throughout; to re YeriKov obtrusere, volet contexere. Non habentKal to TlapdiKov rpbircuov, t?i$ tQiv Veruv fabulae monstra magis obscoena, chimaev(3pecos,to TeT&v efflfos iêlXou. ras, cerberos, centauros, quam inauspi-2 'Eckhel VI. p. 451 sq Bellam catus is partus erit, ut nee pes nee caputenimvero Trajani historiam quam quis ex uni reddatur formae'catalogis seu lapidum seu numoruin, quos

OF S. IGNATIUS. 41 I[Trajani] et proprium arrogantia priorum principum fecit': and againc. 88 ' Justisne de causis S.P.Q.R. Optimi tibi cognomen adjecil ?Paratum id quidem et in medio positum, novum tamen. Sciasneminem ante meruisse...Adoptavit te optimus princeps in suum,senatus in Optimi nomen.' As Pliny's panegyric was delivered inSeptember a.d. 100, this must refer to the very beginning of Trajan'sreign.(ii)Dion Cassius (lxviii. 23), as abridged by Xiphilinus, says ofTrajan ra re o.XXa iij/r]cfiL^CTOavTw ttoAAcc tj /Stivkq, kou OTTTLfxov, etrovv apicrTOv, i-rroivo/xaorev, and a little lower down, Kal iovo/xanrOr] fxev,iireiSr)koll rrjv Nkti/3(V eiAe ko\ Tas Barâs, Iiap6 lkos' 7toAAq) 8e /xaAAoz/€7TlTYJ TOU 07TTLfXOV TTpOOrrjyOpta 7) TOLLS d'AAaig (TVp-KadOXI . . . cVe/XI'V^CTO.As these events are related after Trajan's first campaign in the East,they seem to belong to a date not earlier than a.d. 114.Thus there is a difference of some fourteen years in the twoaccounts ;and yet the language of both writers is so alike, that theyseem to be referring to the same incident. It is only when we examinethe monuments, that the solution of the difficulty appears. On thecoins and medals of the early years, at least as early as the 5th consulate(a.d. 103 sq), we find frequently the legend optimo-principi,and so occasionally in inscriptions. To this use of the word Pliny mustbe alluding. But in the later years, in coins and inscriptions alike,optimvs -appears no longer as an epithet, but as an inseparable partof the name ; and, as such, it precedes even Augustus, so that the order•imp-nerv-traian-optim-avg-gePvM dac [parthic This]. phe-•isnomenon first makes itsappearance in the 18th tribunician year,i.e. a.d. 114, the point of time to which Dion is referring 1 .1 Several types of coins are given by that campaign, still it is quite conceivableFabretti Col. Traj. p. 292 (see Francke that he intended to group together allGeschichte Trajans p. 16) with the honours bestowed onApiCTOCTrajan by thebefore ceBACTOC, dated AHMApX- el. IZ. senate after his departure from Rome,As they are not cited by Eckhel and and so this might belongothers, I presume that they are not re- months of a.d. 113.to the lastgarded as genuine. No accredited inscrip- [Since the above was written the intionhitherto discovered exhibits this title scription C. I. L. VIII. 10117 (see above,before the 18th tribunician year. Still p. 395) has been published,in which thisitsappearance in the 17th would not be title appears in the 16th tribunician year,altogether irreconcilable with Dion's ac- Wilmanns, the editor of this volume,count. Though Dion mentions the be- writes, 'Offendit Optimi nomen ea rastowalof the title at the end of his tione positum, quam tarn nummi quamaccount of the eastern campaign of A.D. tituli ab anno demum n 4 proponunt.114, and the natural inference is that it Fortasse titulus conceptus a. 112 postwas not bestowed till some time during intervallum incisus est eoque tempore

412 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM(13) The date of the assumption of the title 'Parthicus' presentssome difficulties. Dion Cassius (lxviii. 23) in the abridgment ofXiphilinus, as quoted just above, says that he was designated (wvondaOr])Parthicus after taking Nisibis and Batnse. He does notsay by whom this designation was given. Zonaras (xi. 21) howeverrepresents it as conferred by the senate, rj j3ov\rj...Uap6LKdv avrio€7riK\r)(TivWtTo ;but this may be merely his own inference from thewords of Dion. According to the arrangement of the events which Ihave adopted (p. 413 sq), this would be towards the end of a.d. 114.At a later point Dion (Xiphilinus), describing a subsequent campaign(lxviii. 23), says that when the emperor entered Ctesiphon asvictor, he was saluted (i7roivo/jidcr0r}) imperator, and ' confirmed theepithet of Parthicus ' {rrjv iTrUX-qa-LV rov UapOtKov i/3ej3aiwcraTo). Thiswould take place in the following year, a.d. 115.The expression e/SefiouwcraTo implies that there was some uncertaintyabout the use of the term. Perhaps we may infer that thoughit was employed unofficially, yet the emperor did not adopt it himself,or allow it to be adopted in official quarters, when it was first bestowedupon him. The monuments confirm this supposition. In the year114, in a military diploma of Trajan dated Sept. 1st, with imp-vii, it iswanting 1 . So also in the inscription on the arch at Beneventum, erectedby the senate, likewise with imp-vii, it is absent. Even later in thissame year, when the emperor's titles have risen to imp-ix, it doesnot appear in an inscription set up at Ferentinum in Trajan's ownname. Yet before the date of this last-mentioned inscription, andwhile Trajan is still only imp-vii, it appears on a monument in Baetica.Thus, unless we have here some stone-cutter's error, this first bestowalof the whether title, by the senate or by the army, must have occurredin sufficient time to allow the news to travel to Spain before the closeof the year 114. In the following year we find the same fluctuation.In an inscription set up by the senate on the arch at Ancona 2 ,inanother (recorded by Fabretti) which was inscribed by the emperor'sown orders, and in a third (an Egyptian inscription bearing dateMay 24) which likewise has an official character 3 , it iswanting ;whileinterpolatus. It isperhaps simpler to avg, and imp .vn, show that the formersuppose a stone-cutter's error in the XVI. is correct, and the latter the stone-cutter'sSee the next note for an example.]blunder.1These inscriptions are given above, See above, p. 396.2p. 396 sq. In C. I. L. in. p. 869, dated 3 Boeckh, C. I. G. 4948, given above,Sept. 1, the one side of the tablet has p. 397. The Egyptian year began onXVIII, and the other xvn, for the tribu- Aug. 29, and the second year of Trajanmcian years. The titles of Trajan, OPT in .Egyptian reckoning would be from

OF S. IGNATIUS. 41 5again in another Bsetican inscription 1 itappears. The provincialand unofficial character of this last is evident from the circumstance thatparthico isplaced before dacico, whereas itsproper placeis later.In the following year (a.d. 116) all the monuments have the title.One of these, a military diploma, bears the date Sept. 8. The captureof Ctesiphon therefore, and the official acceptance of the title byTrajan himself, must have precededthis. But the exact date of thisincident is not determined for us by the inscriptions hitherto discovered.So far as their evidence goes,it may have occurred in the early partof this year 116, or in the later part of the preceding year 115.(14)The year of the great earthquake at Antioch is fixed as a.d. 115in it.by the notice in Dion (lxviii. 24) that Pedo the consul perishedAnd Dion's account is so far confirmed by Malalas, that the lattergives the date as a.d. 115. Moreover the calamity happened accordingto both these authors while Trajan was wintering at Antioch. Butthe alternative still remains that the winter in question was ni or1 if, i.e. that the earthquake took place at the beginning or the end of115. If Malalas isworthy of credit, it happened on Dec. 13 of thisyear. But several modern critics (e.g.Eckhel vi. p. 453 sq, ClintonFast. Rom. sub ann. 115, Borghesi CEuvres v. p. 19) on variousgrounds reject his statement, and placeit at the beginning of the year,in January or February.The degree of credibility which attaches toin generalstatements of Malalaswill be discussed hereafter. It will then be seen thatin this particular notice the dayof the month is not consistent withthe day of the week. But still the possibility remains,that Malalashas given correctly the month and day of the month ;and this view istaken by many critics of consideration, e.g. by Von Gutschmid (inAug. 29 a.d. 98 to Aug. 28 a.d. 99, 116, in title Parthicus isthe broken year preceding the Egyptiannew year's day counting as the first year ;wanting.1Ephem. Epigr. in. p. 38 sq, quotedsee Raoul Rochette Journal des Savans above, p. 397. This inscription had1824, p. 240 sq,Mommsen Staatsrecht previously been deciphered incorrectlyII. p. 778. According to this reckoning, (e.g. in C. I. L. II. 1028). Its correctMay 24 of the 19th year would belong todecipherment has antiquated muchA.D. 116, as given by Letronne, Franz, that has been written on the title Parthicus;and others. But I agree with Dierauere.g. by Borghesi Bull. Corr.(p. 167, note) that the official character Inst. Archeol. 1859, P- IIQS(b b y Noelof this inscription suggests the reckoning des Vergers C. B. Acad. Inscr. et Bellesby tribunician years. Thus it must be Lettres 1866, p. 85, and by Dierauer,referred to a.d. 115. Otherwise it would p. 166 sq.

414 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMDierauer Geschichte Trajans p. 157 sq), by Dierauer, and others.This view seems to me to present serious difficulties.The coins and inscriptions show clearly that Trajan set out forhis eastern campaigns in the autumn a.d. 113, not a.d. 114, as maintainedby Eckhel and Clinton ;for their error about the reckoningof the tribunician years led them to post-date it by a year. In August1 1 7 he died. Within this interval therefore we have to arrange all theincidents of these campaigns. For these incidents Dion is our onlytrustworthy authority ; and as there is no reasonable ground forsupposing that he gives these events out of their chronological order,we may follow his sequence.1'After these things,' says Dion, he made an expedition against theArmenians and Parthians ' (lxviii. 17).The completion of the Forumand the erection of the Column have been mentioned just before. Onhis way eastward Trajan stays at Athens, where he receives an embassyfrom Osrhoes, asking the crown of Armenia for Parthamasiris. FromGreece he passes to Asia and Lycia ;from thence to Seleucia (c. 17).While he is in Antioch, he receives overtures from Augarus of Osrhoene.This isobviously therefore the winter a.d. nf. The subsequent eventsare as follows.(a) The expedition begins. Entering the enemy's territory, Trajanis met by satraps and kings who are the bearers of presents. Thewhole country of Armenia submits without a battle (a/xa^t),and theemperor enters Satala and Elegia, its strongholds. The humiliatinginterview at which Parthamasiris was deposedis described at length.It takes place at Elegia (c. 18, 19, 20). Trajan then goes to Edessa, andthere sees Augarus and receives overtures from other kings (c. 21).Other negociations with petty princes are mentioned while he is inMesopotamia. From Mesopotamia he marches against Adiabene.Lusius gains possession of Singara and other places without a battle(afiaxi). Adenystrse, a strong fortress, opens its gates to the Romans,the garrison having been massacred (c. 22). The emperor receivesthe title of Optimus from the senate. After taking Nisibis and Batnge,he is also designated Parthicus (c. 23).ifi)While he is residing at Antioch, an earthquake lays thecity in ruins. The consul Pedo is killed. Trajan himself escapesthrough a window. The shocks last for several days, during whichhe lives in the open air in the hippodrome (cc. 24, 25).(y)At the approach of spring (vVo to lap) he sets out on hismarch into the enemy's country. Vessels built at Nisibis are carriedon carts lo the Tigris. A bridge across the river is constructed

OF S. IGNATIUS. 415with much difficulty {iTrnrovuTara) in the face of the opposing barbarians;and the Roman army crosses. The whole of Adiabene isreduced, including the scenes of Alexander's exploits, Arbela andGaugamela. After this the Romans advance as far as Babylon itself,not meeting with much opposition from the natives, because Parthiahad been wasted bycivil wars and was torn asunder by factions.Trajan surveys the wonders of Babylon. He then designs digginga canal between the Euphrates and the Tigris, that his boats maypass through for the construction of a bridge; but this design heabandons on account of the engineering difficulties, and the boatsare carried overland. He then enters Ctesiphon, on taking whichhe is saluted Imperator and 'confirms' the title Parthicus. The senatevotes him honours liberally. After taking Ctesiphon, he sets outtowards the Red Sea (i.e. the Persian Gulf). He acquires withouttrouble the island Messene in the Tigris; but owing to the difficultyof navigating the river, he is in great peril. However he reaches theOcean, which he explores, and sees a vessel sailing for India. Hewrites an account of his exploits to the senate. Plis despatches tothem, announcing victories, follow in such quick succession thatthey cannot understand the tidings or even pronounce the names.They however vote him honours freely, and prepare to erect a triumphalarch. Meanwhile, during his journey to the Ocean and back,all the places which he had taken revolt. The bad news reachesTrajan while at Babylon. Accordingly he sends Lusius and Maximusto quell the revolts. Maximus is slain in battle; Lusius 'among manyother successes' recovers Nisibis and besieges and sets fire to Edessa.Seleucia is taken by the lieutenant-generals EryciusClarus andJulius Alexander. Trajan, now fearing fresh difficulties from theParthians, gives them a king of their own. After this he marches intoArabia, and attacks the city of the Atreni, which had revolted fromhim. Here however he encounters enormous difficulties and is unsuccessful.He leaves the place. Not long after his health begins tofail. Meanwhile there is an uprising of Jews in Cyrene, accompaniedby wholesale massacres. The same thing happens also in Egypt andin Cyprus. Lusius is sent by Trajan and puts down the insurrection.Trajan prepares for another expedition; but his sickness increasing,he sets out on his return to Italy, leaving Hadrian in Syria in commandof the army. He dies at Selinus in Cilicia.Now the winter at Antioch (/?) separates the events enumeratedin the paragraphs (a) and (y) respectively; and supposing this to bethe winter of nf, we should get two whole years for the operations (a),

41 6 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMwhile only one year and a half would be left for all the campaigns(y).But this is quite disproportionate to their relative difficulty andextent. The operations (a) were confined to a range of territory whichcompared with the subsequent campaigns was limited, for Trajan doesnot seem to have advanced beyond the borders of the Greater Armenia,and it is not clear that he himself entered Adiabene at all. Not asingle battle appears to have been fought ;no delay in crossing greatrivers is recorded ;not one siege is mentioned ;and altogether theoperations resolve themselves into a straight-forward bloodless march.But the incidents (y) are wholly different in character. They extendfrom Cyprus and Cyrene to the Persian Gulf. There are subjugationsand revolts and subjugations again. There are boats to be built anddragged overland, and rivers to be bridged, and cities to be besieged.Trajan and his generals appear now here and now there— over vasttracts of country. Dierauer speaks of the 'astonishing rapidity', the'breathless haste', of Trajan's movements (pp. 173, 181). But withthis apportionment of the time, we have something more than breathlesshaste; and it may fairly be asked whether human energy could havecrowded all these operations within the limits thus assigned tothem.The same result seems to follow from an investigation of thechronology of the emperor's We titles. have seen (pp. 396, 411)that Optimus occurs on more than one inscription belonging to theyear 114, and one of these, a military diploma found at Carnuntumin Pannonia, bears the date Sept.1. The designation Parthicus onthe other hand is less frequent. Hitherto it has been found only onone monument belonging to this year, a non-official inscription in theprovince of Baetica (see above, p. 412 sq). It must therefore havebeen given in sufficient time to get known in Spain before the closeof the year.These facts are in harmony with the meagre notice of Dion, inwhich he represents both titles as conferred during the first partof the eastern campaign, and Optimus as preceding Parthicus. Butthe date of the latter title has an important bearing on our investigation.It was conferred, says Dion, after he had taken Nisibis and Batnse,i.e. after he had overrun Mesopotamia and while he was close to thefrontier of Adiabene, so that the operations (a) were already drawingto a close. Indeed it seems probable from Dion's account that he leftLusius to complete them, while he himself returned to Antioch.Thisbeing so, the operations (a) are all exhausted in the year 114, and nothingis left for 115.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 417So again with the successive titles of Imperator. In the yearsa. d. 114, 115, Trajan rises from Imperator vi to Imperator xi, ifnot to Imperator xii, so that the title is conferred five times,if notsix; whereas in a. d. 116, 117, there are only two fresh accumulationsat most. This ratio of five to two, or possibly of six to one, wouldbe out of all proportion to the respective operations (a) and (7).Onthe other hand, if all the events (a) were comprised in the year 114,the three fresh titles vii, viii, and ix, which belong to that year, wouldsupply all that the history requires ;and four accumulations of thetitles would still remain for the numerous operations (y) of the yearsa.d. 115, 116.On these grounds I have assumed that the winter of the earthquakewas ni, not 1if; and the incidents are arranged accordingly in thechronological table. The distribution of the subsequent events howeverwhich fall to the years 115, 116, 117, is still left undeterminedby the monuments, and here conjecture must step in. It seemsprobable however that the entrance into Ctesiphon,which was thecrowning triumph of the expedition, took place at the close of 115,and that the winter nf was spent in this city.This is a reasonable,though not certain inference from the language of Dion. He saysthat Trajan after leaving Ctesiphon set out to visit the Red Sea (i.e.the Persian Gulf) but that ' owing to the wintry season (or the stormyweather) and the rapidity of the Tigris and the reflux of the oceanhe was in some peril.' The expression viro x €i x^vo ' s * s not indeedlconclusive in itself as to the season of the year1;but in conjunctionwith the description of the danger it points naturally to the winteror the very early spring. The documents are quite consistent with1Dion Cass, lxviii. 28 viro 5e £77 x €l ' when winter is intended ;e.g. Thucyd. vi.fiQvos 7-77Jre rod Tiypidos d^vrrjros Kal 34 i^wadrjvaL av ttj wpa els x ei fx^va - ^n7-77$toO wKeavou avappoias €Ktvdvvev

418 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMthis view. The official assumption of the title Parthicus was, as wehave seen (p. 412), coincident with the entrance into Ctesiphon. Thistitle is not wanting on any document belonging to the year 116.Nor again do the inscriptions which bear the name of the consulPedo offer any impediment to this solution, as some critics seem tothink. If the earthquake occurred during this winter, he must haveperished soon after he had assumed office, probablynot later thanFebruary. The news might not have reached Rome before March.Of the documents bearing his name, some merely mention him asthe eponym of the year (e.g. C. I. L. vi. 1984, 2404, 241 1).TheseThe only two which have atherefore have no bearing on the question.date both belong to the month of January (C.I.L. vi. 543, datedId. Jan., and vi. 43, 44, dated v Kal. Febr.), while he was probablystill alive, but at all events before his death was known at Rome.5-The day on which S. Ignatius was commemorated is a fit subject forinvestigation, for it has some indirect bearings which are not unimportant.It varied at different times and in different places.1. October 17. This was the original day observed as the anniversaryof the saint's martyrdom in Syria and Greece, as will be evidentfrom the following facts.(i) Chrysostom in his panegyric on S. Ignatiusstates that thefestival of the martyr followed immediately on that of S. Pelagia ;Horn.in S. Ignat (Op. 11. p. 562 sq). The grace of the Spirit, he says, setsbefore us itsbanquets of the martyrs in rapid succession (o-wexeis y/xcvkoll €7ra\\r)\ov

OF S. IGNATIUS. 419Antioch in different calendars are June 9 or 10, and October 8. Onthis account it was inferred by discerningcritics that the festival ofDec. 20 must have been due to some later change in the Greek calendar,and that in Chrysostom's time the day of commemoration wasdifferent. Zahn (/.v. A. p. 53), who took this view, supposed that theoriginal commemoration was in June. The first point has since beenestablished beyond question ;but the original day of Ignatius is discoveredto have been October 17, as will appear from the documentsquoted in the sequel. This accords with a marginalnote in a MS ofChrysostom's Homily on S. Pelagia, which gives /xr/j/l oktw^p^ rj\ asthe date of its delivery (Op. 11. p. 584).(ii)The Syriac ms Brit. Mus. Add. 12,150is described inWright's Catalogue of Syriac MSS p. 631. It isprobably the oldestdated ms in existence, having been written a.d. 411. At the close ofthe volume, which contains portions of the Clementine Homilies andRecognitions, the Books against the Manicheans by Titus of Bostra, theTheophania and Palestinian Martyrs of Eusebius, etc., in Syriac versions,is a Syriac Martyrology, in which the names of the Western martyrs arearranged in the order of the Syrian months. This Martyrology hasbeen published and translated by Wright in the Journal of SacredLiterature vm. pp. 45 sq, 423 sq. Under the month Former Teshri(October) we have, among other names ;of the number of the ancient confessors.8. At Antioch, Pelagia.17. Ignatius, bishop of Antioch,Attention was called to this entry by Zahn (Ign. et Pol. Ep. pp. xiii,343, 381), who thus in his later work corrected his earlier conjecture asto the time.Here then we have found what we sought. The ms, as we haveseen, dates from the early years of the 5th century; but the Martyrologyitself, even in its Syriac dress, must be much older. It is full of errorsarising from the confusion of Syriac letters having similar forms, andtherefore probably is removed by several stages of transcription from theoriginal Syriac document. But this Syriac document itself was a translationfrom the Greek (see Zahn Ign. et Pol. Ep. p. 381). We shallprobably therefore be correct in assigning the work to a date not laterthan about the middle of the 4th century. At all events it will be olderthan S. Chrysostom's panegyric and it seems to have emanated from;Antioch or the neighbourhood.(hi) In the Syriac translation of the A?itiochene Acts of — Ignatius,27 2

420 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMpublished by Mcesinger (p. 12, 1. 1; comp. p. 15 for the translation),the date of the martyr's death, which in the extant Greek and Latincopies of this same document is given December 20, appears as 'theseventeenth of the Later Teshri' (i.e. November). Comparing thisstatement with the previously mentioned Syrian Martyrology, andbearing in mind that no calendar placesthe commemoration of thesaint on November 17, we can hardly doubt that it is a slip for theFormer Teshri, so that here also the same date (Oct. 17) is given. Thetranslator doubtless substituted the day of commemoration which wasstillkept by his own church for the day which he found in the Greekdocument before him (see below, p. 423). Thus the commemoration ofOct. 17 survived, in some Syrian Churches at least, long after the AntiocheneActs were composed.(iv)I have also found this date of the festival preserved in aJacobite Syriac calendar in the Vatican MS Syr. xxxvii, described inAssemani Bibl. Apost. Vatic. Cod. MSS Catal. Pars i. Tom. ii. p. 244,a volume of miscellaneous contents brought from Mesopotamia. Onp. 250 sq is 'Kalendarium per anni circulum festorum Domini etsanctorum ordinatum a sancto Jacobo Edesseno.' It contains thesenotices ;Oct. 15 'Isaiah of Aleppo; and the decease of Mar Asia [T^-»Qor

OF S. IGNATIUS. 421Basil and Gregory) j but beginning on fol. 84 a is a calendar of Saints'Days ' perhaps written by a different hand.' It furnishes these notices jJtoCui^l^K' .* rdx»iia K'ôaaK'.t .î.uK' Ô-A^ra .twofol. 840•:• pîx..ia Jtocuia.^*i\^ ji>cuLjtoreL=jfol. 85 £ •:• j»cu\inr>r

422 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMAnother(vi)trace of this day appears in the Bollandist ActaSanctorum Feb. i (i. p. 14, ed. nov.), where, after mention of the proximityto S. Pelagia's day in S. Chrysostom's time, the editors say 'Nequein Junio neque in Octobri ulla S. Ignatii in martyrologiis reperiturobservata solennitas, siquaedam annotata mss excipiantur CarthusianorumBruxellensium, in quibus xvii Octobris traditur B. Ignatiimartyris translation As the day of the martyrdom was already fixedfor them in their own calendar at a different time, these Carthusianswould naturally assume that October 1 7 must be the day of the translationof the reliques. But whence they derived their information, I donot know.2. December 20. This is the common date of the martyrdom,which prevailed in the Greek and other Eastern Churches at a later age.The Mencea contain two festivals of our saint.Dec. 20. The anniversary of the martyrdom (Mi/^/x^ tov dyiovUpojxdpTvpos lyvdTiov tov ©eocôpov).The (ttlxol areA4ov(tlv, lyvaTU, StiTrvov 7rpovTi0r]

of the Armenian months at thatOF S. IGNATIUS. 423time did not exactly synchronize withthe beginnings of the Greek months. In the same way Dec. 20 is Choiak24 in the Egyptian, and Tahsas 24 in the Ethiopic calendar (see belowp. 425 sq). In the Armenian Menologies,if I am correctly informed,the day is given Dec. 20, conformably to the Greek calendar. On theother hand in two Armenian calendars reprinted in Assemani (Bibl.Orient, in. p. 648, p. 654)it is neither Dec. 24 nor Dec. 20, but Dec. 17.Whether this slight variation again can be explained by some fluctuationin the Armenian year or not, I am unable to say. It should be observedhowever that this last date agrees with some early forms of the Latincalendar (see below p. 430). In the two Armenian calendars last mentionedthere is also a second day of commemoration for this saint ;Jan. 29 in the one (p. 645), and Jan. 30 in the other (p. 649). Thissecond commemoration corresponds to the festival of the translationin the Greek calendar.The earliest document which gives December 20 for the martyrdomis the Antiochene Acts of Ignatius (§ 7 rfj 7rpo heKarpidv KaXavSwv 'lo.vvovapiiov).Notwithstanding the various reading of the Syriac versionmentioned above (p. 420), the existing Greek and Latin texts unquestionablygive the date which stood originally in this document ;for this xiiith before the Kalends is mentioned in the body of the work(§ 6 -q Xeyo/xeVr/ rrj 'Pw/xat/c^ 4 >uiV V TpicrKaiSeKcrny), where it belongsto thetexture of the story, and where the number is left undisturbed by theSyriac translator himself.3. July i. This appears to have been the anniversary of themartyrdom, as commemorated in the Egyptian Churches.The correct text of the Roman Acts of Martyrdom isunquestionably(§12) koX eoTiv rj [AvtffJLY] tov OeocjaXea-TCiTov kcu ytvvaiov fxaprvpos 'lyvartovfxrjvl TravifjLui veofxrjvia, 'in the month Panemus on the 1st day,' as itappears in "P, the best of the three Greek mss. The retention of thisdate is the more remarkable, because this document is inserted in ato the later usagehagiology for December (see above, p. 364) its ; place having been adaptedof the Eastern Churches as regards the commemorationof Ignatius, but the corresponding change in the month and day,which was thus required, having been overlooked. So too the date isgiven in the Memphitic version, hccotî JUniew&oT euja,T.uoir$- epoqKevTes. uipcoMeoc -2s.e n^neAioc* K^Tek siipeAut^HAii •*.£ necoT 7 iieimn,'the first of the month which is called according to the Romans Panemus,but according to the Egyptians the seventh of Epiphi [Abib].'The Macedonian names of the months prevailed in Egypt; and in

424 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMMacedonian nomenclature July was Panemus. The Egyptian equivalentwas Epiphi; but the native Egyptian months only coincided roughly, andEpiphi began on June 25, so that Panemus 1 = Epiphi 7; see ClintonFast. Hellen. in. pp. 360, 363, Ideler Handb. d. Chron. 1. p. 143 sq.So too the heading of these Acts in this Coptic Version describes themartyrdom as taking place ficoir 7 Mnid.fi.oT ennn, 'on the seventh of5the month Epiphi. And again the corresponding notice in the ArmenianActs of Martyrdom (§ 52), taken from these Roman Acts, runs 'MemoriamDeo dilecti et fortis propugnatoris Ignatii in Hrotitz mensis dieprimo [secundum Graecos Decembr. 20]manifestavimus vobis etc'(p. 547, Petermann). Hrotitz is the last of the Armenian months, butthe Armenian year commenced with August, so that here again we havethe date July1. The words in brackets therefore (an addition, Isuppose, of the editor Aucher) do not give the Greek equivalent intime, but communicate the information that the daywas different inthe Greek calendar. It has been observed already (p. 375) that thisstatement isquite inconsistent with an earlier notice in these sameArmenian Acts (§ 49), 'Facta est res haec ante ix [secundum GraecosKalendas xiii] Januarias' (p. 545), taken from the Antiochene Acts.This then (July 1)was the original date for the martyrdom in thisdocument; but in the other Greek mss VL it is altered to conform tothe later Greek usage firjvl AcKe/x/fyiu) eiKaSi, and L also adds the day ofthe translation of the reliques Jan. 29, ivexOivToyv Sk h 'Avrtoxeta twvTi/ztW avrov kei\J/av(i)v firjvl 'lavvovapiio ei/

OF S. IGNATIUS. 425not mentioned at all. But in other Coptic calendars the originalEgyptian day, Epiphi 7, is preserved. Probably documents may beextant in which this is the sole day of commemoration. But in thosewhich I have noticed the later Greek usageis combined with the originalEgyptian, so that there are two days of commemoration, July 1 andDec. 20. This double commemoration appears, for instance, in aJacobite Coptic calendar (in Arabic) given in Mai I.e., where we haveunder Abib 7 [July 1] 'Sancti Ignatii et Scenudii abbatis' (p. 31), andunder Choiak 24 [Dec. 20] 'Sancti Ignatii' (p. 21).A second exampleappears in another Coptic calendar (in the Arabic language), likewisegiven in Mai, ib. pp. 103, 117, which under Abib 7 has 'MartyriumIgnatii papae Romae, qui Petrum excepit imperante Trajano,' andunder Choiak 24 'Martyrium sancti Ignatii patriarchae Antiochiae,discipuli sancti Johannis evangelistae.' The designation 'Papa Romae'is a hasty inference from the statement that he succeeded S. Peter.This last quoted calendar is stated to be 'juxta recensionem factama patre Michaele episcopo Atribae et Meligae, et ab aliis Sanctispatribus' (p. 93). This Michael flourished about a.d. 1425. Thealternate ascendency of Melchites and Jacobites for some generationsin the Egyptian Churches will explain this interminglingusages.So far as I have observed, the Ethiopicof differentcalendars all commemorateIgnatius on both days, Tahsas 24 and Hamle" 7, correspondingto Dec. 20 and July1 respectively. So for instance the calendargiven in Ludolf, p. 389 sq (see pp. 402, 421). But they mostcommonly add a third commemoration also, Hamle 1(June 25). Thisis the case with the Ethiopic Synaxariondescribed in Dillmann'sCatal. Cod. Aethiop. Bibl. Bodl. p. 37 sq, where we have the followingentries ;'Tahsas 24 Martyrium Ignatii, patriarchae Antiocheni' [p. 49].Hamle 1 Commemoratio ' Martyrii Ignatii patriarchae' [p. 63].'Hamle 7 Martyrium Ignatii, patriarchae Romani post Petrum' [p. 64]:and similarly in Zotenberg Catal. des MSS Ethiop. de la Bibl. Nation.pp. 169, 189, 190.Several such Ethiopic Synaxaria are described in Wright's Catal. ofEthiop. MSS in the Brit. Mus. p. 152. At my request Dr Wrightexamined them with a view to the notices respectingthe commemorationof Ignatius, and has furnished me with the following translationof the entries.Tahsas 24 'And again on this day the holy and illustrious Ignatius,patriarch of Antioch, became a martyr.'

426 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM'He was the disciple of the blessed Apostle John the Evangelist,and ministered unto him in preaching, and went with him to many cities.Thereafter he appointed him patriarch over the city of Antioch ;and hepreached therein with life-giving preaching, and converted many unto theknowledge of the Lord, and baptized them with the Christian baptism,and enlightened them with knowledge, and showed their error unto thosewho worshipped idols.''And the heathen were enraged with him and accused him beforeking Trajan (Trabyanos), the wicked Cassar; and they said unto him:Ignatius abolisheth the worship of thy gods, and teacheth the people andbringeth them into the Christian faith of Christ.''Then he sent and bade him come unto him. And the king saidunto Ignatius:Why hast thou done this? and why hast thou abolished theworship of my gods? and hast brought all ?nen into the worship ofChrist? And Ignatius said unto him: Ifit were possible for me, Iwould bring thee too, O king, into the worship of Christ, the King ofall, that I might make thee a friend of His. And the king said untohim : Let this talk alone, and sacrifice unto my gods ; and if not, I willtorture thee with great torture. And the holy Ignatius said unto him :Do unto me, O king, all that thou pleasest; because, as for me, I will notsacrifice unto thy filthy gods, and I am not afraid of thy torture, neitherof thy fire nor of thy lions; and thou art not able to divide me from thelove of Christ, the living King.''And when the king heard this, he became very angry, and orderedhim to be tortured with great torture. And they tortured him with muchtorture, and placed coals of fire in his hands, and seized him with pincers{or fleshhooks) a long time, whilst the fire was in his hands ;and afterthis they burned his sides with brimstone (Oeiov) and oil, kindled withfire. And after this they lacerated all his body with knives of iron.''And when those who tortured him were weary of torturing him,they cast him into prison, until they could do with him according to allthat they wished; and he remained in prison many days. And thereafterthey remembered him and brought him forth, and set him beforethe king.''And the king said unto him :Ignatius, if thou couldest see thegods, their beauty would please thee. And the holy one said unto him:If thou wouldest believe in Christ, He would ?nake thee raise the deadand heal the sick. And the king said unto him : Thei'e is no worshipwhich is better than the worship of the sun. And the holy one said untohim : How is it better to worship the sun, which hath been created, and toforsake the Creator, whose kingdom doth not fail? And the king saidunto him : Thou spcakest not well, but by thy transgression thou drawestall the people of Syria unto the worship of Christ. And the holy onewas angered, and said unto him : Oking, because I have drawn thepeople from worshipping idols and have brought them unto the worshipof Christ, the Creator of heaven and earth, who was before the world,

OF S. IGNATIUS. 427thou art angry with me and orderest mc to sacrifice unto thy gods andBut as for me, I will not obey thy order, and I willthy filthy idols /not sacrifice wito devils, but I will sacrifice unto my God, who is intruth, Father and Son and the Holy Spirit!'Then the king was angered, and commanded that they should letloose upon him two hungry lions, so that they should not leave even amorsel of his flesh. And when the holy Ignatius saw the lions comingnigh unto him, he cried out with a loud voice, and said to the people:Hearken unto my voice, O men of the city of Rome who are assembledhere, and know that it is not because of pride and vainglory that Ipatiently endure this torture, but my patience is becaiise of my LordJesus Christ, my God. And lo, my soul desireth that these lio?is shouldcrush me like wheat, because my soul desireth now to go to my Lord JesusChrist.' 1'And when the king heard what he said, he marvelled and wasastonished and said : How great is the patience of the Christians tinderthese tortures I Who is the?'e of the heathens who could patiently e?idurethese tortures for the gods f ''Then those lions came near to the holy one; and when they sawhim, they stood still in terror. And afterwards one of them stretched outhis paw upon his neck and seized him. Then he delivered up his soulinto the hand of Christ his God with joy, and He fulfilled for him hisprayer, and it was not possible for those lions to touch a morsel of hisbody, but it is preserved in the city of Rome until the second comingof the Lord Jesus Christ.''And after this they buried the body of the holy Ignatius in thecemetery which is outside the city, with hymns and psalms. And heaccomplished his martyrdom well for the name of our Lord JesusChrist ;and they wrote his contest that itmight be profitablefor himwho reads it and for him who remembers his name. And they madefor him a festival in every place, and he intercedes for them in all theirafflictions, because he hated the life of this world. May his holy blessingbe with etc.''Hail to Ignatius,Who preached the truth unto those who had gone astray!The heathen, whilst they made sport of him,Burned his side with boiling oil and sulphur,And also placed in his hands coals of fire 1 .''the chosen of GodHamle 1 'And again on this day was the martyrdom of Ignatius thepatriarch, may his 2 'blessing be with etcHamle 7 'And again on this day the holy father Ignatius, patriarch1MSS consulted, Brit. A/us. Oriental2Orient. 659 has Agnatjos; Orient.660,667, 656, 658; see Wright's Cata- 657, Gnatyos; Orient. 661, Anagtyos;and Orient. 670, Agrtyos.logue p. 152 sq.

428 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMof the city of Rome, became a martyr, who was after Peter, in the daysof king Trajan (Trabyanos).''For when this king heard concerning this father that he taught allthe nations and brought them into the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ (towhom be glory) and rejected the worship of idols, he bade him come,and said to him, Sacrifice unto the gods; but he hearkened not unto him,neither did he obey him. And he made him many promises, and wasindignant with him; but he heeded not his promises, and feared not hisindignation. And after there had been much talk between them, andhe would not agree with him about his apostatising, then he broughthim to the lions. And the holy Ignatius commanded his people, andstrengthened them in the right faith. And one of the lions drew nighunto him and seized his neck ;and he delivered up his soul into thehand of the Lord. And thereafter that lion came not near him at all.And they carried away his body with much honour, and placedit in a fairspot, which the Lord had prepared'for it.'Hail to Ignatius, who inherited {or occupied) the throne of Peter,The grace of which is exalted above all thrones.While he was polluting the sacrifice of abominable idols,As the consummation of his martyrdom a lion killed him,But did not thereafter come near to his body to touch it 1 .'This triple commemoration may be easily explained. The dateHamle 1 is a repetition of Hamle 7, according to another mode ofreckoning. Strictly speaking Panemus (July) 1corresponded to Hamle7 but; roughly Panemus was regarded as equivalent to July. Henceby a careless transference the Egyptian day of commemoration Panemus1 became Hamle 1 ;and this day, having been borrowed directly orindirectly from some Graeco-Egyptian calendar, was set down withoutnoticing that Panemus 1 was already represented by Hamle 7.It should be noticed that both the accounts of the martyrdom(under Tahsas 24, and under Hamle 7) are derived almost entirely fromthe Roman Acts. This is an additional indication of the Egyptianorigin of those Acts (see above p. 381).4. February i. The ultimate usageof the Latin Churches isrepresented in the Martyrology of Ado (t a.d. 875);Feb. 1 'Eodem die apud Antiochiam, beati Ignatii episcopi et martyris.'Dec. 17 'Translatio S. Ignatii episcopi et martyris qui tertius postbeatum Petrum apostolum Antiochenam rexit ecclesiam.'See also his Liber de Festiv. p.191 (Migne), where an account of the1Orient. 670,f.78 a, col. 2; collated with Orient. 661, f. 106 b, col, 3, andOrient. 657,f.147 b, col. 2.

saint is given, and the same daysOF S. IGNATIUS. 429are mentioned. The account concludes,'Reliquiae ejus Antiochiam relatae jacent extra portam Daphniticamin coemiterio ecclesiae, xvi Kalendas Januarias delatae.' Thedays are the same in Usuard ;and so Notker gives Feb. 1 for themartyrdom, but the two last months in the year are wanting in hiscalendar.Thus comparingit with the final Greek calendar we find the finalLatin calendar substituting Feb. 1 for Dec. 20 as the day of themartyrdom, and Dec. 17 for Jan. 29 as the day of the translation.But this result was only attained after much fluctuation. In theoldest Latin calendars there is no mention of this saint at allZahn /. v. A. p. 27 sq). This is the case for instance in the HieronymianMartyrology. In the original Beda {Op. v. 1134, Migne), Dec. 17(seeisgiven as the day, not of the translation, but of the martyrdom 1 ;'xvi Kal. Jan. Natale S. Ignatii episcopi et martyris qui tertiusAntiochiae post Petrum apostolum episcopus duodecimo Trajani anno adbestias vinctus Romae [1. Romam] missus est. Reliquiae tamen corporisejus Antiochiae jacent (extra portam Daphniticamin coemeterio ecclesiae)5 ;while no other dayis commemorated in connexion with this saint.The same is also the case with Rhabanus Maurus {Op. iv. 11 86, Migne),who repeats almost the same words ;and with Wandalbert (Migne'sPatrol. Lat. cxxi. p.622), whose verses on Dec. 17 are,'Ignatius sanctus deno sextoque triumphat,Antiochenae urbis pastor martyrque, ferarumQuern dentes panem vivum fecere; sequunturQuern fuso ob Christum Rufus Zosimusque cruore';where the companionship of Rufus and Zosimus with Ignatius is takenfrom Polycarp Phil. 9.These facts seem to show that, when Dec. 17firstappeared in the Latin calendar, it was intended for the martyrdom.How this day came to be selected, we can only conjecture2. ButIthink itmay be explained as a confusion of Oct. 17 and Dec. 20, thetwo days of the martyrdomin the earlier and later Greek calendar.On the other hand Zahn (/.v. A. p. 28) suggests that it is due toattraction, the commemoration of another martyr bearingthe samename having already, as he supposes, been fixed on Dec. 25 (see1In the poetical Martyrology however,2 See however the same phenomenonattributed to Bede {Op. v. 606, Migne), in some Armenian calendars noticedDec. 20 is given; 'Ter decimas Daciani above, p. 423.Ignatius aeque Kalendis,'

43° ACTS OF MARTYRDOMMartyr. Hieron. Dec. 25, Hieron. Op. xi. p. 545). Meanwhile in othercalendars in the West Feb. 1 had been fixed for the martyrdom ofIgnatius of Antioch. This day must have been selected arbitrarilywithout any reference to tradition ;but it would be suggested, as Zahnsupposes (1. a), by proximity to the festival of the African martyr bearingthe same name Ignatius or Egnatius (see Cyprian Epist. xxxix. 3,p. 583 Hartel), who was already commemorated on Feb. 3 (see theBollandist Act. Sand. Februarius 1. p. 325 sq, ed. nov.) 1 .Again, Feb. 1appears as the commemoration of Polycarp's martyrdomin someearly Latin calendars (e.g. Martyr. Hiero?i.), and the memory of Ignatiusof Antioch was inseparably connected with that of Polycarp. Thus theearlier Latin calendars exhibit two days as claimants for the martyrdomof Ignatius of Antioch, Dec. 17 and Feb. 1; and the ultimate form ofthe Roman calendar is, I am disposed to think, an attempt to reconcilethese rival claims. Feb. 1 was allowed to retain the martyrdom, whileDec. 17 was compensated with the translation. This last adjustmentwould be the more easy, because those martyrologies which giveDec. 17 as the day of Ignatius include in the appended account ofthe saint the notice of the deposition of his bones at Antioch as relatedby S. Jerome. In this way 'Translatio' would be inserted on Dec. 17,and ' Natale ' (where it occurred) would be removed.From this account it will have appeared that the commemorationof Ignatius of Antioch only obtained a place among the festivals ofthe Latin Church at a comparatively late date, and even then withmany fluctuations. But in these islands several centuries more elapsebefore he isrecognised ;and indeed he seems never to have obtaineda firm footing in our northern calendars, whether Celtic or English.This appears, I think, from the calendars published in Hampson'sMedii Aevi Kalendariwn, and in Forbes's Kalendars of Scottish Saints.Even in those which belong to as late a date as the 14th centuryhis name is frequently wanting, and S. Brigid still retains sole possessionof Feb. 1.The lessonfrom the Gospels, appropriated to the commemorationof S. Ignatius, was Mark ix. 32— 40. This appropriation was owing1Cyprian (1. c.) tells us that this Egna- ever in the early Carthaginian calendartius was already commemorated in his of the 5th century appears to be June 14,time; 'Sacrificia pro eis semper, ut me- not Feb. 3. But he was transferred toministis, quotiens martyrum passiones, et Feb. 3, before Ignatius of Antioch wasdies anniversaria commemoratione cele- assigned to Feb. 1 see Zahn; I. v. A,bramus.' His day of commemoration how- p. 28 sq.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 431to the legend, founded on a misinterpretation of the name G/€o

432 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMthe crowned victor. At the moment, he continues, he brought advantageand prosperity to all those cities through which he passed;but from that time forward to the present day he enriches the city ofAntioch {Op.II. p. 600). In all this however there isnothing whichsuggests that Chrysostom was building upon any definite tradition.His language looks like a mere imaginative effort by which a skilfulorator would dress up the bare fact of the restoration of the body toAntioch. Whether the bones of the saint were actually so restoredor not, it isimpossible to say. Such a belief, where there is no evidenceof its existence before the close of the fourth century, is notentitled to serious credit. The mere name found on a tombstonewould be sufficient to start the belief, where the disposition was ready.However from this time forward the translation from Rome to Antiochbecame a settled belief. It was commemorated, as we have seen, onJan. 29 in the Greek and Syrian Churches probably as early as thefifth century ;and in the Latin Churches also at a later date itappropriateda day to itself, Dec. 17.2. The translation from the Cemetery outside the DaphniticGate to the Tychaeum within the city. This second translation isso far historical, that some bones believed (whether truly or not) tobe those of Ignatius were so translated. This took place,as we haveseen (387 sq),some time during the first half of the fifth centuryunder Theodosius the younger.3.The translation from Antioch to Rome. This must be consideredas a pure fiction, of which the growth is easily traced. TheActs of Martyrdom, which I have called the Roman, were written,as we have seen, not before the fifth century. Bythis time it wasthe stedfast belief in Antioch and the neighbourhood, that thereliques of the saint reposed in his own city.But the Roman Actswere composed probably in Egypt, and certainly without any knowledgeof Antiochene belief. The writer therefore, being unfetteredby any tradition, supposed that, as the saint had died at Rome, sohe was buried there. This was the natural supposition. Accordinglyhe dressed up his statement in an attractive form. Before the 9thcentury however these Roman Acts, clumsily combined with theAntiochene Acts, had been translated into Latin (see above pp. 371,382) and circulated in the West. A story so acceptableto Romanfeelings could not be overlooked and it soon became a settled belief;in Rome that the body of the martyr lay in the city where, as these'Acts express it, Peter was crucified and Paul was beheaded andOnesimus was perfected.' But by this time the Antiochene story

OF S. IGNATIUS. 433of the translation to Antioch was also an established belief farbeyond the region of Antioch and its neighbourhood. To reconcilethe two therefore, it was necessary to suppose a retranslation at somelater date. As to any such retranslation history and legend alike aresilent ;but the body, being at Rome, must have got to Rome somehow.Accordingly Baronio in his notes on the Martyrologmm Romanummodestly suggests that they were removed from Antioch to Romeunder Justinian, when the former city was devastated by Chosroesand the Persians, a.d. 540. This however is impossible,as theBollandist editors (p. 35) point out, since half a century later Evagriusspeaks of the saint's body as still at Antioch. In another passage however,in his Annates, Baronio states the case so as to evade this difficulty.Under the year a.d. 637, having occasion to speak of the Saraceniccapture of Antioch in the time of 'Heraclius, he writes, Plane histemporibus, quibus sive a Persis antea, sive ab Arabibus postea iisdemMahometanis et Sarracenis captae sunt nobilissimae civitates Orientis,Alexandria, Hierosolyma et Antiochia...accidit ut...complura sanctorum,turn martyrum, turn confessorum, corporatranslata fuerint in occidentem...Romam autem translatas tunc fuisse venerandas reliquiasIgnatii martyris Antiochia, constans fama vetusque traditio, potiusquam scripta, significant', where the previous description leaves histime several centuries to move about in. But it is clear from hisaccount that he had not found this tradition (if tradition it couldbe called) in any writer even of moderate antiquity. Of the numerouschurches in Rome and elsewhere in Western Europe, which professto have different bones of this martyr, an account is givenin theBollandist Acta Sanctorum Feb. 1.p. 36 sq. The most persistent,and perhaps the most ancient, claim is that put forward by the Basilicaof San Clemente at Rome, which is asserted to possess the main reliques— — the body of the martyr. There is a certain propriety in the storywhich assigns a common resting-place to the remains of the two greatApostolical Fathers. Only a few years ago (a.d. 1868), when owingto the excavations in this ancient basilica the reliquary supposed tocontain the bones of the two martyred saints had been for a timedisplaced, it was restored to its old position with much pomp. Onthis occasion the reliques of Ignatius were carried in solemn processioninto the Flavian Amphitheatre, where he himself had suffered,and back again to the church. Of this latest 'translation' an accountis given in Mullooly's Saint Clement and his Basilica p. 305 sq.It has appeared from the above investigation that the originalIGN. II. 28

434 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMday of commemoration was October 17, and that this day afterwardsgave place to December 20. How and when did the change takeplace? The account of Evagrius, quoted above (p. 386 sq), suggeststhe answer to this question. We are told by this historian that fromthe time when the reliques were translated to the Tychaeum by Theodosiusto his own day a public festival was observed with generalrejoicing and that his contemporary the patriarch Gregory had addedto the splendours of this festival. It is the natural inference fromhis language that the day so observed was the anniversary, not ofthe martyrdom, but of the translation to the Tychaeum. If so, it wasprobably December 20, as Zahn {I. v. A. p. 53, Ign. et Pol Ep. p. 358)suggests.The previous translation from Rome to Antioch was alreadycommemorated on Jan. 29, in addition to the commemoration of themartyrdom on Oct. 1 7 ;and as three distinct festivals for this onesaint were felt to be excessive, Oct. 17 would fall into disuse, and thecommemoration of Dec. 20 would come to be regarded as theanniversary of the martyrdom.The only anniversary therefore, which has anyclaims to considerationas the true day of the martyrdom, is Oct. 17. Nor is thisdate improbable in itself. Ignatius wrote his Epistle to the Romanson August 24 {Rom. 10); and he was about to embark at Troas atthe time. This interval of between seven and eight weeks would belong enough, and not too long, for the journey from Troas to Romeand for the necessary delays which might occur on the way orafter his arrival. On the other hand the later day of commemoration,Dec. 20, for which the Antiochene Acts are our earliestauthority, leaves an interval of nearly four months — a delay noteasily reconcilable with other notices in these same Acts for this;document represents the journey as hurried and the sentence asexecuted immediately on the saint's arrival in Rome. But even theobservance of Oct. 17 cannot be traced back earlier than the laterdecades of the fourth century; and there are reasons for thinking that thecommemoration had not then been established very many years. It ishave hadnot indeed impossible that the initiators of this festivalmayauthentic information as to the day of the martyr's death ;but afterthe lapse of more than two centuries this cannot be regarded asprobable.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 435The year of the martyrdom is not altogether independent of theday; but it has a still more direct bearing on the main question ofthe Ignatian controversy, and deserves special consideration.So long as the personal interview with Trajanat Antioch wasaccepted without question as an accredited truth, it formed a definitestarting point, from which investigations respecting the date of themartyrdom issued. Taking this assumed fact as his basis, Pearsonin his posthumous disquisition (de Anno quo S. Ignatius a Trajanoetc., first printed from his papers by Smith in S. Ig?iatii EpistolaeGenuinae etc. p. 58 sq) endeavoured to show that Ignatius wascondemned in the earlier part of a.d. 116 and suffered at Rome atthe close of the same year. He proved conclusively, as against Ussher,who had dated the martyrdom a.d. 107, that Trajan's departure forthe East took place several years afterwards, and that this earlydate therefore was untenable. Of other statements in the AntiocheneActs, which conflict with this result, e.g. the names of the consuls,which belong to a.d. 107, and the reference to the subjugation of theDacians, which took place in this or the preceding year, he saysnothing. Doubtless he regarded these Acts as interpolated1;but hisdissertation seems to have been left unfinished, and hence his silence 2 .Pearson's dissertation held itsground as quite the most importantcontribution to the subjecttill recent years. But it turned wholly on1This opinion is definitely attributedto Pearson by Smith, p. 42.2In his earlier work (Vind. Ign. p.346) Pearson writes, 'supponendum imprimisIgnatium... tandem ab imperatoreTrajano, in expeditione Parthica ad bestiascondemnatum, et ab Antiochiatractum, si quid scripserit in itinere satismolesto partim Smyrnae, partim Troade,et quidem decimo imperii Trajani, vulgarisaerae Christianae septimo post centesimumanno, anno Christi vero, utego quidem existimo, 113, epistolas scripsisse.'Jacobson {Patr. A post. 11. p. 569,note) explains this as meaning that Pearsonbelieved Ignatius to have been takenfrom Antioch to Rome a.d. 107, but tohave written his epistles A.D. 113. Buthe cannot have entertained a theory soirrational as this. Pearson's words areloose, and we may suspectsome misprintbut; they must mean that Ignatiuswas carried to Rome and wrote hisepistles a.d. 107, according to the generalopinion, but a.d. 113, as he himselfbelieved. He seems to have beenalready meditating the theory which heputs forward in his posthumous dissertation,but it did not affect his immediateargument, and he could therefore passthe subject over. So again in Vind. Ign.p. 435 he provisionally accepts the commondate, A.d. 107. Smith states in hispreface that Pearson at one time agreedwith Ussher in placing the martyrdomin this year.28—2

436'ACTS OF MARTYRDOMthe interview at Antioch,as related in the Antiochene Acts of Martyrdom.The credit of these Acts however has been irretrievablydamaged by recent criticism and with their; authority the onlygrounds for regarding the interview at Antioch as historical havedisappeared. It was unknown to Eusebius, and apparently also toChrysostom 1 ;and itappears for the first time in these very Acts,which cannot well be assigned to a date earlier than the fifth or sixthcentury. It was a fiction too, in which a hagiologist would be sorelytempted to indulge. The dramatic gain of confronting the saintlysufferer with his imperial persecutor was too great to be resisted.The martyr lived at Antioch, and Trajan visited Antioch. What morenatural than that the two should have stood face to face ? Moreoverthere was an ambiguity in the language in which the fact of themartyrdom was handed down, favourable to this assumption. It wasrelated to have taken placei-n-lTpdiavov, and this might mean equallywell 'in the presence of Trajan' or 'in the time of Trajan.' Thus allthe elements of the fiction were ready to hand.Recent criticism has thus givenits death-blow to the interview atAntioch, which was at one time regardedas the central fact of theIgnatian history. One attempt however has been made in an unexpectedquarter to reverse the verdict. Volkmar endeavours to revivethis corpse of an exploded fiction no; longer however from a conservativepoint of view, from which it was defended by older critics,but with the destructive aim of closing for ever by an a priori negativethe question of the genuineness of the Ignatian letters. Owingto the important consequences which thus flow from it. rather thanto any inherent probability which it can claim, his theory requires afullinvestigation once for all.John Malalas (Chronogr. xi. p. 275, ed. Bonn.) states that theearthquake at Antioch in Trajan's reign took place 'on the 13th ofthe month Apellaeus, which is also December, on the firstday of theweek, after cock-crow, in the 164th year according to the reckoning ofthe said Antiochenes, two years after the arrival of the most divineking Trajan in the East.' The year 164 of the Antiochene era isa.d. 115.'After some intervening matter the same writer (p. 276) adds ;Nowthe said king Trajan was residing in the said city (Antioch)when the1Op. 11. p. 600 t?5s rod Tvpdvpov y\u)

OF S. IGNATIUS. 437visitation (rj OeofJLrjvta)took place. And in his presence (or under him)at that time the holy Ignatius, bishop of the city of Antioch, sufferedmartyrdom (or bore his testimony);for he was exasperated against him,because he reviled him' (i/J.apTvpr]aeSe iirl avrov Tore 6 ayios 'Iyi/artoso £7rtcrK07ro§ Trjs 7roXeo>5 AvTiOYîas" yyavaKTrjcrt yap /car' ourrov, oni\oL$op€i avrov).Combining these statements with the fact that in the normal Greekcalendar Ignatiusis commemorated on the 20th of December, Volkmarframes his theory (Handbuch der Einleitung in die Apokryphen 1. p.49 sq, p. 121 sq ; comp. Zur Chronologie des Trajanischen Partherkriegsin the Rheinisches Museum N. F. xn. p. 481 sq, 1857). He is convincedthat Ignatius was not sent to Rome at all, but was condemned andexecuted at Antioch. The populace, he supposes, lashed into fury bythe earthquake, demanded the life of Ignatius as a propitiatory offeringto the gods. Trajan yielded to their fanaticism ;and within a weekof the calamity their victim suffered martyrdom in the amphitheatre.From this it follows that the letters must be spurious, for they pretendto have been written during the journey to Rome.This theory, notwithstanding the slender basis on which it rests,is maintained with great assurance by Volkmar ;but it has notgenerally been received with favour. The anonymous author ofSupernatural Religion however has given it his unqualified support,regarding it as 'demonstrated' (1. p. 268), but not alleging any newarguments 1 ;and it may be worth while to enquire what is thought toconstitute demonstration in this case.1. In the first place then it must be remarked that John Malalasdid not write earlier than the latter half of the sixth century. Hisprobable date as an author is the age of Justin 11 (seeMommsen insome criticsHermes vi. p. 381) who — reigned a.d. 565 578; thoughhave placed him much later (see Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vn. p. 447, ed.Harles). His date therefore constitutes no claim to a hearing. Buthis statement is directly opposed to the concurrent testimonyof allthe preceding centuries, which without a dissentient voice declare thatIgnatiussuffered at Rome. This is the case with all the writers andinterpolators of the Ignatian letters; of whom the earliest is placed,even by those critics who deny their genuineness, about the middle orin the latter half of the second century. It is the case apparently even1On the other hand Renan (Les question d'Ignace, n'a-t-on pas pretendu£vangiles p. xxxiv) says of the extra- corriger les traditions du ii e siecle avecvagances of the Tubingen school, ' Dans la Jean Malala?'

438 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMwith the heathen satirist Lucian, who writing soon after a.d. 165caricatures the progress of Ignatius through Asia Minor in his death ofPeregrinus 1 . It is the case with the authors of the two Acts of Martyrdom,which, written independently of each other and agreeing in littleelse, are united in sending the martyr to Rome to die. It is the casenecessarily with all those fathers who quote the Ignatian letters inany form as genuine, among whom are Irenaeus and Origen andEusebius and Athanasius and Basil, besides numbers of later writers.It is the case especially with Chrysostom, who on the daymartyr's festival pronounces at Antioch an elaborate panegyricof theon hisillustrious predecessor, and with Severus, who preaching likewise atAntioch inthe very church where the martyr's remains rested, or weresupposed to rest, turns aside from his main subject to eulogize him,assuming throughout the traditional belief respecting the placeof hismartyrdom (Cureton Corp. Ign. p. 247 sq). All these writers livedbefore, and many of them several centuries before, the time whenMalalas wrote. One of the earliest, Origen, writing about a centuryafter the event, directly affirms that Ignatius was martyredat Rome{Op. III. p. 938 toV lv tw Stcoy/xw lv 'Pwft^ Orjpiois /xa-^rjcrdfxtvov).But Malalas,it is said, resided at Antioch, and therefore wasfavourably situated for obtaining correct information. So did Chrysostom—a successor of Ignatius in the see of Antioch— some two centuriesbefore Malalas. So did Severus— likewise a successor in thesame see— nearly a century before Malalas. So did Evagrius, who,if the earliest date be adopted, was his contemporary, and whocoincides with all preceding writers in placing the martyrdom ofIgnatius at Rome. So almost certainly did Joannes Rhetor, whomEvagrius quotes among his authorities, and who must have writtensome years at least before Malalas. If therefore the testimony ofMalalas deserves to be preferred to this cloud of witnesses, it can onlybe because he approves himself elsewhere as exceptionally sober andaccurate and trustworthy in his statements.2. As a matter of fact however, he is the very reverse of all this.Several tests of credibility may be applied to his narrative, and he failsto satisfy any one of them. The questions which the problem suggestsare these.Is he generally trustworthy where he touches upon Christianhistory? Does his account of Trajan's doings harmonize with thenotices of credible secular historians? Lastly; Are his statementsat this particular point consistent with themselves ?(i)His notices of early Christian history are, almost without ex-1See above, pp. 206, 213, 356.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 439ception, demonstrably false or palpably fabulous. The following areall the notices bearing on the history of the Church during the reignsof Nero and Trajan, with the exception of the supposed ' recall' ofS. John from Patmos by Nerva (p. 268); and theywill serve thereforeas a standard by which we may gauge his general credibilitymatters.(a)'in suchDuring the reign of the same [Nerva] Manes appeared, etc'(p. 268). This heresiarch really flourished about a.d. 260— 270, sothat he is ante-dated by at least a century and a half 1 .(l>)'And in like manner during his reign gladiators and theirexhibitions were prohibited ;and the exhibition of hunts (Kvvrjytoiv,venationum) was devised in their stead.' The gladiatorial shows werenot abolished till the time of Honorius (Theod. H. E. v. 26), threecenturies after the reign of Nerva, owing to the courage of the monkTelemachus. There is indeed in the statute-book an order ofConstantine {Cod. Just. xi. 44) dated a.d. 325, 'omnino gladiatoresesse prohibemus' 2 ;but itevidently was not acted upon. Of Nerva'ssuccessor Trajan we are told, that at the celebration of his triumphafter the close of the Dacian wars /xovo/zaôt fxvpLOL r/ywvio-avTo (DionCass, lxviii. 15). The origin of the misstatement in Malalas may bepartially explained from Dion Cass, lxviii. 2.((c)Until the second year of his [Trajan's] reign the holy John,the Apostle and Divine, was appearing and teaching inEphesus, beingbishop and patriarch and; having disappeared (dfyavrj kavrov 73-0070-01$)he was no more seen of any one, and no man knoweth to this day whatcame of him, as Africanus and Irenseus, men of the greatest wisdom,have recorded' (p. 269). Africanus and Irenaeus assuredly never wroteanything of the kind. As regards Africanus, we have not the meansof confronting this statement with the fact. Irenseus merely says thatJohn survived to the time of Trajan 22.(ii. 5,iii.3. 3); of his mysteriousdisappearance not a word.(d) Having mentioned the persecution under Trajan (p. 269), heafterwards states that Trajan, while he was at Antioch laying his plansfor the war, received a letter from Tiberianus, governor of Palestine,relating to the Christians, in consequence of which he put an end tothe persecution.The letter isgiven in full (p. 273). The story isgenerally acknowledged to be a 3fiction, and the letter a forgery.1Some of these fabulous statements investigatetheir source,he shares in common with the PaschalaSee Euseb. Vit. Const, iv. 25.Chronicle (p. 469 sq, ed. Bonn.). It is3The genuinenessof this letter hasunnecessary for my present purpose to recently found an advocate in Wieseler

440 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM(e)The next statement relating to Christian history is the noticeof the martyrdom of Ignatius (p.276) with which we are concerned.(/) In the very next sentence Malalas introduces an account offurther persecutions. He relates how Trajan had five Christian womenburnt alive ;the emperor then mingled their ashes with the metal fromwhich the vessels used for the baths were cast ;the bathers were seizedwith swooning fits in consequence ;the vessels were again melted up,and out of the same metal were erected five pillarsin honour of thefive martyrs by the emperor's orders. These pillars,adds Malalas,stand in the bath to this day. As if this were not enough, he goes onto relate how Trajan made a furnace, and ordered any Christians, whodesired, to throw themselves into it — an injunction which was obeyedby many. 'At that time,' he concludes, 'the holy Drosine and manyother virgins were martyred' (pp. 276, 277).From the company in which it is found, some estimate may beformed of the antecedent trustworthiness of Malalas' statement relatingto Ignatius.(ii) Again the statement is mixed; up with the narrative of Trajan'scampaigns in the East, and it is therefore pertinent to enquire whatdegree of credit is due to this narrative.{Christenvcrfolgungen der Cdsaren p. (4) Tiberianus himself is designated ' governorof Palestina Prima' (^yefiuov rod126 sq, 1878); but his advocacy cannotbe considered successful. The arguments irpdorov HaKaicrTivu>v eOvovs) whereas;against it are as follows. (1) Eusebius is this division of Palestine into differentignorant of any such systematic persecutionas this letter supposes thoughprovinces is not known to have takenit was place till much later. Marquardt [Rom.;not likely to have escaped him as a Alterth. iv. p. 261, ed. 2) escapes thenative of Palestine. We must infer too difficulty by supposing that this designationwas no part of the original docu-that Hegesippus said nothing about it.Otherwise Eusebius would have known ment, but was due to Malalas himself.of The it. (2) exaggerated expressions Wieseler (p. 129) endeavours to show'condemn themselves ;I am exhausted that Palestine may have been so dividedwith punishing and slaying the Galileans,' at an earlier date than is generally believed.If the document had come to us'they do not cease informing againstthemselves that they may be put to on earlier and more trustworthy authority,death,' 'I got tired of warning these personsand threatening them that they consideration to such possibilities, thoughwe should have felt bound to give fullshould not give information to me.' The they could hardly have been regarded asletter is evidently founded on Pliny's representationsto this same emperor and voucher for its genuineness is a blunderersatisfactory solutions ; but, where the soleexaggerates them. (3)The titles by and fabulist like Malalas, they are powerlessto remove the objections. This beingwhich Trajanis addressed are at leastsuspicious, and savour of a later age, so, the document stands self-condemnedvlktitt), deioT&Ty, though they might stand. by its extravagance of language.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 44 1Malalas first gives an account of the previous events by whichTrajan was provoked to undertake his eastern campaign, wholly irreconcilablewith the trustworthy narrative of Dion. He then statesthat Trajan left Rome in the October of the 12th year of his reign(p. 270). The 1 2th year would be a.d. 108, if the tribunician yearsare counted, or a.d. 109, if the starting point be his actual accessionto the throne. Neither year can be reconciled with the coins and inscriptions,or with the account of Dion. From all these authenticsources we learn that he did not set out on his eastern expeditiontillthe autumn, a.d. 113. He makes Trajan arrive at Seleucia, while thePersians are holding Antioch. At Trajan's instigation the Antiochenesrise up by night against their Persian masters, and slay them. The fewsurvivors set fire to a part of the city. Trajan orders the carcases of themurdered Persians to be burnt outside the walls at a distance, and drumsto be beaten throughout the city to drive away the unrighteous spiritsof the slaughtered Persians. After this he entered Antioch, we aretold, ' through the Golden Gate, as it is called, that is the Daphnitic,wearing a crown of olive boughs on his head, on the 7th day of themonth Audenseus, that isJanuary, being the 5th day of the week, atfour o'clock in the day : and30 days every night, givingevery yearhe ordered the drums to be beaten fordirections also that this should be doneat the same time in remembrance of the destruction of thePersians.' 'These things,' so he concludes, 'have been recorded byDomninus the chronographer ' (p. 272 sq).These ' Persian Vespers,' as they have been happily called, haveno point of coincidence with contemporary history, and are plainlyfabulous. Von Gutschmid (Dierauer Geschichte Trajans p. 157, note)conjectures that they may refer to some incident — in the later campaignof Valerian against the Persians [a.d. 258 260], but this is meredrawn from theconjecture. One inference, I think, may be fairlystory as told by Malalas. It is a legendfounded on a snatch of apopular ditty, 'Away, away, Gargari, Fortune' (aye, ayt, Tapyaî,Qoprovve), which he introduces into his account. All this nonsense,it will be observed, isaccompanied by the utmost precision ofdates.The remaining notice respecting these eastern campaignsis notreconcilable in its details with Dion's account; but its main incident,the creation of Parthemaspates (so he writes the name) as kingof theParthians, is historical. It should be added that Malalas representsTrajan as sacrificing a beautiful virgin, Calliope by name, 'for theredemption and purification of the city'(v-n-ep Xvrpov ko.1 diroKa6api(Tixov

442 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMrrjs Ti-oAews), and then erecting a statue of her in bronze gilt, apparentlyrepresented as impersonating the Fortune of Antioch (p. 275).isThe third criterion was(iii) self-consistency. Even this simple testnot satisfied by Malalas.For instance, this very date of the earthquake, with which we aremainly concerned, is consistent neither with itself nor with a previousdate given by this author. He representsit as taking place 'on thethirteenth of December, the firstday of the week, after cock-crow 1 ,inthe year 164 according to the Antiochene reckoning [i.e. a.d. 115],two years after the arrival of Trajan in the East' (p. 275). But the13th of December was not a Sunday in this year. The only yearsduring Trajan's reign, in which Dec. 13 fell on a Sunday, were a.d. 100and 106. Moreover, this was not two, but five or six years at the least,after Trajan's arrival, according to his own previous reckoning for he;makes him arrive there at the close of his 12th year, i.e. a.d. 108 or109, as we have already seen (pp. 409, 441). It should be added thatin a previous date which he has given (see above, pp. 409, 413) thereisthe same inconsistency between the day of the month and the day ofthe week, Thursday Jan. 7. January 7th was not a Thursday ina.d. 109 or no, either of which years he might mean. The onlyyears in which this day fell on a Thursday during Trajan's reign werea.d. 101 and 1072.As regards the 'for the date of his departure from Rome. the date a.d. 114 for the emperor's1Volkmar (Rhein. Mus. N. F. XII. (ii)two years,' the chronographersp. 490) falls into the error of translatingin their computations generallya fiera dXeKrpvdva 'hora prima matutina,' reckon by current years, so that the arrivalwhereas the practice of Malalas elsewherein the East would be in a.d. 114(to say nothing else) shows clearly that a at the close of the year, and the entrancemeans 'the firstday of the week.'into Antioch on January 7, a.d. 115.2Von Gutschmid (in Dierauer Geschichte(iii)This being so, a transposition setsTrajans p. 157 endeavours to get everything right. The Thursday and theover the difficulty in this way. Malalas Sunday must change places. Jan. 7,gives two dates; (1) Trajan's first entry a.d. 115, was a Sunday, and Dec. 13,into Antioch, Thursday Jan. 7,he having a.d. 115, was a Thursday. The twoleft Rome in the previous October in dates indeed are not close to each otherthe 1 2th year of his reign; (2)The earthquakeAntioch, Sunday December 13, nearer in the authority from whom hein Malalas, but probably they were mucha.d. 115, two years after the arrival of obtained them.Trajan in the East. To meet these facts We need not stop to enquire whetherVon Gutschmid makes the following hypothesesany weightis still due to statements; (i)As regards the first date, which can only be rectified by a combinationwe must read 17 for 12, Api [Ami ?] forof hypotheses like this ;sinceAll. Thus we get the 1 7th year of Trajan Von Gutschmid's solution depends on

OF S. IGNATIUS. 443. But again ;while the general fidelity of Malalas is thus discredited,it cannot be said that his particular statement here carrieswith itany appearance of probability. I have already pointed out(p. 413 sq) what serious historical difficulties attend the assertion thatthe earthquake took place at the end of the year 115. The representationmoreover, which the story gives of Trajan's character, is altogetheruntrue to the life. Nor indeed, if the emperor had so desired, wouldhe have found time at such a crisis to try and to execute Ignatius inthe manner suggested. If Volkmar's theory were correct, only sevendays elapsed from the outbreak of the catastropheto the execution ofIgnatius in the amphitheatre. But what was the state of things atAntioch at this time? The earthquake, Dion tells us (lxviii. 24 sq),continued for many days (iirl -n-Xelov^ rffAepas 6 creta/xos en-eiêy) ;MountCasius was seen to reel and split,and appeared as if it would fall andbury the city; there was a subsidence of other mountains; the emperorhimself had escaped through a window, and was camping out of doorsin the hippodrome; a great part of Antioch was overthrown; crowdswere buried in the ruins ;no nation escaped unhurt, says Dion, forowing to the presence of the emperor people had nocked thither fromall parts of the Roman dominions. He states moreover that, as theshocks were repeated for many days and nights (i-n-l -n-oWds rjfiipas kq.1departure from Rome, and this is nowshown to be erroneous. The inscriptionsgiven above (p. 394 sq), combined withthe account of Dion, prove conclusivelythat the emperorleft Rome in theautumn a.d. 113, and wintered at Antiocha.d. 1 if. Dierauer sees the difficulty(p. 158, note), and speaks of it asthe ' only misgiving (nur ein Bedenken)'which arises as regards this solution.But, as this date is the very pivot of thewhole, the explanation falls to pieceswhen it is removed. In C. de la Berge'sEssai sur leRegne de Trajan pp. 160,174 sq (Paris 1877) the inconsistency isstill greater. He places Trajan's arrivalin the East a.d. 113, and yet accepts VonGutschmid's solution as 'decisive.' Tothis end, he tacitly takes Malalas' datefor the entry into Antioch as referring toTrajan's second winter there, whereasMalalas distinctly gives it of his first.Whether Von Gutschmid's emendation of17 for 12 is correct or not,I need notstop to enquire.Wieseler offers another explanation (p.viii sq) of the date Sunday Dec. 13, a.d.115. Malalas says 'AireXKaiu) fxt\v\ ry nalAeK€/j,(BpLu) Ly In an old Tyrian calendar.(for which see Ideler Hand. d. Chron. 1.p. 435 sq) he finds that Apellreus 13 correspondsto December 30, and December30 was a Sunday in a.d. 115. He supposestherefore that the reckoning wasaccordingto this older calendar, andthat Malalas erroneously treated Apellxusas exactly conterminous with December,following the calendar of his own day.This solution does not commend itself;but, if it were true, the date of the earthquakewould be useless for Volkmar'spurpose, as it would fall ten days later inthe year than the supposed day of themartyrdom.

444 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMvvktcls), the sufferings of those buried alive were intense, some beingmangled to death, others perishing from famine, before they couldbe extricated. Yet we are asked to believe that in the midst ofthis confusion a venatio was held in the amphitheatre, in which avictim formerly condemned by the emperor was thrown to the wildbeasts.4. But again ;the last prop, on which Volkmar's theory rested,has been knocked from under itby the discovery that the anniversaryof Ignatius' martyrdom, as kept in the early Antiochene and SyrianChurch, was not December 20, but October 17. The only day thereforewhich has any claim to be regarded as authentic (see above, p. 434)iswholly unconnected with the earthquake. Malalas himself in factsays nothing about the day of the martyrdom, nor does he hint thatthe earthquake had anything to do with it, but on the contrary ascribesthe death of Ignatius to the abuse which he poured upon the emperor.The combination is Volkmar's own; and it is thus shown to be abaseless fabric.5. Lastly if; any other argument were needed to complete theevidence by which the falsity of the theory is shown, it is found inthe fact that the error of Malalas can be easily explained by theambiguities of the Greek language. The words fxaprvpeZv, /xaprvpia,which were afterwards used especially of martyrdom, had in the earlierages a wider sense, including other modes of witnessingAgain, the expression e7ri Tpa'iavov is also ambiguous,to the faith.as has beenalready noticed (p. 436), and might signify equally well ' during thereign of Trajan,' or 'in the presence of Trajan 1 .' It seems probabletherefore, that Malalas stumbled over one or other of these expressions,which he found in some earlier writer, and misinterpreted his authorityaccordingly 2 .Under cover of the latterambiguity more especially the blunder ofMalalas would easily shelter itself. The common mode of expressinga date is e7ri tovtov [tov avroKpaTopo?], e7rt tovtojv[tw uttcitcov];and thefollowing passages relating to the persecutions of Trajan's reign, whichI have gathered from different historians and chronographers, will befound, if I mistake not, eminently suggestive, as pointing to the causeof the error in Malalas.1The same ambiguity appears in Ori-2The former ambiguity is suggested bygen, quoted by Euseb. H. E. iii. 1 tL del, Lipsius (S. T. p. 7), the latter by Zahnire pi UavXov \e'yeiv...£i> rrj "Pw/mrj iirl (I. v. A. p. 67), to account for the errorNepuvos /uefjLapTvpTjKOTos of Malalas.;

OF S. IGNATIUS. 445Hegesippus in Euseb. H. E. iii. 32 ovtw p.apTvpu hSv d5v kxaToveiKoaw i-rrlTpa'iavov Kaurapos kcll viraTiKov 'Attlkov (speaking of Symeonthe son of Clopas); where, as applied to Trajan, cVt can only mean'during the reign of,' though as regards Atticus it might signify 'inthe presence of,' as in fact it does in a subsequent passage of Hegesippus,KaT7]yopr}6r)... i-rrl 'Attikov tov vttoltikov, Kal i-rrl TroAAats ^/xepui?aiKlÔ/XCfOS i/XOLf)TVpr](T€V.Chroil. Pasch. p. 471 'E7ri tovtov tov Tpa'iavov Kal Map/cos 6 evayye-\io-Tr)s...7rvpl KareKav6r] Kal ovrais i/iapTvprjo-ev: and lower down, aftermentioning Symeon son of Clopas, this/catchronographer adds, d/Wws Selyvarioq Avnoêwv Ittlctkotto^ iv 'Poj/x?^ ifjiaprvprjaev.Theod. Presbyt. (Photius Bibl 1) 'IyvdViosSe hr\ Tpdiavov tov StdfxaprvpLOV r)9Xr}o~£V dywva.Georg. Hamartol. Chro?i. 135 (p. 339, ed. Muralt) 'Eirt avrov [tovTpaiavov] ^v/xecuv 6 tov KAedVa 6 iv 'IepocroA.v/x.ois e7ri

446 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMunderstood his authority is rendered still more probable from anotherconsideration. John, surnamed Madabbar, was bishop of Nikiou(Pshati) in the later decades of the 7th century (Renaudot Hist. Patr.Alexandr. Jacob, pp. 176, 177, 182) and wrote a Chronicle which hecarried down to the Arab conquest of Egypt. This work is extant in anEthiopic translation made from the Arabic (Zotenberg Catal. des MSSAthiop. de la Bibl. Nation, p. 223 sq, Wright Catal. Ethiop. MSS Brit.Mus. p. 300 sq). In great portionsit runs parallel with John Malalas,so that the two accounts were evidently derived from the same source 1 .1The following extract from thisChronicle is taken from the British MuseumMS, Orient. 818,f. 61 a. The ParisMS does not exhibit any variations whichaffect the sense. The translation I owe tothe kindness of Dr Wright.Chapter 73 [read 72]. 'After the deathof the good king Arwas [Nerva], Endreyanosreigned. He was a lover of idolatry,and the third of those who persecutedthe Christians. Many were martyredeverywhere, and he condemned them innumbers. Moreover, the saint of God,Ignatius [Agnatyos] the patriarch of Antioch[Ansokiya], who had been ordainedafter Peter the chief of the Apostles, hesent to the city of Rome in chains, anddelivered him to the lions.''Further, he took them (women) andquestioned them, and said to them, Whomdo ye worship, and in whom do ye trust,run and are in haste to die ? Theythat yeanswered and said, We die for Christ 'ssake, who trill give us everlasting life,andzri.ll raise us up from this corrupt body.And he was filled with wrath, because hewas a heathen and did not desire therevelation of the resurrection. So heordered the bodies of the holy women to becast into the fire ;and the very earth uponwhich the bodies of the holy women fellhe ordered to be gathered up and throwninto the (vessel of) brass of the lighter ofthe public bath, which he had built (andcalled) byhis own name. And afterwards,when any one bathed in this bath,it emitted a smoke {or vapour) ;and then,when he smelled this smoke, he felldown, and they had to carry him out;and every one who saw it, marvelledthereat. Moreover the Christians mockedat the heathen and boasted in Christ andglorified Him with His saints. But whenEndreyanos knew this, he changed thelighters of the bath and removed hencethe brazen vessels in which were theashes of the bodies of the holy women.And he put the ashes of the bodies intofive stelae of brass [Malalas p. 277 ra8£ vpQra %aX/cta aâxcitras (dvax^veijcas?)iiroirjcre arrj\as %a\/cas irivre ratsavrcus yvvaiiji] and set them up in thisbath; and he used to watch and try todisgrace the martyrs, saying, They are notmine, nor their God's, and they died withoutknowledge. And at that time therewere martyred his daughter Atrasis [Apo-(tlptj in Malalas], and Yona the daughterof the patrician Filasanrun. And yetmany other virgins suffered martyrdom atthe hand of this infidel by the burning offire.''And while Endreyanos was at Antioch,the earth was sore afflicted andtrembled because of the anger of God inthe night, because he was impure, threetimes ;and not merely Antioch but alsothe island of Rutes (Rhodes). In likemanner moreover there was an earthquakeafter cockcrow.'There seems to have been some mutilationin the MS from which the Ethiopic

OF S. IGNATIUS. 447This is the case with the narrative of the persecutions in Trajan's reign.Yet John Madabbar expressly places the martyrdom of Ignatius atRome, and records it before, not after, the earthquake.A similar explanation will apply to another document, which (atleast in its present text) agrees with Malalas in representing Ignatiusas martyred at Antioch. The British Museum ms Add. 14, 643(described in Wright's Catalogue of Syriac MSS p. 1040) contains aSyriac Chronicle, of which the first part is an epitome of the Chroniconof Eusebius (translated by Roediger and published in Schoene 11. p.with which alone we are now con-203 sq), and the second part,cerned, is a separate series of notices in chronological order derivedfrom other sources. This second part ispublished by Land Anecd. 1.p. 2 sq, with a translation (p. 103 sq) and notes (p. 165 sq). Thepart relating to this period runs as follows in Land's translation (p.116).Anno 420 [a.d.109] obiit dominus Ioannes evangelista.[This is clearly a miswriting for 410 = a.d. 99; since elsewhere thenotices are in chronological order.]Anno 415 [a.d. 104] persecutio in Christianos gravissima intenta est aTrajano rege improbo.Martyrium imprimis passusest Simeon filiusCleopae episcopus Hierosolymae.Anno 419 [a.d. 108] Trajanus Armenian! subjecit. Eodem anno IgnatiusAntiochiae [i.e. in Antiochia] martyrium subiit, qui discipulus eratIoannis evangelistae.The ms which contains this chronicle belongs probably to themiddle of the 8th itcentury contains a list of caliphs reaching down;to Hisham a.d. 724— 742 ;and the last notice in the part with whichwe are concerned belongs to a.d. 636.The statement here may have originated in the same way as inMalalas; or the change in a single letter in the Syriac would makethe difference 2 for % 'in Antioch' for 'of Antioch.' This latter isa very common blunder with Syriac transcribers. The Ignatian Epistlesalone furnish several examplesof it.Thus, the interview of Ignatius with Trajan havingno claimtranslation was made, for the story of the appended to the work, the ispassagethusmartyrdom of the five virgins wants a epitomized; 'Concerning the death ofIt isbeginning.clear from the sequence Ignatius the God-clad and the womenof the Chronicle that Trajan is meant by who were martyredwith him.'Endreyanos.In the index of chapters

448 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMto be regarded as historical, we have lost our one criterion ofdate from comparison with external chronology, and are obliged tofall back on the notices of Christian chronographers and martyrologists.And here we cannot help being struck with the fact that both theAntiochene and the Roman Acts agree in the 9th year of Trajan.This agreementisthe more remarkable, because they agree in scarcelyanything else, and neither can possibly have been known to the writerof the other. Nor is the value of the fact diminished, but ratherenhanced, when we find that the two martyrologists give differentnames of consuls, which in neither case belong to the 9th year; forthus itappears that this 9th yearwas the one fixed element in thecommon tradition, while everything else was left to the caprice orthe ignorance of the writer. Moreover in the case of the AntiocheneActs this 9th year has an additional value, because it has survivedthe confusion in chronology introduced by the necessity of makingthe condemnation synchronous with Trajan's Parthian expedition— anecessity arising out of the writer's belief that Ignatiuswas condemnedby Trajan himself. This 9th year also is the date in the ChroniconPaschale p. 471 (ed. Bonn.) where moreover the consuls for the 9th year(a.d. 105) are correctly given, Candidus and Quadratus. It appears also,though amidst much confusion, in a Syriac Chronicle, Brit. Mus. Add.14,642 (described in Wright's Catalogue, p. 1041). The MS belongs tothe early part of the 10th century, but the chronicle itself only reachesdown to a.d. 797 (at which time it was probably compiled), thoughwith later additions down to a.d. 811. Cureton (Corp. Ign. p. 221;comp. p. 252) gives the extract; 'And also Ignatius, when he had ruled15 years, was cast to beasts at Rome, and Heron stood in his stead.In the 9th year John the Evangelist departed this world, having continuedin the episcopate 70 years ;and Ignatius and Polycarp werehis disciples ;and the life of John was prolonged to the 9th year ofTrajan.' Here the chronicler has obviously blundered over someprevious authority; and transferred the 9th year of Trajanmartyrdom of Ignatius to the death of S. John.from theDoes thiscoincidence imply a wide-spread and very early traditionin favour of the 9th year ? Or can all these authorities be traced tosome one common and comparatively late source ?We naturally turn to the Chronicon of Eusebius as the work whichexercised the widest influence in these matters, and we ask whether thesolution can be found here.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 449This portion of the Chro?iicon is as follows ;01.!Ann.Abr.220221

450 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMmenian Chronicon, but here the martyrdoms of Symeon and Ignatiusare assigned to the 9th year, while the Bithynian persecutionis left atthe end of the 10th.These facts are perhapssufficient to account for the coincidence ofthe authorities mentioned above in naming the 9th year.The writer of the Antiochene Acts was largely indebted to theChronicon. The historical setting of the martyrdom is borrowed mainlyfrom it. The mention of Ignatius as the pupil of S. John and thefellow-pupil of Polycarp is probably derived thence (see the note on§ 1 'IwaVvou fjLaOrjTijs).The reference to the victory over 'the Daciansand Scythians' (§ 2) is plainly taken therefrom. Even the exaggerationerepwv 7roAA(ov iOvwv (§2) may have been due to it, if we may supposethat the author's copy contained a notice corresponding to that whichappears in Jerome's revision immediately after the mention of Trajan'smaking Dacia a 'province Hiberos Sauromatas Osroenos Arabas;Bosforanos Colchos in fidem accepit, Seleuciam Ctesifontem Babylonemoccupavit 1 ,'where events which occurred many years later are gatheredtogether out of their proper chronological place in order to enhancethe effect. And altogether the idea of making the subjugation of theChristians the crowning idea of Trajan's ambition is suggested by thesequence of the notices in the Chronicon.To the Chronicon the author of the Roman Acts also betrays hisobligations. Though generallyin his narrative he has drawn morelargely from the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius (see the notes §§ 1,10, 11, 12), yet the manner in which the Bithynian persecution andthe correspondence of Pliny with Trajanare introduced cannot betraced to this source, and must be due to the Chronicon. Our hagiologist'spoint of view requires that the letter from Pliny should comeimmediately after the execution of Ignatius (§11). A glance at theextract given above (p. 449) from the Chronicon shows at once whencehe derived the inspiration that the emperor's rescript to Pliny mightbe used to account for the disposal of the martyr's reliques. On theother hand in the Ecclesiastical History the persecution in Bithynia,with the account of the correspondence, is given before the martyrdomof Ignatius: two chapters intervene : and there isnothing to suggest theconnexion which our author establishes between the two events.Thus the acquaintance of our two martyrologists with the Chroniconseems clear. And the same is plainly also the case with those chronographerswho give the 9th year of Trajan for the date of the martyrdom.The obvious inference therefore would seem to be that all these1The notice in Jerome is obviously taken from Eutropius viii. 3.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 45 1writers alike derived this date from the Chronicon, to which they werecertainly indebted, directly or indirectly, for other facts. The onlyobjection to this otherwise simple solution lies in the fact that Eusebiusdoes not assign the martyrdom to the 9th year specially. Still themanner in which he arranges the events might very naturally lead toits special attachment to this year, as we have seen to be the case inZohrab (see above p. 449). The 6th, 7th, and 8th years are eachsupplied with their special notice. The 9th yearis the first vacantyear, and the notice of the martyrdoms of Symeon and Ignatius, whichwere found hanging loose, would be attached to it so as to fill the void.It seems fairly probable therefore that we may ultimatelyChronicon of Eusebius alltrace to aparticular interpretation, or recension, of thethe notices which assign the martyrdom of Ignatius to the 9th year ofTrajan.But what grounds had Eusebius himself for placing the martyrdomwhere he does in the Chronicon ? Wieseler (Christe7iverfolgunge?i d.Casaren p. 125 sq), who himself would date it in the 10th year [thenth tribunician year] of Trajan, a.d. 107, alleges Eusebius as 'themost trustworthy witness' for this date. But Eusebius, as we haveseen, is not so precise. He only placesit thereabouts. Wieselerfurther supports this view on the ground that Pliny's letter impliesprevious persecutions of the Christians during Trajan's reign. This isnot impossible ;but Pliny's language itself only implies that theemperor had decreed proceedings against 'hetaeriae' generally 1 in which,the Christians might or might not be involved. Moreover, so far asregards Eusebius, it is clear that he had not, and did not profess tohave, any definite idea of the relative chronology of these persecutionsunder Trajan which he relates in proximity, since he gives the Bithynianmartyrdoms in one place before, and in another after, the death ofIgnatius (see above p. 449). Of the Bithynian persecution he knowsnothing, except what he has learnt from the account of Pliny's letterand Trajan's rescript, as read by him in a Greek translation of Tertullian(If. E. iii. 33). He cannot even tell the name of the province, and he isobviously quite ignorant of the date (see the note on Mart. Rom. 11).In the same way Wieseler urges in favour of his view the fact that'the martyrdom of Symeon the son of Clopas... according to Eusebiusand Jerome happened a short time before,' and that 'according toPlin. Ep. x. 97 'secundum mandata says ' cognitionibus de Christianis interfui1tua hetaerias esse vetueram ' ; see Trajan's numquam,' he may be referring to theown language, ib. x. 43. When Pliny persecution of Domitian.— 29 2

452 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMWaddington (Pastes des Provinces Asiatiques p. 720) the consularHerodes Atticus, under whom he was martyred, was consular legateof Palestine in the years a.d. 105 — 107.' Here again the answer isthe same ;that Eusebius does not profess to give these martyrdoms inchronological sequence, for in the History he interposes the Bithynianpersecution (which happened about a.d. 112) between the two. Moreover,when we come to examine Waddington' s argument for the dateof Herodes Atticus' government in Palestine, it amounts to nothingmore than this ;that Eusebius represents him as putting Symeon todeath about — the 9th or 10th year of Trajan, and that, as the yearsa.d. 105 107 are unoccupied by any other governor whose name hasbeen preserved, we may suppose Atticus to have ruled there duringthis period. Wieseler's attempt therefore to establish a definite datefor the martyrdom of Ignatius on the authority of Eusebius must beregarded as unsatisfactory.On the other hand, Harnack in an important contribution to thesubject (Die Zeit des Ignatitis etc, Leipzig 1878) arrives at conclusionsdiametrically opposed to those of Wieseler 1 . He has investigated theEusebian list of the Antiochene bishops as a whole ; and, if we couldaccept his inferences, Eusebius would be deprived of all authority asa witness respecting their chronology. He remarks that the dates ofaccession assigned to the Antiochene bishops in the Chronicon havea suspicious relation to those assigned to the Roman bishops. In theearlier part of the list each Antiochene bishop is placed 4 years (i.e.one Olympiad) after some Roman bishop; in the latter part eachAntiochene bishopisplaced one year before some Roman bishop ;andthe point of transition from the one arrangement to the other is afterthe accession of the Antiochene bishop Philetus (01. 249). This isa rough abstract of Harnack's statement of the facts ;and his inferencesare as follows. The Chronicle of Julius Africanus is known to havebeen brought down to the third year of Elagabalus, 01. 250 (seeClinton Fast. Rom. 1. p. 233) ; and we have also information thatAfricanus used Olympiads in his arrangement of dates. Clearly thereforeEusebius borrowed the earlier dates of the Antiochene bishopsas far as 01. 250 from Africanus. By this discovery the authority ofEusebius isreplaced by that of Africanus. So far there is a gain inthe exchange, for an earlier authority has been substituted for a later.1 After the sheets for my first edition (1879). Tne speculations of Harnackhad passed through the press, two papers and Erbes are discussed by R. A. Lipsiusby C. Erbes appeared in the Jahrb. f. ib. VI. p. 233 (1880). On Lipsius' ownProf. Theol. v. p. 464 sq, p. 618 sq view see below, p. 468, note.

But this gain is more than neutralised byOF S. IGNATIUS. 453From this symmetrical relation of the dates referringthe other facts thus elicited.to the Roman andAntiochene sees it is clear that Africanus invented the latter on someartificial plan. Thus his authority isdeprived of any weight. In theinterval between composing his Chronicon and his History Eusebiusdiscovered that he was leaning on a rotten reed in following Africanus.In the later work therefore he rejected the dates of accession, so far asregards the Antiochene bishops, and was content to give their sequence,merely noting in a rough way their synchronism with the bishops ofthe other great sees and with contemporary events. On the secondpart of the list Harnack does not say very much ;but he ascribes theartificialarrangement here directly to Eusebius himself (p. 19, note 1).In one respect Harnack seems to be unquestionably right. Eusebiusevidently had no list of the Antiochene bishops, giving the lengthsof their respective terms of office, as he had in the case of the Romanand Alexandrian sees. This fact had been already noticed by Zahn(Ign. v. Ant. p. 56 sq).But on the other hand it is equally evidentthat he possessed some previously existing tables containing the datesof accession of the Antiochene bishops, or at least information whichenabled him to construct such tables, and was not utterly withoutchronological records, as he confesses himself to be in the case of theJerusalem bishopric {Chron. 11. p. 172 sq, Schoene), for which he contentshimself with giving the sequence of bishops, and does not attempt toassign dates. With regard to the Antiochene see he stood in anintermediate position. Beyond this point Harnack's inferences arevery questionable, but they at least deserve careful consideration.Before entering into an examination of its details however we arestruck with an antecedent objection to the theory as a whole. Asregards its adoption and its abandonment alike,it is burdened withimprobability. As regards itsadoption; for is it likely that two personsindependently should hit upon a similar artifice of placing the Antiochenebishops at regular intervals after or before certain Roman bishops, whilenevertheless the second person was taken in by the device of the first?As regards its abandonment ;for in his History Eusebius treats the laterAntiochene bishops exactly as he has treated the earlier. Here tooas in the former case, he iscontent to give rough synchronisms withoutassigning exact dates as in the Chrofiicon. But though he might besupposed to have detected the artificial character of Africanus' dates inthe meanwhile, there is no room for the theory of subsequent detectionas a motive for the abandonment of his own dates.When we pass from such general considerations to an investigation

454 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMof details, our difficulties increase. The chronological relation of theAntiochene to the Roman bishops in the Chronicon, as stated byHarnack, stands thus :Order.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 455Moreover, the date of Hero's accession must be withdrawn ;forEusebius, as pointed out above (p. 447), does not give any definitedate for the death of Ignatius and accession of his successor, but mentionsit at the end of the 221st Olympiad (the tenth year of Trajan)as having occurred thereabouts 1 . If then we deduct this date, and if.n the case of Asclepiades we substitute the number of years after thepreceding Roman bishop, as in the other cases, we get;3> 3> [ 1 4, 4, 5> 4, 4, * 2 , 4-Thus five out of ten give the number 4. This is no doubt a largerproportion than the doctrine of probabilities would suggest. But thenin historical records, as in games of chance, events are constantlysuch calculation.found recurring with a frequency far in advance of any(2) The second list contains nine names. In this list fiveexamples occur, where the artificial rule supposed to prevail in thispart is observed. But from these five two must be deducted. Thedates of Timseus and Cyrillus do not occur in the Armenian Version,which is taken as the authority for the original Chronicon of Eusebius,and Harnack therefore supplies them from Jerome's recension. ButJerome's recension, as a whole, would not have borne out his theory.Its figures are as follows 2 ;ZebinusBabylasFabius 3DemetrianusPaulusDomnusTimaeusCyrillusTyrannus2245

45ÂCTS OF MARTYRDOMIn using Jerome's figuresHarnack has made an arbitrary selection.In dealing with the first pair of bishops, he takes the date of Timaeusfrom Jerome, but retains that of Felix as it stands in the Armenian.With the next pair however, Cyrillus and Eutychianus, his treatment isdifferent. Here he has taken Jerome's date for the Roman bishop, aswell as for the Antiochene.This substitution of the Hieronymian date2298 in place of the Armenian 2296 for Eutychianus is unintelligible onhis own principles, and must have been an oversight; yet without it theexample falls to the ground.But indeed Harnack's confidence that themissing Armenian dates for Timaeus and Cyrillus would have agreedwith Jerome's is not justified by the facts. The presumption is quitethe other way. For six out of the eight preceding bishops, fromAsclepiades to Domnus, Jerome's dates, whether we take the years ofAbraham or the years of the Roman emperors, differ from those of theArmenian version 1 . After these reductions are made, there remain innine accessions only three examples of this interval of one year, which issupposed to betray an artificial arrangement in the latter part of thelist; and, considering the very rapid succession of the Roman bishopsduring the earlier years of this period, such a proportion can exciteno misgiving. In Jerome'slist also there are three examples, butthey are all different and the fact ;exemplifies the accidental characterof such recurrences.But again; there is no clear frontier line between the earlierand later lists,such as Harnack's theory requires. On the one handwith Euseb. H. E. vi. 39, 46, etc.The ArmenianVersion on the other hand namesthem Fabianus and Demetrius. Theformer are their correct names; the latterare probably due to confusion with thebishops Fabianus of Rome and Demetriusof Alexandria, who are nearly contemporaryand are sometimes mentioned inproximity with them.1The difficulty which attends the dateassigned to the last name in the list shouldbe mentioned here. The accession otTyrannus the successor of Cyrillus isplaced by Jerome in the 18th year otDiocletian, which began Sept. A.d. 301;but Cyrillus appears on the scene inthe account of the martyrdom of theQuattuor Coronati, who apparently sufferedNov. 9, A.D. 306 (see HarnackP- 53 sq). The narrative further statesthat he had been already three years aprisoner in the mines of Pannonia. Eusebiuswas probably some forty years oldat this time ;he was already actively engagedin literary work he took an;eagerinterest in the history of the martyrs and;he was in constant communication withAntioch. This being so, it is quite incrediblethat he can have been ignorantof the true date of the death of so importanta person as Cyrillus. We must concludetherefore either that Jerome doesnot reproduce the date of Eusebius in thisinstance, or that Tyrannus was appointedto succeed to the see during the life-timeof Cyrillus. But this last mode of solution,if admissible, may possibly apply inother cases where the same difficulty exists; e. g.in the case of Maximinus thesuccessor of Theophilus.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 457Asclepiades, though belonging to the first list, is an example of theartificial arrangement which marks the second. On the other handDemetrianus and Domnus, though included inthe second, betray thecharacteristic feature which distinguishes the first, as Lipsius (JenaerLitei'at7irzeitung, April 6, 1878, p. 201 sq) has pointed out; forDemetrianus isplaced Ann. Abr. 2272, four years after the accession ofthe Roman bishop Stephanus Ann. Abr. 2268 [other Antiochene andRoman bishops however having intervened], and Domnus Ann. Abr.2283, four years after the accession of the Roman bishop DionysiusAnn. Abr. 2279.But besides the fact that there is no such clearly drawn line ofdemarcation, separating the list into two parts at the very date whenAfricanus wrote, the phenomena at the supposed point of juncture arenot such as tofavour the theory that Eusebius was indebted to a fictitioustable of this chronographer for the first part. The great work ofAfricanus was carried down to a.d. 220 or 221, at which date (orwithin a year or two) it was written. About the same time, duringthe reign of Elagabalus (a.d. 218 — 223), we read that he was instrumentalin rebuilding Emmaus under the name of Nicopolis, and thathe went as a delegate (evidently to the emperor)on this business(Euseb. Chron. 11. p. 178, Hieron. Vir. III. 63, Chron. Pasch. p. 499).About the year 220 therefore his literary activity and his politicalinfluence alike were at their height. It is not too much to assumethat he was 40 years of age at least at this time. If so, he must havebeen born not later than about a.d. 180. But from another circumstancewe may infer that his birth was some years earlier than this.Origen was born about a.d. 185 (Clinton Fast. Rom. 1. p. 183), andAfricanus (Routh Rcl. Sacr. 11. p. 225) calls him his 'son.' Moreover,as a native of Palestine, Africanus was favourably situated for ascertainingthe chronology of the Antiochene Church. He was a travellertoo ; for, besides the embassy just mentioned, we know that he wentto Egypt before writing his Chronography, attracted thither by thelearning of Heraclas (Euseb. H. E. vi. 31).A diligent and acquisitiveinvestigator, who took so much pains in the cause of learning, couldhardly have been mistaken, or seriously mistaken, about the dates ofthose Antiochene bishops who flourished during his own youth ormanhood. How does this consideration bear on the dates given in theChronicon of Eusebius ?The accession of the last bishop before he wrote, Philetus, isplaced a.d. 215, i.e. five years before his Chronography ended, and(as we must suppose) while he was already engaged on his work. If

458 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMtherefore this date be his, we may safely assume that it is correct. Anyother supposition would be irrational. Yet it exhibits the supposedschematism, for it is placed 4 years after the Roman bishop Callistus.In this case therefore the period is accidental. Though an exact Olympiad,it is not due to the fact that Africanus reckoned by Olympiads.Tracing the succession backwards we come next to Asclepiades,whose date is a.d. 210. Here the schematism attributed to Africanusis not observed. He is placed not four but twelve years after the precedingRoman bishop Zephyrinus. He stands however one yearbefore the next Roman bishop Callistus, in accordance with thesupposed schematism of the latter part. What account can we giveof this fact, if Harnack's theory be true? Harnack himself believesthat Eusebius here altered the date as given by Africanus (see p. 28).Eusebius, he supposes, had some 'sort of tradition' that Serapion, thepredecessor of Asclepiades, lived beyond the 4th year of Zephyrinus;accordingly he moved the accession of Asclepiades forward and,abandoning the schematism of Africanus in this instance, made the dateconform to his own schematism. This seems to me an improbablesupposition. Eusebius elsewhere {H. E. vi. n) gives an extract froma letter to the Antiochenes written by Alexander, afterwards bishopof Jerusalem, in which he says that the Lord had lightened his bonds'in the season of captivity' (Kara tov kcu/ooV t^s eipKT^s) by the newsthat Asclepiades had been appointed their bishop. The confession ofAlexander isplaced by Eusebius himself in the Chronicon (11. p. 176)during the persecution in the 10th year of Severus, i.e. a.d. 203. Wemay waive the question whether Eusebius was right' or wrong in sodating Alexander's imprisonment. For our immediate purposeit isenough that he did so. Thus the only tradition which Eusebius is knownto have possessed, bearing on the matter, so far from leading him tosubstitute a later date, would have prevented him from doing so. Thecurious fact is that, if Africanus had dated the accession of Asclepiades,according to his supposed schematism, four years, instead of twelve, afterZephyrinus, the date (a.d. 203) would have entirely satisfied the contemporaryallusion in Alexander's letter. As it is, critics (e.g. Valois onEuseb. H. E. 1. c, Clinton Fast. Ro?n. 1.pp. 209, 211), whether rightly orwrongly, condemn the date a.d. 210 as impossible, and themselves placethe accession of Asclepiades seven or eight years earlier 1 . These con-3Harnack himself argues that the date substitute it. He suggests that the seein the Chronicon must be nearly right, remained vacant for a time, and he placessince Eusebius would not otherwise have the accession of Asclepiades about a.d.altered the schematism of Africanus to 209 (p. 46 sq). This however does not

OF S. IGNATIUS. 459siderations seem to show that Eusebius found this date already in hisauthority, and did not himself invent it. If this authoritywas Africanus,the date must almost necessarily be correct ;for it is only tenyears before his Chronography was published.The predecessor of Asclepiades was Serapion. The date of hisaccession, a.d. 190, accords with the supposed schematism, being fouryears after the accession of the Roman bishop Victor. Here againthere is a high probability that Africanus would have had correctinformation ; but, as we are now getting back into his youth or hisboyhood, the certainty is less than in the previous cases. When howeverwe come to test the statement by known facts, we find not onlythat it does not conflict with any historical notices, but that it mustat all events be within a year or two of the correct date. The factsare as follows. Eusebius (H. E. v. 19) places Serapion among thewriters who took part in the Montanist controversy in the reign ofCommodus (slain Dec. 31, a.d. 192), saying that he became bishopof Antioch during the times of which he isspeaking (eVc t

460 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMiyvo)p%eTo). Again, Eutychius patriarch of Alexandria (see Harnackp. 45), a late and untrustworthy writer indeed, but here apparentlyrelating a historical fact, states that Demetrius of Alexandria wrote toGabius [Gaius] bishop of Jerusalem, Maximus [Maximinus] patriarchof Alexandria, and Victor patriarch of Rome, on the paschal computation(Ann. 1. p. 363 sq, ed. Pococke). If these statements be true,Maximinus the predecessor of Serapion must have survived theaccession of Victor (a.d. 189), and yet Serapion must have succeededbefore the death of Commodus (a.d. 192). These notices combinedpoint to about a.d. 190, as the date of Serapion's accession.Serapion was preceded by Maximinus, whose accession in theChronicon isassigned to a.d. 177, four years after the Roman bishopEleutherus. This is almost demonstrably wrong. Theophilus thepredecessor of Maximinus in his extant work (ad Autol. iii. 27) citesa chronography of Chryseros which closed with the death of M. Aurelius,and himself carries down his reckoning to that event so that he cannot;have written his third book till the first year of Commodus (a.d. 180)at the earliest. The only escape from the contradiction would be thesupposition that he vacated his see for some reason or other duringhis lifetime. On the other hand it is not probable that he lived verymuch later than this date, inasmuch as his name is not mentioned inconnexion with the Montanist controversy which raged soon after.The reckoning of the Chro?iico?i therefore would seem to antedate theaccession of Maximinus by about five years.With regard to the six earlier accessions we have no contemporaryor trustworthy notices which enable us to test the accuracy of thedates. Of these six, the dates assigned to the first two do not satisfythe supposed schematism ;the third is not assigned to any preciseyear; the fourth and fifth agree with the assumed rule, being placedfour years after Telesphorus and Pius, the 7th and 9th Roman bishops,respectively while the sixth again violates ; it. Thus of these six earlierdates only two afford examples of this schematism.As the result of this examination, we are led to the conclusion thatin this first part of the list as far as Philetus, the authority followedby Eusebius cannot have been Africanus, unless thechronology here isgenuine in the main, though not necessarily accurate in its details.If it was a fictitious list, the authority followed must have been somelater writer who was less favourably situated for obtaining correctinformation.From these facts it will have appeared, unless I am mistaken,that Harnack's theoryis not built on a secure foundation. For the

OF S. IGNATIUS. 461general predominance of the interval of four years, i. e. one Olympiad,there is indeed some show of evidence. But it does notnecessarily point to any deliberate artificial arrangement on the parteither of Eusebius himself or of a previous authority copied by him.The frequent recurrence of the number 4,if not accidental, might beexplained in the following way. The primary authority— whetherAfricanus or some one else— arranged his chronography by Olympiads.He knew roughly that such and such an Antiochene bishop succeededto the see of Antioch, when such and such a Roman bishop occupiedthe see of Rome, and he placed them in the next Olympiad accordingly.The exact year in the Olympiad to which the accessions of the Antiochenebishops are assigned in the Chronicon of Eusebius would then be due tothis previous writer's form of tabulation, which was misunderstood byhis transcribers or successors and is lost to us.Beyond this point we are not at liberty to assume any artificialarrangement. All the accompanying facts forbid us to suspect eitherEusebius himself or his previous authority of deliberate invention.There is no appearance of artifice in the Olympiads themselves, which,for the accessions from Euodius to Philetus inclusive are as follows ;01. 205. 3, 01. 212. 2, 01. 221. 4, 01. 227. 1, 01. 230. 3, 01. 237. 2,01. 239. 2, 01. 242. 3, 01. 248. 1, 01. 249. 2.Nor again does any suspicionattach to the order of succession ofthe Roman bishops selected, which is as follows ;o, 1, 5> 7> 9> TI >I2 > *3> *5> J 5-It should be observed also that where Eusebius does not knowa date, or at least does not believe that he knows it, he indicates hisuncertainty. Thus in the case of the bishops of Jerusalem he massesthem together at intervals, giving their names and the order of succession,but not attempting to fix the dates of accession ;and as regardsthis very see of Antioch, in the case of Hero the successor of Ignatiushe is satisfied with indicating a rough proximity, without naming aprecise year. Moreover in his prefaceto the whole work he cautionshis readers against attaching too much weight to individual dates,where much must necessarily be uncertain. The Scriptural saying, ' Itis not yours to know the times and the seasons,' holds good (so heconsiders) for the chronology of all times, as well as for the SecondAdvent (C/iron. 1. p. 3, ed. Schoene).But, though this recurrence of the number 4 may perhaps be dueto some cause such as I have suggested, the possibility remains that itsfrequency here was a mere chronological accident. From this point of

462 ACTS OF MARTYRDOM 1view the following example from the recent history of France may notprove uninstructive \1643171 51774Accession of Louis xiv.Accession of Louis xv.Accession of Louis xvi.1793 Accession of Louis xvn (end of French Monarchy).1804 Accession of Napoleon as Emperor.1 814 Accession of Louis xviii.1824Accession of Charles x.Here we have a schematism, of which the principle is the recurrenceof the number 4 in the units. The majority of the dates alreadyfulfilthis condition. The rest may be brought into accordance by addingor subtracting one in each case. But what suppositionis more naturalthan that the events should have been accidentally displaced by ayear in some transcription of the tables ? We have a right to expectonly one occurrence of the same unit 4 in ten dates, and here we havefour in seven (orif we commence with the accession of Louis xvi,the beginning of the revolutionary period, four in five),with a reasonablepresumption that originally it occupied the remaining placesalso. Moreover, if the fictitious character of this chronology thusbetrays itself by its artificial arrangement, what shall we say when weobserve the inordinate length of time assigned to the earliest names?Not less than 131 years are given to two sovereigns alone. This,it may be safely said, is without a parallel in European annals. Thegreatest length of time occupied by any two successive reigns in thepreceding history of the French Monarchy appears to be 86 years. Theaverage duration of a reign, from Hugh Capet downwards till we arriveat this point, is 21 or 22 years. Even the chronology of the regalperiod in Roman history is not guilty of any such extravagance. Thusthe condemnation of this table is complete. From this point onwarda different principle prevails. The new French Monarchy begins withLouis Philippe, a. d. 1830. This king dies a. d. 1850, and his death isfollowed in the next year by the Coup d'Etat, which results in theestablishment of the Second Empire.This Second Empire ends, andthe new French Republic begins, a.d. 1870. Here, it will be observed,there is an interval of 20 years between each event.This example will serve as a caution against too rapid inferencesfrom the recurrence of numerical peculiarities in history. But indeed1 A striking example of chronological symmetry is given in Seeley's Expansionof England, p. 266 sq.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 46any ordinary chronological lists furnish abundance of such warnings 1 .There is no end to the tricks which authentic history plays withnumbers. Few European states are safe from the suspicions whichthese freaks of chronology maystir in the minds of critics in the remotefuture 2 .In the above criticisms I have argued provisionally on the assumptionthat the Armenian dates give the chronology of Eusebius himself;but, as I have elsewhere shown 3 this , assumptionis burdened withdifficulties, and another aspect of the question is presented in thefollowing communication which I received from Dr Hort, when myfirst edition was going through the press.'Harnack's theory takes for granted the truth of Lipsius's assumptionthat the Roman episcopal chronology of Eusebius's Chronicle isto be found in the Armenian version, not in the Hieronymian Chronicle.This has always seemed to me an improbable view : butit wouldacquire fresh strength if the Antiochene chronology, which is approximatelythe same in both versions, were shown to be founded on theArmenian dates of the Roman chronology. On all accounts thereforeit is worth while to ascertain whether the relations between theAntiochene chronology and the Hieronymian dates of the Roman chronologyexhibit any correspondences like those which have been pointedout by Harnack. The following table will furnish provisional meansof comparison.It gives both the Armenian and the Hieronymian dates1The recent chronologyof the twoarchiepiscopal sees of England for instancemay be taken as examples. Thedates of accession to the see of Canterburysince the middle of the last centuryare 1758, 1768, 1783, 1805, 1828, 1848,1862, 1868, where five out of eight havethe same unit. The three preceding accessionsbear the dates 1737, 1747, T 757«The see of York again exhibits in successionthese dates; 1747, 1757, 1761,1776 [I777L l8 °7 [1808], 1847, 1857,where the dates in brackets are as I findthem in another list. Here not only havefive at least out of seven the same unit 7,but in two cases the same years, 47, 57,are repeated insuccession in two successivecenturies.2What can be more suspicious for instance,than these dates in the history ofPrussia?Accession of the great ElectorFrederick William A. d. 1640; Accessionof the great King Frederick II a.d. 1740;Accession of Frederick William IV a.d.1840. Is it too much to assume thatthis schematism was drawn up when thehopes of the national party centred inFrederick William IV as the sovereignof a united Germany? The date of hisaccession is, we may assume, correct,or at least roughly so; and the chronographer,writing at a crisis when he wasexpected to take his rank with the twomost illustrious sovereigns of the past,adopted this date as his starting pointand placed the accessions of the triad atintervals of a century, filling in the intermediatedates at his pleasure.3 See S. Clement of Rome 1. p. 222 sq(ed. 2).

4-64 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMin years of Abraham for Antioch, and replaces the Armenian by theHieronymian dates for Rome. Schoene's text is followed, the years givenin mss cited by him, where they are different, being added in brackets.Antioch

OF S. IGNATIUS. 465respondence is all the clearer because the Armenian and Hieronymiandates for Antioch are identical. The first, second, and third requireexamination.'The Armenian list for Antioch starts in the same year as the list forRome; the Hieronymian list two years later in Schoene's text, one yearlater in Pontac's text and the excellent Cod. Freherianus. The differencecannot however be original, for the appointment of the firstbishopof Antioch must have been taken to accompany or follow immediatelythe departure of S. Peter from Antioch for Rome : the interveningHieronymian article is on the preaching of S. Mark, 'interpres Petri,'in Egypt and Alexandria, and the three articles were evidently intendedto form a single whole. The year intended to be common to all threewas apparently not 2058, but 2059. Without this change the Romandate cannot be made to agree with the 25 years of office assignedto S. Peter in the Hieronymian Chronicle; while comparison withother lists shews that xxv is not itself a corruption of xxvi. In theArmenian mss (see Aucher's edition, 11. 268 sq) the three years 2057,2058, 2059 form a separate compartment, the right-hand portion of whichis entirely taken up with the articles on S. Mark and Euhodius; sothat the displacement is easily accounted for byconsiderations ofspace. Moreover, if we put S. Peter's date entirely out of sight, 2059remains evidently the most probable Eusebian date for Euhodius; sinceit accounts for both 2058 and 2060, and in the Antiochene (unlikethe Roman) episcopates there is no reason to supposethat the discrepanciesbetween the two forms of the Chronicle are due to anythingbut accidents of transcription.'The beginnings of the second episcopates likewise approximatelycoincide. Linus is clearly referred to 2084, the last year of Nero,assumed as the date of S. Peter's :martyrdom the Hieronymian articleon Ignatiusis attached in a singular manner to the Olympiadic numeralanswering to 2085 (see Schoene's note), but apparently should ratherbe regarded as part of an overflow from the too numerous articles of2084: the Armenian position of Ignatius is at 2085, but evidently bya mistake of transcription, for the article interrupts a single long sentenceabout Vespasian, and the existence of a dislocation at 2084 isproved by the interposition of the reigns of Galba and Vitellius beforethe death of Nero. Eusebius doubtless placed both Ignatius and Linusat 2084.'At the third Antiochene episcopate there is a real breach of synchronism,though only to the amount of two years:the Armenian andHieronymian records agree in placing Hero at 2123, while AlexanderIGN. II. 3°

466 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMof Rome stands at 2125. Here Eusebius had a historical landmarkindependent of any artificial co-ordination with Roman chronology, forHero became bishop of Antioch in consequence of the death ofIgnatius.He mentions the succession in connexion with the martyrdom;and as the martyrdom was said to have taken place underTrajan, he includes the record of it in what he has to say about whatpassed as Trajan's persecution.'Accordingly the first seven Antiochene episcopates stand related toRoman episcopatesin the manner shown by the following list.Euhodius

OF S. IGNATIUS. 467historical attestation is wanting. The single absolute synchronism whichoccurs in this part — that of Fabius and Cornelius— was attested by thefact, unquestionably known to Eusebius, that their respective predecessors,Babylas and Fabianus, both perished in the short Decianpersecution.'At the accession of Clement of Rome, the fourth on the list ifS. Peter is included, the Armenian date precedes that of Jerome byfive years, and during the next nine episcopates, to Eleutherus inclusive,the interval isalways either four or five years (Alexander makingonly an apparent exception), owing to the fact that the fundamentalterm-numerals are all but identical in the two liststhroughout thisperiod. This is the reason why the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th Antiochenebishops appear to stand about an Olympiadin advance of correspondingRoman bishops, when Armenian are substituted for Hieronymiandates in the Roman chronology. Of course Julius Africanusvanishes with the Olympiads. But even if the Armenian chronologyis retained, two of the Olympiadic intervals become incorrect as soonas the Armenian dates are tested critically instead of being simplycopied as they now stand. The term-numerals show conclusively thatthe Armenian year for Alexander is not 21 19 but 2120, and forEleutherus not 2189 but 2188;and of three years, not of four years in both cases.'so that the intervals would be of fiveI cannot doubt that this is the right solution in the main. TheChro?iicon and the History appear to have been completed within ayear or two of each other; and Eusebius must have been employedupon them at the same time 1 . This being so, it would be strange ifthey presented two widely divergent chronologies of the early Romanbishops. This difficulty disappearsif we suppose the Roman episcopal1The Chronicon was carried down tothe vicennalia of Constantine, a.d. 325(11. p. 191, Schoene); the History, unlessinternal evidence is altogether delusive,was written before the death of Crispus(a.d. 326). Eusebius indeed appears tohave issued two editions of the Chronicon,as he certainly did of other works, e.g. theMartyrs of Palestine and the 7wo Booksof Objection and Defence read by Photius(Bib I. 13).Thus in the Eclog. Prophet.i. 1 (p. 1 Gaisford) Eusebius directly refersto the Chronicon; yet elsewhere in thissame work,i. 8 (p. 26), he speaks of the'present persecution.' Again in Praep.Ev. x. 9 11 there is a reference tothe Chronicon; yet indications are notwanting that the Praeparatio and Demonstratiowere written during the persecutionand in the years immediatelysucceeding (Tillemont H. E. VII. p.53 sq). But this hypothesis of an earlieredition will not explain the difficulty ;forthe Armenian represents one which wascontemporary with the History, since itmentions the vicennalia (1. pp. 71, 131).On this subject see S. Clement of Rome 1.p. 224 sq (ed. 2.)30—2

468 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMdates of the Armenian version to be due either to accident or tosome later revision or to both causes. But, even supposing thatthe Armenian version did give the original Eusebian dates for theRoman bishops, the possibility would still remain that for the datesof the Antiochene bishops Eusebius copied some previous writerwho had arranged the Antiochene chronology according to anotherlist of Roman bishops— a list afterwards substituted in the Chroniconby Jerome for that of Eusebius As '. regards details, the procedurewhich Hort suggests, but does not insist upon, to account for thesynchronism of the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th Antiochene bishops withthe 7th, 9th, nth and 12th Roman bishops respectively, seems tome to attribute too elaborate an artifice to Eusebius. Eusebius orhis authority must have known, as we know, that Theophilus wascontemporary with Soter and Maximinus with Eleutherus. He mayhave believed or known also, what we do not know, that Cornelius wascontemporary with Telesphorus and Eros with Pius. In placing theiraccessions over against the same year, he or his authority merely adoptedan inexact, or rather too exact, way of expressing these rough synchronismsin a tabular arrangement where assignment to a definiteyear was convenient. His treatment of the Jerusalem bishops, wherehe had no chronological data, ought, I think, to liberate him from thesuspicion even of the moderate artifice which Hort's suggestion ascribesto him in the case of the Antiochene bishops. We are bound tobelieve that for the latter he had some data, however rough andimperfect. With this exception,which however does not affect themain question, Hort's solution has everything to recommend it. It isfree from the difficulties which beset Harnack's theory, and itexplainsthe phenomena better.One other objection isbrought by Harnack (p. 70 sq) against theearly part of the list in the Chronicon. The average duration of officeassigned to these early Antiochene bishops is unusually long. If wesuppose Theophilus to have died about a.d. 185 (the Chronicon placeshis death a.d. 177, but for reasons already stated it seems necessary toadvance the date by some years), we have then a period of more than75 years for four bishops alone, Hero, Cornelius, Eros, Theophilus, oran average of 18 or 19 years apiece. This is an unusually long time.1This is in fact the view which has press for my first edition, but before theysince been maintained by Lipsius (see were published. See S. Clement of Romeabove, p. 452 note), whose paper appeared 1. p. 224 (ed. 2) on the difficulties whichafter these sheets had passed through theattend this hypothesis.

OF S.IGNATIUS.469He infers from this that the original chronicler had before himsimply a list of the names of the successive Antiochene bishops • thathe felt bound to represent the earliest of these persons so named asappointed directly by Apostles; and that he was obliged accordinglyto stretch out the duration of their tenure of office on the Procrustesbedof this necessity so as to cover the period, thoughin fact theearliest name belonged to a date much later than the Apostolic times.On this principle he rectifies the chronology thus. If we reckon theduration of office at an average of twelve years, this gives 48 yearsfor the four, and we are thus carried back to about the time of themartyrdom of the Roman bishop Telesphorus for the death of Ignatius.Or again ; if we place the death of Theophilus in the middle of theepiscopate of Eleutherus, and reckon back the duration of fourepiscopates in the Roman list, we are brought to about a.d. 138,i.e.nearly the same date, for this same event. 'In the Alexandrian list,'he adds, 'a similar reckoning leads to a similar date.' As the resultof this calculation, he considers that the death of Ignatius may beplaced in the reign of Hadrian, or even of Antoninus Pius (p. 71).But, even if we allow that the length of the period constitutes a realdifficulty in the Eusebian chronology, the solution does not seem to bethe most probable under the circumstances. It is more natural, aswell as more in accordance with experience, to suppose that somelinks in the chain have been lost, than that the links are continuousbut have been stretched out to lengthen the chain backwards. Thus ouroriginal chronicler may only have been able to recover a name of abishop here and there, in connexion with some fact which enabled him tofix approximately their respective dates ;and, as he was not acquaintedwith any other names in the early annals of the Antiochene episcopate,may have assumed that there were no others. This is a matter ofcommon occurrence in the lists of official personages in their earlierstages, where the historical record is imperfect.But in fact the period of 75 years, though longer than the averageof four episcopates, has been again and again attained, and sometimeslargely exceeded, in authentic records about which no doubt can be entertained1 .We may compare for instance the annals of the other Eastern1In the recent annals of the English 80 years, and from a.d. 1783—1862, orepiscopate for instance, notwithstanding 79 years, though in all cases the archthepracticeof frequent translations, we bishops were translated from other sees ;have far more surprising phenomena. in York from a.d. 1 761— 1857, or 96Thus in the see of Canterbury four epis- years, and again from a.d. 1776—186-2,copates extend from a.d. 1768— 1848, oror 86 allyears, though again were trans-

47oACTS OF MARTYRDOMpatriarchates, Alexandria and Jerusalem, at the first moment whenwe reach the broad daylight of history and no cloud of obscurity hangsover the dates. This isprobably as fair a parallel as the case admits.At Alexandria then we have Demetrius, Heraclas, Dionysius, Maximus,extending from a.d. 190 — 283, or 93 years; Alexander, Athanasius,Petrus 11,Timotheus 1, from a.d. 313 — 385, or 72 years; Timotheus 1,Theophilus, Cyrillus, Dioscorus, from a.d. 377— 452, or 75 years: andat Jerusalem — Narcissus, Alexander, Mazabanes, Hymenaeus, from a.d.190 298, or 108 years; Hermon, Macarius, Maximus, Cyrillus, froma.d. 300— 388, or 88 years ; Cyrillus, Joannes 1, Prayllus, Juvenalis,from a. d. 348 — 458, or no years; Joannes 1, Prayllus, Juvenalis,Anastasius, from a.d. 388 — 478, or 90 years. In fact at Alexandria 13successive bishops, from Demetrius to Cyrillus inclusive, cover froma.d. 190 — 444, i.e. 254 years, giving an average of between 19 and20 years; and at Jerusalem 13 successive bishops, from Narcissus toAnastasius inclusive, cover from a.d. 190 — 478, i.e. 288 years, givingan average of more than 2 2 years l .From the preceding investigation it will have appeared generallythat there is no sufficient ground for suspecting an artificial arrangementof the dates of accession ;but that, if it exist at all, it is not ofsuch a kind as to affect the substantial accuracy of the chronology,though it may have caused a displacement of a few years in any givencase. Of the capricious invention of names, or the arbitrary assignmentof them to particular epochs irrespective of tradition, there is noindication. The information may be incorrect ;the tradition may behazy; but this is a different matter. Our guarantee of substantialfidelity will be the rough accordance of these dates with extraneousand authentic notices. If this ordeal be applied to the list, its generalcredibility does not suffer. From Theophilus onwards we are ablelations; in London from A.D. 1675—1761, or 86 years, though all the fourwere translations — ;in Winchester froma.d. 1734 1827, or 93 years, and againfrom A.D. 1761 — 1869, or 108 years; inDurham from a.d. 1632— 1730 (with thevacancy of one year), or 97 years, andagain from a.d. 1660 — 1750, or 90 years;in Chichester from a.d. 1731— 1824, or93 years (70 years being occupied by twoepiscopates alone); in Bath and Wells,where longevity seems to prevail, froma.d. 1703 — 1802, or 99 years, and againfrom A.D. 1727— 1824, or 97 years, andagain from a.d. 1744 — 1845, or 101 years,though all were translations; in Lincolnfrom a.d. 1787 — 1869, or 82 years,though all were translations ;in Worces-— ter from a.d. 1781 1861, or 80 years,though all were translations. These examplesmight be multiplied.1No account is here taken of intruderswho were thrust into the sees during thelifetimes of the regular bishops, as e.g.in the case of Athanasius.

OF S. IGNATIUS. 471to test every name, though the test is sometimes rough;case is the divergence from known or suspected fact veryand in nowide. In allcases, which we have means of verifying, the Antiochene episcopateswere contemporary with the Roman episcopates with which they areco-ordinated.But the value of Harnack's investigations is quite independent ofthe particular theory which he founds uponthem. He has raiseddefinitely the question what degree of credit is due to the chronologyof the early Antiochene bishops. He has collected the data for asatisfactory answer to this question, so far as it can be answered. Andabove all : he has set the relation of this chronology to the Ignatiancontroversy in its proper light.With this last point alone we are directly concerned. The questionwhich critics henceforth must ask is this. If there be a conflict betweenthe very early date assigned to Ignatiusin the traditionalchronology of the Antiochene episcopate, and the phenomenaof theIgnatian epistles regarded as a genuine work of Ignatius, so that thetwo cannot be reconciled, which must give place to the other ? To thequestion so stated there can, I think, be only one answer in the end.The evidence, internal and external, for the genuineness of the Ignatianepistles istwenty times stronger than the evidence for the earlyAntiochene chronology. Elsewhere I have given reasons for thebelief that no such conflict exists. But, assumingfor the momentthat the epistles do betray a later date than the chronologyof theAntiochene episcopate assigns to Ignatius, it is not the genuinenessof the epistles but the veracity of the chronology which must besurrendered.Meanwhile, if we consider this chronology in itself (irrespective ofits bearing on the Ignatian controversy), it is reasonable to take upan intermediate position between Wieseler and Harnack. We cannotwith Wieseler tie down the date of the martyrdom to the preciseyear a.d. 107, for indeed there is no reason to think that Eusebiushimself intended this. But neither can we with Harnack allow itsuch latitude as a.d. 138, because the evidence, while it disprovesthe chronology as a strictly accurate statement, confirms it as a roughapproximation. Even as a rough approximation however,its valuewill diminish as we go farther back. The dates of the first century,the accession of Euodius a.d. 42, and the accession of Ignatiusa.d. 69,deserve no credit. Both alike, we may suppose, were due to speculativecriticism, rather than to traditional report.If Hort's synchronismwith the Roman bishops be not accepted, these two accessions

472 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMmay be explained in another way. The first would aim at givingthe date when the Antiochene Church first received a definite constitution,this date being inferred from the Acts of the Apostles 1 ;the other would represent the close of the Apostolic age as markedby the destruction of Jerusalem 2 , Ignatius being regarded as still adisciple of the Apostles and as appointed by them to the episcopate.The dates during the first half of the second century on the other handmay be accepted as rough, but only very rough, approximations. Thefirst of these, the death of Ignatius, does not profess to be more thanthis. Not making any extravagant claims, it is the more entitledto credit. If it comes to us on the authority of Africanus,it ishighly valuable, because Africanus lived in a neighbouring country,and must have been born within a single life-time of the allegeddate. However this may be, we have the indisputable testimony ofa contemporary of Africanus to the same effect. Origen (Horn, inLuc. c. i, Op. in. p. 938 a) speaks of ' Ignatius who was second bishopof Antioch after the blessed Peter, and during the persecution (ivtw Siooy^w) fought with wild beasts in Rome.' From this statementthe date of the martyrdom may be inferred approximately 3 .Origen,it should be observed, had himself resided at Antioch before this(Euseb. H. E. vi. 21; about a.d. 226, see Clinton Fast. Rom. 1.pp.239, 241). If in addition to these facts we bear in mind that commontradition assigned the martyrdom to the reign of Trajan, we shall bedoing no injustice to the evidence by setting the probable limitsbetween a.d. 100— 118, without attempting to fix the year moreprecisely 4 .1The famine prophesied by Agabus(Acts xi. 28) is placed in the Armenianthe year before, and in Jerome the yearafter, the accession of Euodius. In theActs this prophecy and its fulfilment arerecorded in the same paragraph whichdescribes the foundation of a church atAntioch. This approximate synchronismwas probably sufficient to suggest the datefor the accession of the first bishop ofAntioch.2The accession of Ignatius is placedone year before the destruction of Jerusalemin the Armenian, and two yearsbefore in Jerome. The final dispersionof the surviving Apostles, which immediatelypreceded the overthrow of the city,would be thought a fit moment for theconsecration of the last bishop of Antiochwho was a disciple of Apostles.3The expression iv t$ divy/uy leavesopen the alternative of the reigns ofDomitian and Trajan ;for any subsequentpersecution would be too late for thesecond bishop of Antioch after S. Peter.As no one has ever placed the martyrdomunder Domitian, we may safely assumethat Origen intended the persecutionof Trajan.There is no ground for the surmiseof Harnack (p. 67) that Origen derivedhis information from Africanus.4 If Malalas were a more trustworthywriter, we might be disposed to listen to

OF S. IGNATIUS. 473The two Acts of Martyrdom which I have designated the Antiocheneand the Roman respectively are given in the following pages. Theother three, having no independent value, are not reprinted here.The authorities for the text of the Antiochene Acts are :edition.(1)The Greek MS [G], which I have collated anew for this(2) The Lati?i Version [L], of which a revised text will be foundin the Appendix.(3) The Syriac Version [S],which also is re-edited in the Appendix.(4) The Bolla?idist Acts [B], which comprise a Latin version ofa considerable portion of the Antiochene Acts (see above, pp. 366, 371).They wall be found in the Acta Sanctorum for Feb. 1.(5) The Armeniafi Acts [A], which also comprise a very largeportion of these Acts (see above, pp. 367, 371 sq). Petermann's reprintof Aucher has been used for these.(6) The Acts of the Metaphrast [M], which are compiled partlyfrom these Acts (see above, pp. 367, 375 sq), and may be used occasionallyfor textual purposes.As G is a late and poor ms, the different versions LSBA are highlyaids to the construction of a text. Of these L is valuableimportanton account of its literalness. On the other hand SBA frequently offerbetter readings, and generally may be said to preserveolder forms ofthe text. But the license which they have taken with the originallessens their value ;and I have only recorded their readings where theyappeared to represent variations in the Greek. No weight attaches toM; for, where his text coincides with our Acts, it is evidently foundedon a comparatively late ms closely resembling G.These Acts were first edited in the original Greek by Ruinart {ActMart. Sine. p. 605 sq, Paris, 1689) from the Colbert ms G, the Latinhim when 6 ao

474 ACTS OF MARTYRDOMVersion having been previously published by Ussher (a.d. 1644) togetherwith the Ignatian Epistles which it accompanies. Subsequenteditors contented themselves with reproducing the text of Ruinart.Jacobson rccollated G, but did nothing more for the text. Zahn firstmade use of the versions for the correction of the errors in the Greekms, and thus produced a much superior text to those of his predecessors.He did not however exhaust all the good readings whichthey would yield.A further use of them is made in this edition.The readings eo>0ev, and XqvQ (for AcW)), in § 6, with several otherselsewhere,these versions.are now introduced into the text for the first time fromThe authorities for the text of the Roman Acts are these ;(1) The Three Greek MSS [V][L][P], described above, p. 364.(2)The Coptic Versions [C], of which an account is also givenabove, p. 364 sq. These are the Memphitic [CJ and the Thebaic orSahidic [CJ. In passages where the two agree, or where only one isextant, the symbol used is C simply.(3) The Bollandist Acts [B],in which isincorporated a very largeportion of these Roman Acts (see above, pp. 366 sq, 371).(4)The Armenian Ads [A], which likewise contain a large portionof these Acts (see above, pp. 367, 371 sq).(5) The Acts of the Metaphrast [M], in which use is made of theRoman Acts (see above, p. 375 sq); but the coincidences are very rarelyclose enough to have any value for textual purposes.The Greek text of these Acts was first printed in full by Dresselfrom V.Extracts had been given before from L by Ussher (see abovep. 364). Zahn improved upon Dressel's text here and there, chieflyby corrections from AB ;but with the imperfect materials before himhe was unable to do much, and the text has remained hitherto in avery bad state. Thus it has been disfigured by such corruptions asKvOrjvy (KiQaipuivi, Zahn) for Kvvoaovpr) (§ 1), tov r]Xtov for 'iAiov (§ i),ificfipovov for €/i(p(>ovo

OF S. IGNATIUS. 475The chronological notices at the beginning and end of these Acts inmy text assume entirely new forms, which are not without an interestfor the Ignatian controversy.Though these Roman Acts are quite valueless as history, they areinteresting as a specimen of apologetics. For this reason I havethought it worth while to add full explanatory and illustrative notes,which hitherto they have lacked.The variations of the versions (which in some cases are very considerable)are not given unless they have a bearing on the Greek text orpossess some interest of their own.

MAPTYPIONITNATIOYA.I.''Apri hiaSe^cijULevou ty\v 'Pco/ualcou dp-)(r]v Tpa'iavov,'lyvdrios 6 tov diroffToXov 'Icodvvov /dadriTrjs, dvtjpMAPTYPION ITNATIOY &] p-apTvpiov tov ayiov iepo/idpTvpos iyvariov tov 6eo

478 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.[•tV to?? Trdanv diroo-ToAiKOs, eKufiepvattju €KK\r}

'i]ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 479/3dXtj. TOiyapovv t]v

480 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [i60€V ereo-iv 6\iyois en irapafxeviav rrj eKK\rj(rla, [/caz]\vxvov Uky\v deiKOv Tnv eKaa-TOV lidvoiav Sta(fxarifavr>?9 twv ypa(pcou e^rjy rive cos, eirervyxêv v KaT *II. Tpaiavov yap fJierdravra evvarco erei rrjs 5avrov (ZaonXeias e-irapdevrosiwi rrj viky] ty\ KaraCkuOcOV KCtl AaKWV KCLl €T6pC0V TToXXttiV eQvtOV KCLl VO^laavTOSen Xeiireiv avrco 7rpos irdcrav viroTaynv totlov Xpio-Ttavcov Beoo-efies crvorrriâ,i /cat] GLA ;om. S[B]. 3 ypcupuv] LSB ; 6et

n] ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 481oâi^xovwv feXoiTof ActTpelav fiera ttolvtcw vireiviizvaiTWV idvwv, SltoyÔV \yTTOJJieveiv\ O7T6£\i;0-a[l/T0]s,TTcivTClStovs evorefiws ^wi/ras dveiv rj rj TeXevrav Kar^vayKaêv.rore tolvvv (pofiridek vwep Trjs 'Avrioêoiv e/c/cAf/o-i'as6 yevvctios rov Xpia-rov (TTparicoT^ eKOuaiws rjyero5 7rpos Tpa'iavov, hidyovra }iev kclt eKeivov tov KaipovKara ty\v 'Aunoxeiau, (nrovhatyvra he eirl 'ApfieviavKCLlndpdoVS.COS §6 KCtTa 7Tp6(TO)7TOV 6(TTr] T pdlaVOV[rod f}acr(Kim~] % Vis el, KaKolaTfdov, ras rj/merepasG; cogeret USA; inclinaret B; so that all the versions would seem to have hadanother reading, possibly irreiyoi. 11 virofievetv] G; om. L; dub. SA(which are too loose to allow any inference) ; def. B. direCk-qcravTos] G;comminans (as if aireiK-qaas) L. irduras] txt LSAB ; praef. 6 0o/3os G.12 tovs evaepws favras] G; ipsos dei cultores existentes (avrote edaepeis 8vras) L;dei cultores B; christianos A; sanctos S. 14 aTpartfJoT^s] txt GL; add.Ignatius S* (as a v. 1.) AB. 18 rod pcuriXfus] GLB om.; S[A]. Add.traianus dixit LB ;add. dixit Mi (traianus) S* ;add. et senatu, interrogabat cum rexet dicebat A (see above, p. 372); om. G.of Trajan at Antioch immediatelyafter the end of the Dacian Wars.This however is not consistent withthe known facts. The Dacian Warsended a.d. 107 at the latest; whilethe Eastern expedition did not commencetill the autumn A.D. 113.The interval of six or seven yearswas spent by the emperor at Romeor the neighbourhood. On the attemptswhich have been made tointerpolate an earlier expedition tothe East and consequent residenceat Antioch in this interval, see abovep. 407 sq.18.

482 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. ["o-7rou$d£a)v hiaTaêis virepfiaivetv juerd tov Kal eTepovsdva7reWeiv iva kcxkgos a7ro\ovvTai ;'lyvaTios eiTrevOvlek deocbopovaTroKaKei KaKoSal/uova' d(pe

"] ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 48avrov 6 povoyevtjs, ov Trjs (piXias ovai/uajv. Tpa'iavoseiTrev Tov o-TctvpwdevTa Xeyeis eirl TIovtlov TIiKcitov ;lyvciTios eiirev Tov dvao-rauptocravTa Trjp ct/mapTiavfierce tov Taurus evperovkcii Traa-av KaTaSiKcio-avTcto haifioviK})v KctKiav vtto tov? 7ro$as twv clvtov ev Kapdia(popovvTcov. Tpcitavos eiirev Cu ovv ev eavrco (popehTOV XpLCTOU; 'lyVClTLOS 6L7T6V' Na[' JSJ paiTTCll yap,6NOIKHC03 6N AYTOIC KAI 6MH6 pI nATH C 0) .TpClidVOS'lyvctTiov Trpoa-eTctâfjiev^tov ev eavTwct7re(pt]vaT0'5 XeyovTct 7repi(pepeivtov ecrTctvpw/uievov, Secr/uuov vttoCTpaTiooTwv yevo/uevov ayecrdcu irapd Tr\v /ueyciXrjv'Pay/utiv, fipco/uia yevr]0"OfJL€vov Brjptcoveis o^\/iv kcll eUTep\jsiv tov StiiULOV. TavTtis 6 dyios tidpTVs e7raKOvo-ast*/s a7ro(paa'e(t)^ /uera âpcis efioticrev GvâpLorTw croi,20 KaKiav] LS ;malitias A; TrXdvrjv ;al. B. 21 (popeis]v 8iv dnotpdcreis ; comp.Mart. Rom. 9.31—2

4 8 4 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. ["Se(T7rora, on fJL6TeXeia ty\ rrposeredyairn Ti\xr\uaiKctTti£iu)(ras, tw clttoo'toXm gov flavXta Sec^ctis gvv-SrjGasyrepidefjievosGiSripoIs.tclvtcl €L7rwv kccijuletev

m] ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 485ttov tov C/uvpvaicoveiTLCTKOTrov tov G"vvaKpoaTf]v 8ed-5 aacrdai* eyeyoveicrav yap iraXai /uadt]Tai 'Icodvvov,Trap' to KaTa^deis Kai 7rvevjuaTiKcdv avTco KOivcovrjcras%apier/mar tov Kai toTs Secr/moTs eyKav^cofjievo^ , TrapeKaKeiorvvadXeiv ty\ avrov 7rpo06crei, fiaXicrTa fxev KOivfj iracrav6KK\r]criav (iSeîovvTO yap tov ayiovo Kai7rpecr(3vT€pcovSid tcov eiricrKOTrcovKai SiaKOvcov al Trjs'Acrias 7roAeisKai €KK\r]criai yiravTcov €7reiyofj.6vcov 7rpos avTOV,ei ttcos/uepos x a P L(T l ULaT°s \a/3cocri 7rv6v/uaTiKOv) y iâipeTcos Setop ayiov rio\vKap7rov, \va Dia tcov drjpicovdaTTOvdepavrjs tco KocrfJico yevo/uevos i/mcpavicrdfjtco 7rpocrco7rco5 TOV XplCTTOV.crudelissimis (?) [B] (which paraphrases); om. A. The equivalent for Q-qpiois w/xo-/36pots in S is NJ^ T\VV\ ferae voraces. fiopav] fioppav G. 12 petoliroXvv Ka/m-arov] GLB; cum {1) multo labore (peTCt 7roXXov kclp&tov) AS*.X/wpvcUav"] o-pvpve'iov G; zmyrnaeorum A; zmyrnamjs. 14 2pvpvaiuv]smyrnaeorumLB; apvpviov (sic) G; zmyrnae [S]A. 15 'Icodvvov] txt L (comp. M);preef. tov ayiov dirotTToXov GA add.; apostoli B; pr?ef. apostoli S. 18 crvvcxdXelv]GLSA; ire ad (avveXdeXv?) B. 20 teal prim.] GS[B]; om.LA. 21 el wcos] G; ut fortasse SA; ut B; si quo aliquant L (as if dttov (?) tl).above pp. 232, 241, 251, 265, 266, 267 ;e k kXtjct iais Kai evreXkoficu nacrLV, otl to crcop-d pov 6 Kocrpos o\jseTai.eyco ckcov vnep Qeoi) aTroBvrjCTKco k.t.X.comp. p. 211.It could hardly mean ' all the14. tov avvaKpoaTrjv] See the note Church', as Leclerc takes it; seeon §1 'icodvvov nadrjTrji.The disparitythe note on Ephes. 12 iv ndaij iuL-of age is an additional objec-

486 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [ivIV. Kai ravTa ovtids eXeyev, \_Katjovtws Ste-/ULCtpTUpaTO,TOCTOVTOV 67T6KT6iv00U TY]V 7TpOS XplCTTOVdya7rriv, w? ovpavov fJieXXeiv ewiXafAfidvecTdai Sid tt}sKaXrjs o/uioXoyia^ Kai Trjs twv (Tvvevyo\xevix)v virep TrjsdOArjcecos (T7rou$rjs, diroôvvai Se tov /uucrdovtccis eiacXti~ 5(rial's Tech inravrriG'derail auTw $ia tcov r)yovfjL6Vit)V yypafJLfJLaTiav evâpia-Tcov €K7reiuL

v]ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 4875 V. KctTapricras toivvv, ols jjfiouXero, tous ev1Pcofjiritwv dSeKdkov clkovtcis $ia Trjs eViCT-roA^s, outwsdvayOeis and Trjs C/uLvpvtjs (KareireiyeTO yap\j7r6 tcovG'TpaTicoTcov 6 ^j0f(7TO(£>Oj0O5 (pdacrai tczs (piAoTL/uiLas evty\ /ueyd\rj 7ro\6L, \'va err direct tov Sti/mov'Pcojualcov^ dripcrlv dyplois irapadoQeh tov crTePhilippi ;elacpipdv, firjdepuas (piXoTip.iasand the /x^'repseudo-Ignatiuswrites afterwardsto the Philippians themselvesIdias p-T)Te 8rjp.oaias airok* Lit ecr6at.22. Nen7ro\«/] As S. Paul does in from the neighbourhood of RhegiumActs xvi. 1 1. See the language of Ignatiushimself Polyc. 8 hid to cgaiqb-23. tt)v "llneipov] The word is{Philipp. 15).vrjs nXelv dno p.e TpcoaSos eis NearroXiv. probably intended as a proper name

488 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vrrjv7rpo§'Eirilajxvov ov ev roh irapadaXaTTioisvrjos67T\£L TO' '€7TLTVX^ ASplCLTlKOV 7T6\ayOS, KaKeWeV €7Ti/3aStov Kai TvpptjviKOv irapafjieifiaiv vtjcrovs re kcci 7ro\eis,v7ro$eix6cvT(jov rco dyiia IIotioXoov, avros fiev ij~eAdeTveo~7rev$ev, kcct i'î/os fiahiêiv idekwv tov dTroarroXov 5\riav\ov\rfjs vrjos iic(09 he eirnrecrov fiiaiov irvev}xa ov crvvex^pei,wpvjivri^ iweiyofJLevns, ixaicapio-as t\\v eveice'iva) too TOirca twv dSe\(pwv dyairriv ovto) 7rap67r\ei.TOiyapovv ev \xia rijuepa kccl vvktl ty\ avTrj, ovpiois dveimois7rpoo"xpricrdiuLevoi, fj/xels /mev ctKOvres dirriyoixeda ic1oS] cnjus L (wrongly translated, as ifEpidamnus had been masc.) ; et ibi [A];atque exinde [B]; tunc S; om. G. 3 vfcovs re /ecu 7roXets] G; insulaset civitates LS; et insulas imdtas (vrjaovs re 7roAA onXetos n.ovTi6Xrjs rrjs novTMrOe lar)? gest Puteolono (Puteolano?), andtendency to retain the definite article.dnriyyeiXav KatVaptHovTioXrj €7tovtio-6t]. So here also4. v7ro8eix&zvT(i)v] Acts xxi. 3 dva-in the Bollandist Acts the § 5 passageappears 'Et cum inde ascenderet ad(pdvavres (v. 1.dva

v] ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 489(TTevovTes 67ri tw d(p* tj/uLtov /ulsWovti ^copia-jULooTOUoiKalou ylveo-dai, tw he kclt evyyv direfiaivev o~7reuhovTidarrov avayu>pr\(7ai tou Koar/Jiou, *iva(pdcccrrj irpos ovtjya7rticr6v Kupiov. KaTairXeucas youv els tous Xifxevasrcrtfxaicov, ^.eXXoua'rjs Xqyew Trjs ditaddpTou (piXon/mlas,oi\xev crrpaTicorai uwep Trjs /3pahuTt]TOs ricrx^XXov,6 he e7ridev ought somehowto be brought into the text.19. Uoprov] Owing to the gradualsilting up of the Tiber at Ostia, itbecame necessary in early imperialtimes to construct an artificial harbourfor Rome. This work was carriedout mainly by Claudius (DionCass. lx. n), and called Portus Augusti.It was considerably to thenorth of Ostia, on the right branchof the river. Trajan afterwards addedan inner basin which was calledafter him Portus Trajani (Clem.Horn. xii. 10). In the neighbourhoodof this twofold harbour grew—up the town of Portus the presentporto— with which the name of Hippolytusis connected. But it wouldhardly, I think, have been mentioned,as it is in our martyrology, at thedate of Ignatius' death, when Trajan'spart of the work can only have beenvery recently constructed, if it existedat all. Doilinger Hippolytus

490 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [VIdyiov /udpTvpa) (rvvavrwfJiev to!s dSeXcpols (pofiopKalX a p? TreirXripwfjLevoiS) x aL P 0V(TLV l^p e^ 0L * nôvvTOTrjs tov Qeocpopov o-vvTVX}as, (pofiovfievois Se Slotl irepeirl ddvarov toiovtos ijyeTO. tkti Se Kal 7rapriyyeXXevtiavxdtei}!, (êovon teal Xeyovai Kararraveiv tov Sfjfxov 5^05 to aTroXecrdai tov diKaiov ovs evdvsfjiri 67riQ]TeTvyvovs tco TTvevfjiaTi Kal irdvTas dcrTracraêvo^, aiTrjo-asT€ irapavTcov ty\v dXr\Qivr\v aya7rt]V, 7rXetova t€ tcovev tv] 67ria'ToXtj SiaXexOels Kal 7reiaras twfxt)

eakoVI]ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 49 1o-ecos, i;7rep ttJs twi/ dheAcpcov eU dAArjAovs dya7rt]s,d7rr]^6f] fieTa cr7rov$f)s ek to dfj.v ddecov] As this reading istertio decimo Kalendas, festum probavimusetc' During the festival sary to discuss the proposed inter-unquestionably right, it is unneces-there were gladiatorial and other pretations of rep vaco.contests of the arena ;Auson. Eel. 20. TtapavTa] ''along with thede Fer. 32 sq 'Aediles plebeii etiam events \ ''then and there' \ 'forthwith';aedilesque curules Sacra sigillorumsee the note on T?-all. 11.nomine dicta colunt ;Et gladiatores 21. eniOvfxia k.tX] From the LXXfunebria praelia notum Decertasse Prov. x. 24.'foro ;nunc sibi arena suos Vindicat ; 23. (pdaaas k.t.X.] already in hisextremo qui jam sub fine Decembris epistle\ The reference is to Rom.Falcigerum placant sanguine Caeligenam',Lactant. Div. Inst. vi. 20 whole subject of the reliques, see4 firjdevK.aTakinoiO'LV k.t.X. On the'venationes quae vocantur munera pp. 386 sq, 431 sq.Saturno sunt attributae ' (see the note 24. TiXeiioatv] The word was early

492 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.[VIyap Ta Tpa^vrepa twv dyioov avTOv Xei^dvwv irepie-kcli Iv\ei(pdri, aTLva eis ty\v 'Aurioêiav aTreKO/uicrdr]Xt]vco KctTeredri, Oricravpos ctTiiuLtiTOs vwo rrjs ev rw/mdpTVpi xaptTOs ty\dyia eKKXtjcria KaraXeKpdevra.Iay Lav avrou] GL; justi (rod diKalov) S; om. [A]. 3 \rjvqi] capsa L;glossocomo S ; Xlvy G def. A : see the lower;note. 5 irpb deKarpLQv kcl-XavdQv 'lavvovapiioi*] GL ante ix; {secundum graecos xiii) kalendas januarias A;decimo septimo tishri posterioris S. After 'lavvovapiuv add. tovt£vos tovdrjXcodevTa TeXeuoOivTos Tponov, viii. 6,and frequently. See Suicer Thes. s.vv. TtXetovv, TeXeiaxris.pova yap k.t.X.]For the relation ofthis account to the statement ofEvagrius H. E. i. 16, see abovepp. 387 sq, 434.'2. iv Xrjvw] in a coffin ','a sarcophagus'.I have restored this readingfrom the versions for iv Xiva.Jacobson writes, ' iv Xikvv veKpcovaopovs dub ttjs opoiorrjTos ttjs Karao-nevr)s: comp. Pollux Ononi. iii. 102,viii. 146, x. 150. In the last passagePollux quotes Erastus and Coriscuswriting to Plato, Xrjvov 'Ao-criav aapnocpdyovXidov, and also PherecratesAgr. 12 TroOev Xrjvovs TocravTas Xrjyjsopai(Meineke Fragm. Com. 11. p.260). The word occurs several timesin the inscriptions ;C. I. G. 1979,1981, 1993, 1997 e, 2209, 2210, Journ.of Hell. Stud. viii. p. 374 (1887).There is the converse itacism in ourMS in the same word, used as a propername, Ps-Ign. ad Mar. 4 r).pa.Ka.pia>3. vtto ttjs k.t.X.] i. e. by the'Divine grace as manifested in thecase of the martyr.'6. 2vpa k.t.X.] The year intendedis A.D. 107, in which the consulswere L. Licinius Sura III, Q. SosiusSenecio II ;see Mommsen in HermesIII. p. 138, Ephem. Epigr. v. p. 715.In the common lists (e.g. Clinton)they are called C. Sosius Senecio IV,L. Licinius Sura ill, after a spuriousinscription 'in antiqua figulina' givenby Panvinio Fasti p. 217 ' L. LicinioSura in, C. Sosio iv.' But it is quitecertain from a genuine inscriptionsince discovered, that Senecio wasnever consul more than twice, andthat his praenomen was Quintus see;Borghesi in Bull. delV Inst, di Archeol.1853, p. 184 sq. The wordsto 8evTepov therefore refer to 2ei>ekicovosalone ;and the number ofthe consulship in the case of Surahas been omitted through carelessnessor ignorance. The expressionhas sometimes been interpreted asmeaning the second year in whichSura and Senecio were consuls togetherso Hefele;(in some editions),Uhlhorn (p. 254), Nirschl (Todesjahrp. 8), and at one time even Borghesihimself {CEuvres I. p. 507), though he

492 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.[VIyap Ta Tpa-^vrepa twu dyicov avTOv X€L\jsdvcov Trepie-kcli ivXei(p6rj, aTiva eis tvjv 'Aurioêiav d7reKOjULcr6rj\f]vto KctTeredri, dricravpos dTL]ur]TO£ vwo Ttjs iv tw/udpTVpt %apiTOs Trjdyia iiacXricria KaraXeKpOevra.I ayiwv ai/Tov] GL; justi (tov SikclIov) S; om. [A]. 3 \rjvcp] capsa L;glossocomo S; \hi>) G; def. A: see the lower note. 5 irpb beKarpiuv kcl-\av8Qv 'lavvovapiwv] GL ;ante ix {secundum graecos xiii) kalendas januarias A;decitno septimo tishri posterioris S. After 'lavvovapiuv add. tqvtIgtlv 8eKeu.(3piueUddi G; add. id est decembris 24 vel 20 A (an addition of the editor?) ;txt L.used with a special reference to martyrdomsee Clem. Alex. Strom, iv.; 4570) TeXeiaxriv to paprvpiov naXov-(p.pev, ovx otl reXos tov /3iou 6 avdpcoTrose'Xa/3ei/,

VI i]ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 493VII. 'GyeveTO §e Tavra ty\ irpo SeKctTpioov Ka-\av$(t)V 'lavvovaplcov,v7raTev6i>Tcov irapa*Pco/uaLOis CvpaKal CeveKtoovos to êvTepov.tovtcov avT07TTai yevo/mevoi(JL6TCL SaKpVCOV KCIT oIkOV T€ TTaVVV^lCTaVT^KCtl 7TO\AafjLeTa yovuKXicrias Kal Se^crew? 7rapaKa\ecravT6s top7 "Zeveidwvos] S; senecio (abl. = creveKiov) L;

494 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vnKvpiov 7r\tipo(popfj(rai tovs dcrdeveTs rnuaseiri to?? 77-00-(TTCLVTCL KCLI7repL7TTV(TGr6/UL€VOV t\fJ.a

vn] ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 495jhpojJLOVeV XpiffTcp'Itjaov tw Kvptcp tj/utov'$i ov Kai/ued' ov tw TrciTpiy) Bofa Kai to Kparosarvv Tit)dyiiairvevfJiaTL eU alwvas. A/utjv.Tbv...rj/u.u>v] G, and so substantially SA; et huius insidias in Jinem prostravit\glorificantes] in ipsitis vcnerabili et saneta memoria dominum [nostrum] jesuvichristian L*. 15 ei- ~Kpurr(j)...i}fiQp] GA; dominum [nostrum] jesum christum[L]; in iesu ehristo domino nostro S. Si' ov Kai //.e0' ov] GL; eta et per quernS; cui A; fied' ov [M]. 16 r£ Trarpi] GL; deopatriS', cum patre A.77 5o£a /ecu to /cparos] GLA; gloria et honor et magnitudo S. 17 irvetf/taTt]txt GSA; add. /« sancta ecclesia L.Subscription. Finis martyrii sancti domini ignatii episcopi antiochiae. et deogloria S. There is none in G, and none is recorded for A. For L see the Appx.

MAPTYPIONITNATIOYB.I. 'Gp 6T€i evvdrco ty\s flaoriXela? Tpaiavov Kaicrapos,TOVTecm Trjs cr/cy 6\v{A7rid$os SevTepw €T€i 3evMApTypiON IfNATlOY B] fiapripiov rod ayiov (add. iepofxaprvpos LP) lyvarlov(add. rod deo.Jd>.rc0C (perhaps aevv&TCi)] LC :confusion between n^ttTpiaJiOC hadriani, andriTpî^noc traiani) C, but elsei.iwara] The Coptic version suggests an easy correction in theshows that this is the right reading. heading of the letter of M. Aurelius,So long as it was found only in L, Euseb. H. E. iv. 13 'App,evios...8r)p,apitwas open to grave suspicion and; X

I]ROMAN ACTS. 497vwaTeia 'Attikov CovpfSavovKctlMapiceWov, 'lyvctrioswhere the emperor's name is consistently given Tp&j&rcoc in these Acts; see thelower note. i tovtcctti tt)$ aKy 6\v/j.Trid8os devrtpcp tret] quodest secundusannus ducentesimae vicesimae tertiae olympiadis C ; devrepcp eret P ; ko.1 Sevrtpo? tret.V ; devrepo? fiyjvi L. eV viraTela] P ; iv VTraria L ;in consulatu {yx\.is.*\\*s)C; evviraTias V. 3 'Attlkov] LPC[B]; ott^/coi; V. Zovpfiavov]surbonis (cypfiCon:) C; ko.1 aovpfiavov L; /cat aovpfiovvov P; /cat aovpfiivovV;om.[BJ.p.a TrkrjpaxTavTts eVovpaj/toto Geoto, theconnexion between the name of theAnto7iini and Ado?iai is much closerthan the commentators generallyseem to be aware, because the lattermight be represented in Egyptianwriting (and probably in Egyptianpronunciation also) as Antonai.2. tovt€(ttl /c.r.X.]I have restoredthese words from the Copticversion. The different Greek textsbetray their history. The lacuna isleft unmended in P, though devrepaerei is meaningless after eret irinTTTUi.The mutilated text is then patchedup in different ways : (1) In L prjviis substituted for erei in order tomake some sense ; (2) In V /cat isinserted before oVureptuera, and ivvnarLasis substituted for iv vTcaria (orvTraTeiq), so as to read 'and in thesecond year of the consulship of etc.'The substantive evvnarla (or evvnarela)does not occur elsewhere, noris it justified by the occurrence ofthe verb ivvnareveiv (Plut. Mor. p. 797oh opdcos evvnaTevoiv) ;for the verbsignifies 'to spend the consulate in,'and is only explained by its context.The first numeral in the Coptic isnot easily deciphered, but it canhardly be anything else than o- = 2oo.The 2nd year of the 223rd Olympiadhowever does not correspond eitherto the consulate named or tothe 9thWeyear of Trajan, but is A.D. 114.must therefore suppose that our hagiologistgot his dates from differentsources; (1) the 9th year of TrajanIGN. II.from Eusebius, if not from tradition(see above p. 450 sq) ; (2) Olymp.223. 2 directly or indirectly fromsome chronographer who believedthe story of the interview at Antioch,and consequently gave this year asbeing the date of Trajan's sojournthere. Having got these dates fromdifferent sources, he put them togetherwithout enquiring whetherthey coincided. The alternativeWewould be to read CKA for CKT.should thus get A.D. 106. It was notuncommon in these ages to give theOlympiad years with the names ofthe consuls ; e.g. Socr. H. E. i. 40,ii.47, iv. 38, etc.3. 'Attikov k.t.X.]The true namesof the consuls for this year, A.D. 104,are Sextus Atthts Subiiramis //,Marcus Asinius Marcellus, as appearsfrom a Greek inscription recentlypublished, Wood's Discoveriesat Ephesus Inscr. vi. 1, p. 36 ;seeMommsen Hermes in. p. 132. Butas it isprobable that our hagiologisthimself did not write the names correctly,I have given in the text thenearest approximation which the authoritiescountenance. The nameSuburanus is rightly given in Idatius,but corrupted into Suranus, Urbanus,and 2vpiav6s, in the other consularlists. His first consulate was A.D. 101,when he was suffectus; see C. I. L.vi. 2074. The substitution of Amicusfor Attius may perhaps havebeen owing to a reminiscence ofHegesippus as quoted by Euseb.32

498 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.[ieTTOTKOTros Ti]s'AvrLoêla^ SevTepos /uera tovs clttocttoXovsyevo/uevos (6i/'oSfOj/ yap SieSeâro) futeTci iwifJL6\€vp. 121 sq, 647 sq ; comp. MenanderTrajan's reign as given just before, peQopioiv Xeyopievos rrpoTiKTOip (S/7X0T bewhether TriprnTa or iwarcp be read. If napa 'Patfxaiois tov is tovto KaTaXeyop.evovd£ias, top ftacriXeiov irpoaKe-the reckoning be by tribunician years,the date of the martyrdom (July 1) Trao-Trjv) k.t.X. This writer was himselfa 'protector'would fall in the one case in A.D.: see Suidas s. v.101 and in the other in A.D. 105. Mevavbpos. Comp. also Cod. Theod.

I]ROMAN ACTS. 499Tpo7rous e-ôvTe^'o\ teal Si 'A(rias Secr/uiiov rjyov tovfjiaicapioveKeidev t€ eirl ty\v QpciKtjv kcll *Priyiov Sidyfjs Kai OaAdcro-fis, v7ru)7rid(ôvTes tov ocriov rj/uiepas kcii3VUKTOS, KCLITOI Kdff eKaCTTrjV 7r6\lV evepyeTOV/ULSVOl V7TOtwv dSeAcpcov'a'A/V ouSev tovtcov eirpdvvev avTtov rdsvaries the forms of some of these names.) drjpluv rpoirovs] LPCB ; drjpLcidrjrbv rpoirov V. 7 5t' 'Acri'as] L Euseb. ;dih rrjs dalas P V. rbvixaicapiov] PVC; om. L (having already inserted rbv ayiov after ol /cat). 8 re]LP; et C; 5e V. Qpaicrjv] PV; ttjv Opq-K-qv L. g virumufovTes]viroirit'covTes PV ; vwoTiaifovTes L. 71/J.epas t

P500 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.[iopyas, dXX' dvrjKecrTOis Kal dvrjXeecriv 6(b6aXfio'is epe-6Xl($OV TOV ayiOV,COS 7TOV Kal CLUtSs eV 67TLG'TOXrjfJiapTVpei Xeyoov 'And Zypi&c Meypi 'Pcomhc e h piMAyoa Aia rnc kai GaAacchc [AroMeNOc], e n A e A e-M6N0C A € K A A 6 n A pA IC, fT I N € C 6ICI CTp&TIWTIKON ;ct?4>oc* o t k a ieyepreTOYMGNOi x 6 'o-° Y c tinon-TA I.ty\II.'AirapavTes ovv e/c 'Priylov irapayivovTai eV*Poo . \iv)Kal Trpoo'rjveyKai/rw avTOKparopt ttjv ctcpiîvavrou. Kal eKeXevcrev 6 avTOKpaToop eKjayjdrivai avTOV,\Trapovcrris Kal Trjs (rvyKXtiTOV, Kal

n] ROMAN ACTS. 50 1Kal ere fieracTTricrai diro Trjs eihcoAoAaTpelas Kal irpoarayayeivtw tcov oXoov Oea Kal

502 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. ["y Y X" n M °Y zhmio)96o; Tpa'iavos enrev ' Gof/cas jjlolaicr6r](r6cos e/itfppovos dfjioipos eivai, $ia tovto epeuTehi-Veis tcls (Jlov €7rayyeAias. bdev, eav ek dyavaKTrjcriv /medyaytjs, Travail aiKicus ore ovTifj.L0pt]o~OfJLai, jjlovov w§ctvrjKOOV, dWa Kal ws dyapicrTOv Kal ws ov 7rei86fJL€vov iiepas o~vyK\t]TOv SoyjuaTi Kal dvovra [0€O£s]. 'lyvaTioseiTrev" riolei to Sokovv croi, (iacriXev, iyco yap ov 6vco.OVT6 ydp 7TVp OVT6 0~TavpOS OVT6 6r]pi(i)V OvfJLOS OVT6dcpaipecTLS fieXcov ireiorovo'iv /me dTroarTr\vai diro Qeovi fyfjuwdCb] PVC ; diroXâas £r}fj.eiiod

"] ROMAN ACTS. 5033 OUOVTOS. OV ycxp TON N f N ATAnW A I 00 N A, d\\a TOVV7T€p e/ULOV diroQavovTa kcli dvacTavra Xpicrrov.III.'H (ruyKXrjTOs elrrev 'H/ueh oiâfiev on 01deol dOdvaroi elaiv 9 crv Se 7rcow] txt PVCA {sacrificabo)\pnef. diis B; add. ov8e irpoaKwu Saipoaiv L. 8 cravpos] LPVC SAB;TewTpoc C m . 9 Teiaovcnv] P; Treiaojcn L; persuadent B ;possunt persuadtreA;praevalebunt C (translating d7rocrT?7i'cu as if d7TO0~r7?crcu) ;ttoiovctiv V. 1 1/catavaaravTa] VCA; om. P ;^ ^z«* a deo resuscitatus est B ; /cat 777 rptr^ rjpepaavacravTa L. 13 96^] LPCAB; tyrjs V. 14 &w46avev] LPVAB;add. qui deus est C. 15 cV oUovopiav rivd] PAB ;cV oUovoplav V ;dtd•n)?' awTTjpiav rjpQv eKovaiws L, comp. [M] secundum; (Kara) oeconomiam propternostram salutem C.dwedavev, d\Xd 8td rptuv i]pep

Tacpovs504 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [mKprjTrj Te6a7rrai, ' A

Ill] ROMAN ACTS. 505vjucov rjcrav 01 deoi, iwel dicpaTeiskcii kukottolol [u7rfjpyov\(pdopeh'6 Seeliijuerepos Kvptos, kcueaTavpcodr] kcli diredavev, dXK 'eSetêv rrjv eavTOv dvvafj.LVdvauTCL^ etcveKpwvkcu tous dveXovTas uvtov $15 KctldvdpajTrcovct A; om. LCm .4 vjxwv] here, LP ;after deoi, V. itrel] LV ; iireidriP. virrjpxop] LV; sunt C ;erant A ; fuerunt B ;om. P. 5 6 5e Tj/xerepos...ipydrac /ca/a'as] LPCBA (but A contains also much additional matter) ;om. V(obviously owing to the recurrence of 6 5e 7]p.€repos Kvpios). 6 diridavev] txtPBC SA; add. e/cowricos LCm def.;V. d\X' edeiêv ttjv eavrou 5vvap.iv] P ;d\Xdttjv iavrou Zvvap.iv ^detêv L.Xepalos Se 6 rov ' a 'A-y'T) dpôv iv rconpcorco rcovirepi rov QiXoTvdropa ivTLacpco Aeyei iv ra> rrjs 'Afppodirrjs lepcoKivvpav re Kat tovs Kivvpov dnoyovovsKeKrjdevoSai. So too Arnob. adv.Gent. vi. 6, who mentions the samedite, where also the remains of hisdescendants lay. On this last pointsee Clem. Alex. Protr. 3 (p. 40) TLto-fact on the same authority of Ptolemy,and obviously copies Clement. TheChristian apologists, in their attackson pagan mythology, frequently alludeto the love of Aphrodite forCinyras and represent her as a harlotwhom he deified ;Clem. Alex. Protr.2 (p« 5) oKvnpios 6 vr)0~ia>TT]s Kivvpas---ra nep\ ttjv 'Acppodirrjv p.a)(\avTa opytai< vvktus rjp-ipq. 7rapa8ovvai TokpLrjaas, Keipivrjv, iv 8e &p4 K H " Ap-qv rovrrjs dpas irrcowpov, where he makesmerry with the names. [The onlyreference given in Engel (11. p. 75) is'Klemens v. Alex. Recognit. B. 13.Kap. 24 'Acppodirrji 6 rd(po? deitcvvrat.iv Udcpcp.7It would hardly be possibleto crowd more blunders into asingle reference. The quotation istaken from the Metaphrast's Martyr,/gnat. § 7 (and therefore derived ultimatelyfrom our martyrologist) andappears in Cotelier's note as an illustrationof the statement in Clem.Recogn. x. 24. With Clement ofAlexandria it has not any, even theremotest connexion.]I do not findany references given from classicalwriters, which mention this tomb ofAphrodite. The reading Kvvrjyov isapparently an emendation or a furthercorruption of Kwypov, itself corruptedby itacism from Kivvpov ;butit seems to be intended for Adonis.Though in one form of the legendAdonis was the son of Cinyras, yet(so far as am Iaware) he was neverrepresented as buried in Paphos.

5o6 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [inVfJLLOVTLfALOpt]

Ill]ROMAN ACTS. 507:o Kai woaoL elclu 6dvaroi ; 'lyvaTios el7rev % Auo, 6 jueuTrpo&Kaipos, 6 de aicovios' ovtoo Se Kai / /ueuoALyoxpovios, r] Se aicovios. Tpa'iavoseiwev' QucrovTofc deols Kai rck Ti/uiwpias eKKXivov ov yap el cri Trjsyepovcrlasdju.eivoov.'lyvaTioselirev' Ho'iois 6eo7s 6eAei,s15 6vcroo ;tw SeKarpeTs \XY\va^ Sid fioiêiav ev itiQoo KaTEipyQkvTi\rj too 7T67re^y]fJievco Tas fiacreis âA/ce?; r\ tooda-TO^rjcrai/TL Trjs fjLavTiKrjs Kat virb yuvaiicos vucrjuevTi ;fj too vtto TiTavoov %La

5o8 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [hi'l\iou olKohofjLôracriv Teiyt]kcli tov luuardov airouTepY]-deiariv ; t] tolls tcl dvhpcov epya fjufjLOvixevaLS, tcz Se tcovyvvaiKcov epya eKXadofxevais ; aiSoujuai Xeyeiv deousyorjTas kcli (pdopeis ttcliZlov kcli julolôvs,ets derov kcliTavpov kcll ^pvaov kcli kvkvov kcli SpcxKOVTCL, [ws upeTs 5Xeyere,] /uLeTafiaXXo/uLevovs, ovk eV dyadcv tivl, dAVeirl hiaXvcrei dXXorplcov ydfxtov ovs ^XP^ V p8e\i/TT€adcLi,ov^l he kclI TrpocrKwelv, toutols v/uoov evyovTaii 'IXtoi/J A; hAioc C s ; -e^ViOC Cm ; yXlov LP; tov 77X101/ V; def. B. ot'/codo/xrjaaaip]P ; olKodop,r}o~ao~i ~LsV. airo(JTeprjde1o-t.v] txt PVCA[B] ; airouTeprjddcnTwv epyaadevTwv L. 4 /cat Tavpov"] LPCB; ravpov V; om. [A]. 5 KaLXpvcrbv] LPVCsj et leonem (jaoiM for noîi) Cm ;om. [A][B]. /cat kvkvov] VA ;om. LP[B]C. cjs vfieh XeyeTe] LPV ;om. CAB. 9 vpuv] here, LP; beforeClem. Alex. Protr. 2 (p.15) ol Tiraveshiecriracrav eTL vr)Tria\ov ovtci, coy o r/ysTeXeTrjs TToirjTrjs Opcfievs (prjaiv 6 Qpaklosk.t.X., where the story is givenat length (comp. id. p. 19 naibiovvivo Tiravcou diaaircopievov) ;Arnob. v.19 'ut occupatus puerilibus ludicrisdistractus ab Titanis Liber sit etc.'dvbpoyvvtf] Suidas 'Avdpoyvvos.6 Al6w

Ill] ROMAN ACTS. 509aiyvvc/iKes, 'iva rr)v cruHppocrvvriu vjjuv (pvXapwcnv.Tpa'iavos eiirev 'Gyoo croi irapatTio^ Trjs eU tovs deovspAa(T(pfiiuiLcis yeyova, /uri aiKiôfdevos ere. 'lyvctTios el-Trev'Gipr\Ka ctol Kai 7ra\ai, otl eToljULco^ e^co 7rpoîracrav aiKiav Kai iravToiov Qclvcltov TpoTrov, eireic^t]cr7rev$co Trpostov Qeov.5 IV.Tpaiavos eiirev' Cav /uri dverr]?, /uLeTajueXt]-Orjcrri. irplv ovv Tradelv, (pelcraicreavTOu.'\yvaTio6r] \€wv...~Evpa>7rT) rr) &01- passage of Homer (//. xiv. 315 sq),vikos 81a. ravpov avvrj\dev...Nepecrei in which Zeus mentions his varioustjj Qecrriov, rfj Kai Ar)8a vopia-deia-rj, loves, is quoted by [Justin] Coh. adkvkvos Tj XV V yevopevos Ekevrjv ereKvu>a-aTO...Uepa€(p6vrjvGraec. 3 (p. 3) and Athenag. Suppl.avrbs ewvpcpevei 21. For the transformation into thettjv Ovyarepa, avrbs 6poia>6e\s 8 pari dragon, which marked the climax ofwhere J7 xv v is added by the author god's turpitude, see esp. Clem.himself in ridicule ; comp. Clem. Recogn.Ho?n. v. 14, Tatian Or. ad Graec. 10,x. 22. See also the invec-Athenag. Suppl. v. 20, Clem. Alex.tive in Arnob. ad Nat. v. 20 sq. Protr. 2 (p. 14), Arnob. v. 21. TheSo too [Justin] Oral, ad Gent. 2 eV eagle is connected in Clem. Ho?n. v.ÂvTioTrr) pev cos adrvpos,

5i° MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [IVeiirev Gl /mt] ecpeido/uriv ejuavTOv, eiroiovv o irpocreTCLTres.Tpctiavos eiirev TaTs /uloAv/Slctiv aiKLcraade avTOv tcljuieTd

IV] ROMAN ACTS. 5"Kai wv Tracryio \oyov ov iroiov/uLai. Tpa'iavos eiirevQvcrov to7s deols.'lyvdrios eiTrev lloiois deoh ; TayatoTs Alyv7TTL(jdv KeXeuets fJL€6vcrar fiouSlw Kal Tpdya),o ifiioi Kal TridtjKO) Kal daTTihi iofioAa), rj Xvko) Kal kvi/l,XeovTL Kal KpOKodeiAw,rjtco [leper lkw vrvplt] da\dererr]s5toj] P 5(lot LV. rpdyep, f/3t5t] hirco, ibidi B ; rpdyu. 77/31 V; rpayu /cat t(3r) P ;rpdyw rj 97/377L ;hirco A; hirco et ibidi C (oTtJ&OTTJ in Cm,but read oirîkovj).IO Tri8rjKq)] Vj ;widiKU) L ; irrjOiKW P. d

512 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [IVvOctTi, rj yjdov'na IIXovtcovl rj 'Gp/urj KXe7TTrj ; Tpa'Lavoseiwev (Llttov col otl dvcov. tclvtcl yap ce XeyovTaovoev ov>icei. lyvctTios ei7rev t,i7rov col [_otl\ov uuu), ovoedcpLCTa/uiaL tov Qeov tov evds Kal juovov, os enoiHceNTON ofpANON KAI THN f~H N, THN OaAaCCAN KAI TT A N T A 5TA 6N AYToTc, OS €^6L 7ra

6(TT6U)VIIV]ROMAN ACTS.5*3TctvTa fjit] SictKpivovcrivi r€7rr]pTrjTaitoi /ovai. tic \yapCYMCf)(jONHCIC XplCTCp TT pC B 6 A l'A p,H TIC M £ pInicTcL mgta AnicToy; tic Ae cyrKATAGecic nacoOeoy M6TA e i A 00 A 00 n ;V. Tpa'iavos eiirev ' AwXcocrapTes avTov tccs %€lpas7r\ripcocraT6 civtcis irvpos. 'lyvaTios 6L7rew Ovt6 irvpKavaTLKov ovre dripiwv ohovres ovteCKopTricrfjiosOVT6 dXeCfdOL bXoV TOV Crw/ULCITOS, ovxal TOVSiafioXov KoXacreis, /ueTacrTrjO'ovo'lv fde rrjs 7rpos QeovCdyairr]^.Tpa'iavoseiirev Hairvpov eXalw /3d\]savTesKai /uaXaâvTes, eâ\âvTe^ t«s 7rXevpds civtov

5H MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vpare, 'lyvdrios eiirev AokeTs /ulol, fiacriAev, dyvoeTv,otl Geo? ev e/uLOi ^wv ecrriv, 69 Kai Svva/uuv eTrLôp^yeiKal fjLOi areppOTTOLeT t?jv ylrv^riv fiov ov yap av oios T6fifj.r]v (pepeiv cov tcls fiacravovs. Tpdiavos ei7T6v' CidrjpeosTa%a tls ei Kal a7recrKAt]Kc6s' fjyap av iveSifiws 5\oi7rov, to?? fjLooXcd^Lv dXyvvojuievos, dv&ai TOT'S 0€O?S.lyvdrios eiirev Ovx s /mr) aicrdavojULevos, (3a crihrjpios ttjv yf^vx^v ;For the form see Steph. Thes, s. v.p. 224 (ed. Hase et Dind.), LobeckPhryn. p. 208. I have adopted ithere, because itexplains the readingsof all the MSS.5. dTreaicXrjKOds] 'hardened, obdurate]as e.g. Chrysost. de Sacerd. vi.I{Op. I. p. 422) tjv /u.j) ttoWtj rfi rrjsa(d

iv] ROMAN ACTS. 5155 dvcrai Toh deofc.'lyvctTioseiwew To k(xv

5l6 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vkuvovvtes toU Saljuiocriv. Tpa'iavose'nrev Nr] tovsdeovs, 'lyvctTie, direKafiov eis ere \oi7rov, kciiaTropiJoTTolais xprio-ojuaicroi (iacrdvois irpos to 7reicrcu ere elâitoTs 7rpo(TTaTTOfjievoL

VI]ROMAN ACTS. 517evcrefieiav Lcr/uLevotl fiera Tt]v evrevdev a7raAAayr)vdvaGTOLVTes dihiov^co}]v eô/uej/ eV XpLcrrco dveAAi7rfjKal dSidSo-ôi/,775 dire^pa oSvi/rj Kai Xvirr) Kai CTTevay/uios.Tpa'iavoseiirev 'Gyco KaTaAvcras vfxcoi> T)\v alpearivSiSd^co ujULas aaxppovelv Kai /uri oiafxaêa'dai toIs ? PcojuaiwvSoy/mao-iv. 'lyvaTios eiirev Kai tis SuuciTai,/3a(TiAeu } oiKohofj.r]v Qeov KaTaAvcrai' kclv [yap]€7riyeipr](jy}tls, oudev 7rAeov civtcg inrapêito y\ deo/uaôueivai, 6 yap xpicTTiaviffiuLds ov \xovov ov KaraAvdricreTai5 vtto dvQpwirwVy aAA' oorrj/uiepai §vvafjL€i XpLcrou eisavpYiG'iv €7rL$()0O'6i Kal jULeyedos'Kara to avTO Kai ooa'avrws^Xa)V irpoKoxjsei, AajUL7rpOTrjTOs ojulov Kai ce/uvoTtiTOseKAajU7rcounAHcehiceTAi/ULap/uapvyas'yaph ctmtiacaTOY TNOONAI TON K Y pIN, 00 Cf'AOOp HOAy KATAvov]here, LP[C S][B] (where the sentence is altogether mistranslated) after efrcu,;V;om. A def.;Cm .Kal] PV ;om. L[C] dub. A; ; al. B. 14 {wuv]PV[A] ; om. L (but the parchment is torn) ; al. BC Kpeirrov] LA ; bonum C ;rr\tov PV; def. B. evdevde] LV; evrevdev P. 17 aveWnrrj] LV ;LVA ;om. PC ;def. B. 23 ir\eov avrip] LY;aveKkeiiTTJ P. 19 tt)v aipeatv] PVC; rrjv a'ipeaiv /cat tt)v dpy}

'518 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.[vikaAyyai BaAaccac. ov KctXws Se, fiacriXev, alpeariva.7TOKa\eh tov ^pi(TTiavicT\xov%7ro\v yap a'ipecris XP L "(rTiavKTjjLOv Ke^copicTai. ^pia'TiavLcrfJLO^ Se tov ovtcosovtos Qeov 67riyva)aris ecrTiv Kai tov /uovoyevous vlovavTOv Kai tv\s Kara capKa oiKOvofdias avTOv Kai /mvri- 5crews, o"vv€7rofjL6va)v Kai tcou ttJs TroXiTeias KaXtov TrjaZiayp-evcTTw OptiGKeia. Tivas Se ri{j.wv eyvcos (Ttolctlv KaiTroXefiov dyawcovTas, ov^l Se v7TOTacrcrofi6vovs ap)(ovenvyeV oh dicivSvvos y\ vwoTayr], dfdovoovvTas eipriviKcosev toIs rr^ciN (piXLKofc,diTOTivvvvTas tac o(j)eiAAc ;to5io1 8e] LP A; yap V; om. C; clef. B. 3 /vexw/)i

MHAeNAVI] ROMAN ACTS. 519TON (npN TON (j) p N, TCO TON 0OBON TON (J) B N,Tu3 TO TeAoc TO t e A C, TCO thn timhn thn timh'n,0"7T€f COVTCtS M H A € N I(() € I6 I N H TO A T A TT A NaAAhAoyc; BeSidayfjLeda yap irapa tov Kvplov rifdcov5 [xr] [xovov ton ttAhcion a r a tt a n, dWa Kcii ton exQpoNeyepreTeiN kcu Tofc mico^ntac a r a rr a n kcii e y X € -c0ai ynep toon enHpeAZONTooN hmac kai Aicokontcon.tl 2e col 7rpocr6Kpovcr€vto tov xPLa " TLavLcr fJL°v Kripvy/ULct,6ôt€ iip^ctTO, erne. dpa fjiY] tl vewTepov crv/u/SefSriKei/67TL T}]V'PcOjULCtiliOV dpyj/)V \ °^X l ^ W 7T0\v applet €LSaTTOTlVVVVTCLS] CtTTOTLVVVVTeS P; CLTTOTLVViUOVTeS L; aTTOTeiVOVTClS V. Tip]LP[A]BC S (as in Rom. xiii. 7); rots V. So in all the four places. 11 rip tov

520 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [VI[xovapyiav fxeTeirecrev ; Kal AvyovcrTOs 6 cros wpoyovos,e(p* ov 6 tj/ueTepos crcoTrip ere^dt] e'/c irapQevov kcu eyevero6 TTpodt]vGeos Aoyos kcci dvdpa)7ros $i *j/xas, jjlovovovyIcticova bXov efiacnXevcreVy 7revTt]K0VTa oAois eviavtoIsKal eirra irpos /urjcrivaXXoLS e£ KpaTrjcras t^s 5'PcojULaicov dp%rjs, Kal /uovap^cra^ ok ovSeh erepos tcov7rpo avrov \ov irav (pvXovavrw vweTayrj, Kal r\irpo-Tepa d/ULLîa twv evvwv Kal to 7rpos dXXrjXovs avTiav/uucros SieXvdt] e/c Tt]S tov cwTtipos fj/uidov eTTLdrj/uLLas ;VII. 'H auyKXtiTOs e'nrev Nal, TavTa ovtws e%€*jIO3 Kal] LPB (but with a v. 1.) ;&v V; al. A; al. C s .4 6'Xots eviavToii]PV; SKovs iviavTovs L. 5 cirra] LPVBC S ;sex A. g£]sex A; eirra PB[C S ] ;ora. LV. 6 "PufiaUw] LP; tuiv pcofxaioov V.7 Kal i] k.t.\.] Cm resumes here. irpoTtpa] LP; irpbTepov V. 8 tQ>vedvwv] here, LV (written id&v in V); before d/«£ia, P; al. C. to] txtPV[B]A[C]; add. irpbrepov L. atfrwi'] LP; om. V. 11 elects]V; dixisti CAB; jcrasafp* ov npbs tco 'Aktio) evLKr]o~c T€0~aapakol Tecro-apaKovTa €Tr) beKciTpiaivdiovTa. The whole term ofrjpepdvpower might be said to extend overpLovovovî ala>va okov : for alcov correspondsto the Latin saeculum, whichwas used loosely, sometimes denotinga generation or a third of a century,sometimes the period of a man'slife, sometimes a longer recurringinterval such as the no years of thesecular games. Jerome on Ezek.xxvii. 36 els tov alQ,va (Op. V. p. 324)says, ''usque in saeculum, unius saeculitempus ostendit, quod juxta aetatemhominis annorum septuagintacirculo supputatur.'5. eVra] This readingis retainedin accordance with the preponderanceof authorities. But the adoption of!£ with the Armenian would bringour author into exact accordancewith Euseb. Chron. 1. c. and Chron.

AVIl] ROMAN ACTS. 21ok ei7ras, 'lyvaTie. dXXa tovto dyavaKTOVfAev, otlty\v irepttovs 6eovs dpticnceiavKciTeXvcrev.'lyvdrioseiTrev 'W Xafjarpd yepovcrta, tbcnrep tcl dXoyccTepa tcov\XoyOLiOvwv Kadu7T6Ta^6V ty\C I'PcojULcticov dp-^rj, y\v olrj/ueTepoLH p A NpABAON aTTOKaXoVCLP ,OVTCOS KOU TCL TV'pavviKa Ttjs Troviipias 7rvevfJLCtTa ep dv6pcti7rccv aTrriXacrev,eva Kai fiovov KctTayyeiXas tov 6tti 7ravTcov Qeov. ko.1OV TOVTO fJLOVOV, dXXct KCIL Tfjs 7TlKpds CLVTWV SovXeLClSdwtiXXaêv , alfjiofiopwv Kal di/tjXecov ovtuov clvtwv, ov> TcodavciTtpTtov(piXTaTtov vjJLtov eveTpvv ip.ovapxyctfiacrikeia k.t.A. So too [Adamant.]Dial. i. (Orig. Op. 1. p. 818).In Clem. Alex. Paedag. i. 7 (p. 134)and Origen Sel. in Psalm, ii.3 (Op.11. p. 542) it is differently interpreted.19. alfxofiopoiv]See the note onMart. Ajit. 2 copLofiopois.20. iverpvfpaxrav] The 'Alexandrian'form of the 3rd pers. imperf.for everpvcpoiv ; comp. Bekker Anecd.p. 91 eXeyoaav, iypa

522 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vnijUL(j>v\ioK TroXejJLOLS v/uids efdiaivov ovk ; dcr^rj/moveTv v/uiastjvayKa(ôv yvjjLvovs deaTptôvres, kcci tocs yvvaiKas vfioovyvfJLvds ais ev al^/uaXwcria 7ro/uL7revovT€s, diixaciv kolvovvresty\v yrjv, Kai top Kadapov depa dtcadapcriaisi v/nas pri.] here, PV; after ifi.(pv\ioLS, L. 3 iroinrevovres] LPB(?); irop.-irevovras VA (?) ; al. C. at/Mao-iv] PV (a'ifjLaai)A (sanguine) BCm ;def. C s ;om. L. KOLVOvvres] PV Kvvovvres L.; 4 tov Kadapov depa] LPV ;communem aerem B; aerem Cm ; def. C s ; omnium animas semper (del for dipa) A.I.ep.

Vll] ROMAN ACTS. 5*3doAovvres ;ep(x)TrjcraT€ Ci

524 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vnXtives eyKav^covTai ettl t«?s tolclvtcus dv6pa)7ro6ucriaiSyirapa fiapfiapwv to tolovtov irapaAafiovTes kcxkov.Tpaiavoseiirev Nrj tous deous, 6K7r\r]TT0fJLcu ere,'lyvaTie, TrjsTroAvjuadias, el Kal \xr\ e7raivto Tyjs dpticnceias.'lyvaTtoseiwev* Kal t'iKctTeyvtos Trjs dprjcnceias rj/ucov Ttjs Betas ; 5Tpa'iavos elnev' 'Otl tov Seer7roTt]v t]Atov ov 7rpoo~KVveTTe,oiiTe tov ovpavov, ovTe ty\v lepavcre\r]VY]v Ttjv7ravTOTpov tov ovpavov cocm deppiv.1 6. cos Kapidpav k.t.X.] Is. xl. 22 oo~Tr)o~as (os Kap.dpav tov ovpavov.17. cos Kvpov] Job xxxviii. 38 (lxx)K€KoX\r)Ka 8e avTov [i.e. tov ovpavov](oo-7rep Xl6(o kv(Sov (or XidoKvfiov) ; comp.Ap. Const, vii. 35 oidev ovpavbs toveVt p:r)bevbs avTov

vn] ROMAN ACTS. 525tovtos avTw reXelv tov Spo/uov; ovpavos Se 7rct»sTrpocrKVvrjTOs,6vecpecriv KaXvirTOfJievo^^ bv 00 c a e p p1 nen Hie n KaieleTeiNeN 6 Sr]juiovpyo^ Kai 00 ckamapand)c kyBon ri^paaev; rj treXrjvrjv avôvcrav Kai /uLeiov/uLevrjv3ko.1 (bOtvovcrav Kai iradea'iv VTroK€ifJL6vr]v ;dXX oti to(boos ejôvariv XajUL7rpov9Sia tovto irpocKweicrQai 6Xovcriv, ov 7rdvTU)s dXtidrjs 6 Xoyos. eis(pavcrivyapdv6p(j07rois 9 dXX' ovk eh irpocrKW^criv i$odt](rav TreiraiveivkclI Bepfiaivtiv tows Kapirovs,TrpocreTayQy]a av ', Xa/u-Trpvveiv Tt]V rj/uepav kcci (pwTiêiv t\]v vvkto.. ko.1 01dcrTepes [2e1 tov ovpavov etc chmeia eTa-Ôri&av kaijeic KAipoyc Kai elv ap.ai-covyivop.evq ; Suid. (peyyos r)Xlco, ^povcov re nepiodois p.ei-Kvfte Opov 8rjKr]v p,eXio~o-cov; and comp. ovp.evrj kol tvoKlv avôp.evr/ k.t.X.Ducange Gloss. Med. et Inf. Lat. s. 24. els arjp.ela k.t.X.] See Gen. i. 14.vv. 'cufa, cupa, cuppa, cupla, cup- 25. Tponas] Deut. xxxiii. 1477X401;pula, etc. See Lobeck Pathol, p. 242. Tpo-rroov, Job xxxviii. 23 rponas ovpaavôvo-avk.t.X.] See Apost. Const. vov\ comp. James i. 17.

526 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vntop, ov% vScop 6 riocreihcdva KaXeire, ov irvp o ' Hcpat,-cttov Ka\eiT€ 9ovk dr\pbv 'Hpav KaXeiTe, ov yrj r\vArjjULrjTpa KaXelre, ov Kapiror iravTa yap TavTa, kclvwpos cvcTacriv rjixerepav yeyovev, o/ulcos (pdapTct elcrivKal ot^fâ.VIII.Tpa'lavos eiTrev Ovk dpa kccXcos eXeyov evappals, otl crv el 6 dvao-TaTwaas Trjv dvaToXrjv fdr]a-efieo-Qai tovs deovs ; 'lyvctrios elirev Kal dyavaKTels,(S /3ao"iXev, otl tcc /mrjbvra 7rpoorKvvr\Ta TrapaLvov^xev /mrjvefieLV, dXXa top Qeov tov dXr\Qivov, top (^wvTa, tov iTTOiy)TY\v ovpavov Kal yijs, Kal tov jutovoyepfj vlov avTov ;fjiovri yap avTt] dXrjdtis dprjCTKeia KpaTOvcra Kal o/uoXoyov/mevrj,deiois tc Kai Trvev/uaTLKoh doy/uacrLV dfipvvojjievr]'r\ Se Ka& v/mas SiSacrKaXLa tov iXX^VLG'/uov ddeos1 6] LP; ov V. So in both places. Hoaeidwva] LV; Troaetdova P."H.(paicrrov /caXetVe]LPC (which uses the same word throughout), and so B attachesall the substantives to one verb vocetur; ^(paiarov \kyere V. The words are variedalso in A, but the variations do not seem to follow V. 2 drip]P ; depa V.The clause ovk drjp 5v rjpav /cctXerre is omitted by L alone. "H/nxp Ka\e?re] PC;rjpav bvofxdêre V; def. L. For AB see the note on "HcpaLcrrov /caXetre above.7?)]P ; yrjv LV. 3 Kapiroi] P ; nap-Trots LV. iro.vra yap ravra]P; ravra yap irdvra LV. 4 irpbs avcrracnv r)/xerepav yeyovev, o/xus] PB(usum for avaracnv) els dirokavcnv; r\\ierepav yeyevrjvrai, 6/j.ujs L; k&v rj vpbs av-

1;Me%pivm] ROMAN ACTS. 5277ro\v6e'ia, evavcLTpeTTTOs, cicrTctTOs, eir'TrepKpepo/uievt],ovêjuia fiefiatcocrei e(TTr\Kvl.a* y\yap ANe:eAerKTocTTAlAeiA nA&NAT&l. 7TW5yCCp OVK e(TTLV TTUVTOUDVyjsevSoXoyicov 7r€7rAt] pcojuevti,Trore fjiev Xeyovcra SooheKaelvai tovs KadoAov tov koct/ulov 6eovs y7raXiv he TrXelovasvweiXricpvTa ;Tpa'iavdseiirev Ovketl ctov (pepco ttjvdXaôvetav heivws yap tj/ucov KaTaKepTO/uefc, ctco/jlvXio.Xoycov vikclv rjfjiasdeXcov. Ovcrov ovv dpKel yap [cro*],6

5^8 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [vinTNooceooc, tov anoi' Santa moy Toyc o(J)0aAmoyc eicKATANOHCIN T 03 N 9AYMACI03N CtVTOV' TOVTOV 0"€/3(t)Kal TifAW' avTOS yap Qeos e&TLV Kal Kvpios teal (iavi-Xevs Kai monoc Aynacthc.IX.Tpaiavos eiirev KpaftaTTOirvplais ere dvaipoo,'el fJLYj fJL6TavoY]crr}s lyvaTios eiirev KaXov, . co fiacriXev,r\ €K KaKtov /ueTavoia, $e rje£ dyadoov vttoSlkos* eiri TaKpeiTTU) yap %prj Tpeyeiv rudds, ovk eiri Ta yeipova,eva"e/3eta

UAHNix] ROMAN ACTS. 529Oeov (pofiouiuaito \eyov Oyk Icontai coi e e ie T e pO I6MOY KCLl '0 GyCIAZWN Geoic eTepoic5eloAoepeyGHceTAi. crvyK\rjTov Se Kai /3ao~iAeu)s 7rapavofxelvKeXevovTtov ovk clkovu)* of Ah'yh yap npdcwnoNAynactoy, ol vo/ulol hîayopevovcrw, Kai oyk ech metahoAAwn eni kaki'a.Opos cvv dXcrlvTpa'iavos e'lTrev 'Karaêare ccutou tcov 7r\r]ywv. 'lyvaTioseiirev V\av-) tcl Ta virep Trjs tov Oeov ofJioXoy'ias /ulol yivo\xevaOLCTTaois/ulio~6(joveivaiTTA0HMATA TOY NYN K A Iirpoêva* oyk a'Iiayap tap Y TT pAoIan AnoK&AfnT£c6Ai. Tpa'iavosC THN MeAAOYCANeiirev tyeTvai crav-TOV XoiTTOV, av6pO)7T€,Kai elÔVTOfc TrpOCTTaTTOfJieVOlS16 cLkoOw] LPAB;

Y530 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [ixcroL, eirel yelpoviv kcltcx crov xpriao/uiai (5ct(ravoi

I Cix] ROMAN ACTS. 53 1/xera ras Tpeis TJ/uepas dripiois 7rapa(3\r]6ek ovtoos tov^fjv V7reê\6rj.y\ crvyK\t]T09 surrey Kal ri/ueh crv\x-\jsi1(poi Trjs a7ro(pd(reco^ ovtov yivd/ueda* irdvTas yapriiias evv($pifJLeuos V; conjirmans B; dub. CA(whether they had a part, or finite verb). 21 6 Geos] LVCAB; avpios{k

532 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [xfck Se idedcraTO, e(pt] wpos clvtov '€.yto dav/mdîo otltV/5 fieTa toltclvtcls cliklcls Kal TOcravTtiv Aijulov.dAAakclv vvv TrelcrdrjTL /ulol, ottco^ kcll tlov 7rpoKeijaevo)vkcckwvdwaAAayrjs' Kal t]/uds e£ets (piAous. 'lyvarios eiirev*''Eoiicds /ULOL fJLOp(pY]V fA6V €^€4J/ dv6pt07TOV, Tp07TOVS 06 5d\w7T€/co9 craivovTOs /uev Trj KepKio 67rifiovAevovTOS oe ty\yvaijur], (piAavdptoirov pri/mara TrAaTTOjmevos kclifiouAevojuevos/urjSev vyies. aKOve yovv Aonrov justcc TrappierLas,ak ovhek jjioi Aoyos iarrlv tov OvtjTOv kcci 67riKr]pov (iiovSid 'Irjo'ovv bv 7ro6to* c\it£L[xl irpos avTOV dpros yap i£0~TIV ddaVCKTLCtS KCLI 7T0\Xa farjsel/ULlKCLICLLCOVIOV. 0A0S CLVTOU7TpOS CLVTOV 6KT6TCLKCL jULOV TY]V CÎCLVOICLV' KCLIVTrepopco crov tcl fiacravL&Tripia, kcli ty\s Soprjs orov $ia-7TTVO). Tpa'Lavos eiTrev 'Ewei^r] dAa^cov kcll virepoirTr]?1 idedaaro] P; add. clvtov LV.?

x] ROMAN ACTS. 533[5 eaTLv, 7rpocr$ricravT€s ovtov duo XeovTcts eV olvtoveaaraTSy 07raK /mtjSe Xeiâvov avTOv inroXeiTroovTai. wsSe iddrj tcc dr/pia, deacrdjuievos 6 /uLcacdpios ecprj 7rpos tovhrifjiov'Ai/Spes'Pcofjialoi, olTOvSe tov dyoovo^ OeaTai, ov(pavArjs ev€K(x twos 7rpa^6tos rj /mo/uiCpf]^ tclvtcl 7rd(r^co,so a'AA' eveKct evarefieias' ctItos ydp eifju tov Qeov, Kal SloSovtcov dripiiov d\f]0ojULaiy iva dpTOS Kadapos yevoofjiai.dicovcov Se Tavra 6Tpa'Lavos /ueyaAcos e^€7r\rjTT€T0\eyoow MeyaXt] r] viroixovr) tlov eU [tov] Xpio-Tov e\7ri-XpvTW Tis \yctp\ 'GWrivoov rjfiapfldpcov virefxeivev toi-15avra TraOeiv eveica deov iStov, ola ovtos virepov ireiri-(TTevKeviracrêi ; 'lyvaTios elirev* Ovk dvdp(t)7rlvrisc^vvajjiews e

534 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [xkcli Trio-Tews i(p6\KO/ueur]^ eU djuiorideiav Xpicrrou. kulTavra avrou elirovros ehpctfioveir ovtov 01 Xgovtes kcciep 6Kar€pwv tcqv /mepcou 7rpo(T7r6(r6uTes direTTVLâv fiovov,ovk ediyov Se avTOv tcou crapKwv, \va to XeiâvovI els 6/j.or)6eiav Xptarov] els §orjdeLav xpi(rrou P ; els plorjQeiav xpo~irep £ypa

x] ROMAN ACTS. 5355 avrov eirj (pvXctKTtjpiov ty\ifKai'Pco/uiaibov fJL6

53 6 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [xiCeKOuvSou tjyeiuovos, Kivr]devTOs eirl tw irXriBei tuovyevofjievtov /uapTvpcou Kai owcos virep Trjs 7r/o"Tew5 dvr]povvto,ajjia Se eV TavTto fjirivvovros (jlyiêvdvoaiov \xr\êTrapa tous vofjiovs TTpoLTTetv ccutovs, 7r\r\v to ye a\xa Trj€u)hieyeLpofdevovs tov XpicrTov tov Oeov Sticriv vjAveiv 5[v7T6p TOVTOV hlKY]V l/7T€^€£|/]'TO $€ f±Ol')(€UeiVKdl

;dhcwAvToosXI] ROMAN ACTS. 537[rols vojJLOi(3ovtol r« Kara tov \xaKapiov \kcu ayiov] 'lyvctTiov (rjvyap 7rp6/uiaxos tcov Aolttvov fxapTvpcov), hoy/ua tolovtovTedeiicevai, to ^pia-Tiav^v (pvAov /mrj 6K^rjTela-6aL /ulev,euTrecrov he KoAaêcrdac. to he Aei\Jsavov tov fjLctKap[ov'lyvctTiov eKeAevaev toIseêti/.ol he kcltcc ty\v» » >eir evdef.L. 9 Tots vo/iOis] B Euseb. ; om. PVC;tov] LP Euseb. (see also BC in the next note) ; irposOeAovo-Lv 7rp6s Tara V; dub. CB. 12 TedeiKevai] LP; t€07]k^cu V.Xpto-Tiavwu] V Euseb.; twv xpt-vriavQv LP.[xij]B Euseb.; om. LPVC :see the next note. 13 ifxireo-ov de KoXdêadai] Euseb. si ; quis tamen incideretpuniretur B; e/JLTreaov 5e fir) KoXdftcrdai P ;evpedev 5e p.r) KoXafeadai LC; eupedevde pvr\ dvaipeiadai V. to de Xetyavov] Cs resumes here. tov /xaKapiov]VC sancti B; ;tov dyiov /ecu p.a.KapLov LP. 14 eKeXevaev] P ; eKe'Xevae L,Vs.diXovciv] P ;deXovai V edfkovai L.; irpos Tacp-qv dveX4a6ai] LP;tollere adsepeliendum B;sepelire C; irpos Tcuprjv (om. aveXeaOcu) V. 15 d/caAvrws] PV ;a/voXurws L.by our martyrologist, see above, p.377. See more fully I. p. 50 sq.'5. tov Qeov 8lktjv] after the mannerof God] as God,' according to'the classical usage of dUrjv. Butthis use seems to have puzzled alater age, so that bUr^v is struck outin some texts. The correctness ofthe reading 8lktjv is verified by thetext of Eusebius. The Latin ofTertullian {Aftol. 2), from whichthis is ultimately derived, standsin the authorities generally ad'canendum Christo et Deo,' whichOehler retains and attempts to defend,but the emendation ' 'ut Deofor V/Deo' is certain ;for (1) Pliny'sown words are ' carmenque Christoquasi Deo dicere'; (2) The Greektranslation of Tertullian, as quotedby Eusebius, is tov XpiaTov Qeovbinrjv vfivelv ; (3) The natural orderotherwise would be not ' Christo etDeo,' but ' Deo et Christo.'12. fxrj eK^rjTelaOai fiev] The variousreadings show that our authororiginally copied Eusebius, but thathis text was subsequently corruptedby successive stages. The /lit)wasfirst displaced and transferred to thesecond clause, so that the sentencethen ran eK^rjTelo-Oai p.ev epneaov 8ifxf} KoXa(eo-6a.L ;but this was felt tobe absurd, and it was emended bysubstituting first evpedev for epneo-bv,and then avaipelaBai for Ko\d£eaOai.The prj is omitted in the ArmenianChronicon (II. p. 162).

C538 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [xiteal 67reo"Ta\/cet wVre fJLY\ 7rapairr](TafjLevov^ clvtov TtjsjuapTUpias Trjs 7ro6ovfJL€vr]S diroa'TeprjcraL e\7T*oos, \a-/3oVr€9 avrov to (TcofJLa diredevTO [eV T07ra)] evda r\v ej~ovddpoiVofJLevovs alveiv tov Qeov kcll tov Xpta-Tov avTOv67TI TY\ TeXeiOOCeL TOV dyiOV 67TLCTK07rOV KCLl'lyVCtTLOV MNHMH y&p A K A I IXII. OlSev Ce avTOv to /uapTupiovkcciY M 6 t' 6 T K O) M I[JLCtpTUpOS 5O) N.Giprivalos6 Aovyhovvov €7ricr/co7ro5, kcli twv €7rio~To\tov clutovfxvrifJLOveveiA IAXeyoov outw E iTHN npOC 06ON M A pT Y PI AH pIp h k e n tic toon HMeTepooNN K A T A K pI 6 6 ITT p O C IA, OTI IlTOC 6IMI TOY © 6 Y, K&l A I* OAONTOON9 H pI CO N A A H 9 M A I, F N A K A 9 A p 6 C A p T C r e N 0> M A I.I eVecr-rdA/cei] V; commendaverat B; e7recrra\/cef L; a7recrra\/cet P; scripsit C.were] PV ; cos L (see the note on d-rroaTeprjcrai). irapaLT-qvafievovs] V ; irap-q-T7)(rafx£vovs P ; irapaiTrjad/JLevoi L. The rendering in C is quod si prohibueritis memori in christian, privabitis me ad spe quam respicio (but C s is mutilated). avrov]LV ;avrtov P. rrjs p.aprvpias rrjs Trodovfxevrjs] LP ; tt)s Trodovfxevqs fxaprvpiasV. 2 awoo-TeprjcraL] dwos et7re Euseb. ; sicut...ait B. 10 7T/30S GeoV] Euseb. ; 7rpos t?eoO V ;secundum deum B ; ets 0e6> LP ;m christum C s ;

ixn] ROMAN ACTS. 539Kaiflo\vKap7ros Se, €7rl(TK07ros oiv Trjs evCjuvp^rj7rapoiKias tovtcov 9 \iz\ivr\Tai

YTTOMONHA540 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS. [xnfjL€Ta /3paêa Se* tac cttictoAac 'I r n a t i o y tac tt e m-6 l' C A C HMIN(J) YTT* A Y T Y K A IA A A C, OCAC 6 ? \ O M € NnAp' hmin, [IttictoAac] eneMyAMGN ym?n, k a oj c-eNGTeiAAcOe aitinec fnoT6TArM6NAi eici th enictoAhtayth* el d> n m e r a A a wêAHGHcecee' rrepie-5N THN £ C TON KfpiONIXOYCI TAp niCTIN K A IHMO)N.ToVTO 'lyWTlOV TO jULapTUpiOW $La$6X6TCLl$6 fJL€TavTOV ty\v'AvTioxeias eTTLCKOTrnv 'Hpiav.kcci ecriu *//uLvrj/ur]tov 6eo(pi\eo~TdTOVkcciyevvalov /mapTUpos lyva- 1tlov fj.f]vl llai/e/ULa) veofJLr]via.1 5

TRANSLATIONS.

i. EPISTLES OF S. IGNATIUS.2. ACTS OF MARTYRDOM.(i)ANTIOCHENE ACTS.(2) ROMAN ACTS.

EPISTLES OF S.IGNATIUS.I.TO THE EPHESIANS.IGNATIUS, who is also Theophorus,Father ;unto her which hathbeen blessed in greatness through the plenitude of God thewhich hath been foreordained before the ages to be forever unto abiding and unchangeable glory, united and elect ina true passion, by the will of the Father and of Jesus Christour God;even unto the church which is in Ephesus [of Asia],worthy of all felicitation : abundant greeting in Christ Jesusand in blameless joy.i. While I welcomed in God [your] well-beloved name, whichye bear by natural right [in an upright and virtuous mind] byfaith and love in Christ Jesus our Saviour — being imitators ofGod, and having your hearts kindled in the blood of God, yehave perfectly fulfilled your congenial work — for when ye heardthat I was on my way from Syria,in bonds for the sake ofthe common Name and hope, and was hoping through yourprayers to succeed in fighting with wild beasts in Rome, that byso succeeding I might have power to be a disciple, ye wereeager to visit me :— seeing then that in God's name I havereceived your whole multitude in the person of Onesimus,whose love passeth utterance and who is moreover your bishop[in the flesh] — and Ipray that ye may love him according to

544 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSJesus Christ and that ye all may be like him ;for blessed is Hethat granted :—unto you according to your deserving to have sucha bishop2. But as touching my fellow-servant Burrhus, who bythe will of God isyour deacon blessed in all things, I praythat he may remain with me to the honour of yourselves andof your bishop. Yea, and Crocus also, who isworthy of Godand of you, whom I received as an ensample of the love whichye bear me, hath relieved me in allways — even so may theFather of Jesus Christ refresh him— together with Onesimus andBurrhus and Euplus and Fronto ;in whom I saw you all withthe eyes of love. May I have joy of you always,if so be Iam worthy of it. It is therefore meet for you in every wayto glorify Jesus Christ who glorified you ; that being perfectlyjoined together in one submission, submitting yourselves to yourbishop and presbytery, ye may be sanctified in all things.3.I do not command you, as though I were somewhat.For even though am I in bonds for the Name's sake, am Inot yet perfected in Jesus Christ. [For] now am Ibeginningto be a disciple ;and Ispeak to you as to my school-fellows.For Iought to be trained by you for the contest in faith, inadmonition, in endurance, in long-suffering. But, since lovedoth not suffer me to be silent concerning you,I forward to exhort you, that ye run in harmony with the mindof God for :Jesus Christ also, our inseparable life, is the mindtherefore wasof the Father, even as the bishops that are settled in thefarthest parts of the earth are in the mind of Jesus Christ.4. So then it becometh you to run in harmony with themind of the bishop which; thing also ye do. For your honourablepresbytery, which isworthy of God,is attuned to thebishop, even as its strings to a lyre. Therefore in your concordand harmonious love Jesus Christ is sung. And do ye, eachand all, form yourselves into a chorus, that being harmoniousin concord and taking the key note of God ye may inunison sing with one voice through Jesus Christ unto the Father,

TO THE EPHESIANS. 545that He may both hear you and acknowledge you by your gooddeeds to be members of His Son. It is therefore profitable foryou to be in blameless unity, that ye may also be partakers ofGod always.5. For if I in a short time had such converse with yourbishop, which was not after the manner of men but in the Spirit,how much more do Icongratulate you who are closely joinedwith him as the Church is with Jesus Christ and as JesusChrist is with the Father, that all things may be harmoniousin unity. Let no man be deceived. If any one be not withinthe precinct of the altar, he lacketh the bread [of God]. For, ifthe prayer of one and another hath so great force, how muchmore that of the bishop and of the whole Church. Whosoevertherefore cometh not to the congregation, he doth therebyshow his pride and hath separated himself; for it is written, Godresisteth the proud. Let us therefore be careful not to resist thebishop, that by our submission we may giveourselves to God,6. And in proportion as a man seeth that his bishop isone whom thesilent, let him fear him the more. For everyMaster of the household sendeth to be steward over His ownhouse, we ought so to receive as Him that sent him. Plainlytherefore we ought to regard the bishop as the Lord Himself.Now Onesimus of his own accord highly praiseth your orderlyconduct in God, for that ye all live according to truth, andthat no heresy hath a home :among you nay, yemuch as listen to any one, if he speak of aughtconcerning JesusChrist in truth.do not soelse save7. For some are wont of malicious guile to hawk aboutthe Name, while they do certain other things unworthy of God.These men ye ought to shun, as wild-beasts for ; they are maddogs, biting by stealth ; against whom ye ought to be on yourguard, for they are hard to heal. There is one only physician,of flesh and of spirit, generate and ingenerate, God in man, trueLife in death, Son of Mary and Son of God, first passible andthen impassible, Jesus Christ our Lord.IGN. II.35

546 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUS8. Let no one therefore deceive you, as indeed ye are notdeceived, seeing that ye belong wholly to God. For when nolust is established in you, which hath power to torment you, thentruly ye live after God. I devote myself for you, and I dedicatemyself as an offering for the church of you Ephesians which isfamous unto all the ages. They that are of the flesh cannot dothe things of the Spirit, neither can they that are of the Spiritdo the things of the flesh ;even as faith cannot do the things ofunfaithfulness, neither unfaithfulness the things of faith. Nay,even those things which ye do after the flesh are spiritual ;forye do all things in Jesus Christ.9. But I have learned that certain persons passed throughyou from yonder, bringing evil doctrine whom; ye suffered notto sow seed in you, for ye stopped your ears, sonot receive the seed sown by them ;that ye mightforasmuch as ye are stonesof a temple, which were prepared beforehand for a buildingof God the Father, being hoisted up to the heights through theengine of Jesus Christ, which is the Cross, and using for a ropethe Holy Spirit while ; your faith is your windlass, and love isthe way that leadeth up to God. So then yeare all companionsin the way, carrying your God and your shrine, yourChrist and your holy things, being arrayed from head to foot inthe commandments of Jesus Christ. And I too, taking part inthe festivity, am permitted by letter to bear you company andto rejoice with you, that ye setthe common lifeof men, but only on God.not your love on anything after10. And pray ye also without ceasing for the rest ofmankind (for there is in them a hope of repentance), thatthey may find God. Therefore permit them to take lessons atleast from your works. Against their outbursts of wrath be yemeek ; against their proud words be ye humble ; against theirrailings set ye your prayers ;against their errors be ye stedfastin the faith ; against their fierceness be ye gentle. And be notzealous to imitate them by requital. Let us show ourselvestheir brothers by our forbearance ;but let us be zealous to be

TO THE EPHESIANS. 547imitators of the Lord, vying with each other who shall suffer thegreater wrong, who shall be defrauded, who shall be set atnought that no herb of the devil be found in :; you butin allpurity and temperance abide ye in Christ Jesus, with your fleshand with your spirit.ii. These are the last times. Henceforth let us have reverence;let us fear the long suffering of God, lest it turn into ajudgment against us. For either let us fear the wrath which is tocome or let us love the grace which now is— the one or the other;provided only that we be found in Christ Jesus unto true life.Let nothing glitter in your eyes apart from Him, in whom Iin which I would faincarry about my bonds, my spiritual pearls rise again through your prayer, whereof may it be myalways a partaker, that I may be found in the companylot to beof thoseChristians of Ephesus who moreover were ever of one mind withthe Apostles in the power of Jesus Christ.12. I know who I am and to whom I write. I am a convict,ye have received :mercyI am in peril, ye are established. Yeto die untoare the high-road of those that are on their wayGod. Ye are associates in the mysteries with Paul, who wassanctified, who obtained a good report, who isworthyof allfelicitation ;in whose foot-steps I would fain be found treading,when I shall attain unto God ;who in every letter makethmention of you inChrist Jesus.13. Do your diligence therefore to meet together morefrequently for thanksgiving to God and for His glory. Forwhen ye meet together frequently, the powers of Satan arecast down ;and his mischief cometh to nought in the concordof your faith. There is nothing better than peace, in whichall warfare of things in heaven and things on earth is abolished.14. None of these thingsis hidden from you,ifye be perfectin your faith and love toward Jesus Christ, for these are the—beginning and end of life faith is the beginning and love is theend— and the two being found in unity are God, while all things35—2

54$ THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSelse follow in their train unto true nobility.No man professingfaith sinneth, and no man possessing love hateth. The tree ismanifest from its fruit ;so they that profess to be Christ's shallbe seen through their actions. For the Work is not a thing ofprofession now, but is seen then when one is found in the powerof faith unto the end.15. It is better to keep silence and to be, than to talk andnot to be. It is a fine thing to teach, if the speaker practise.Now there is one teacher, who spake and it came to pass : yeaand even the things which He hath done in silence are worthyof the Father. He that truly possesseth the word of Jesusis able also to hearken unto His silence, that he may beperfect ; that through his speech he may act and through hissilence he may be known. Nothing is hidden from the Lord,but even our secrets are nigh unto Him. Let us therefore doall things as knowing that He dwelleth in us, to the end that wemay be His temples and He Himself may be in us as ourGod. This is so, and it will also be made clear in our sightfrom the love which we rightly bear towards Him.16. Be not deceived, my brethren. Corruptersshall not inherit the kingdom of God. If then theyof houseswhich dothese things after the flesh are put to death, how much more ifa man through evildoctrine corrupt the faith of God for whichJesus Christ was crucified. Such a man, having defiled himself,shall go into the unquenchable fire ;and in like manner alsoshall he that hearkeneth unto him.17. For this cause the Lord received ointment on His head,that He might breathe incorruption upon the Church. Be notanointed with the ill odour of the teaching of the prince of thisworld, lesthe lead you captive and rob you of the life which isset before you. And wherefore do we not all walk prudently,receiving the knowledge of God, which isJesus Christ Why?perish we in our folly, not knowing the gift of grace which theLord hath truly sent ?18. My spirit is made an ofTscouring for the Cross, which is

TO THE EPHESIANS. 549a stumbling-block to them that are unbelievers, but to us salvationand life eternal. Where is the wise? Where is tliedisputerfWhere is the boasting of them that are called prudent ? Forour God, Jesus the Christ, was conceived in the womb by Maryaccording to a dispensation, of the seed of David but also ofthe Holy Ghost and He was born and was; baptized that byHis passion He might cleanse water.19. And hidden from the prince of this world were thevirginity of Mary and her child-bearing and likewise also thedeath of the Lord— three —mysteries to be cried aloud thewhich were wrought in the silence of God. How then werethey made manifest to the ages? A star shone forth in theheaven above all the stars ;and its light was unutterable,and its strangeness caused amazement ;and all the rest of theconstellations with the sun and moon formed themselves into achorus about the star ;but the star itself far outshone them all ;and there was perplexity to know whence came this strangeappearance which was so unlike them. From that time forwardevery sorcery and every spell was dissolved, the ignorance ofwickedness vanished away, the ancient kingdom was pulleddown, when God appeared in the likeness of man unto newnessof everlasting life; and that which had been perfected in thecounsels of God began to take effect. Thence all things wereperturbed, because the abolishing of death was taken in hand.20. If Jesus Christ should count me worthy through yourprayer, and it should be the Divine will, in my second tract,which I intend to write to you, I will further set before you thedispensation whereof I have begun to speak, relating to thenew man Jesus Christ, which consisteth in faith towards Him andinlove towards Him, in His passion and resurrection, especiallyif the Lord should reveal aught to me. Assemble yourselvestogether in common, every one of you severally, man by man, ingrace, in one faith and one Jesus Christ, who after the flesh wasof David's race, who is Son of Man and Sen of God, to theend that ye may obey the bishop and the presbytery without

550 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSdistraction of mind ; breaking one bread, which is the medicineof immortalityfor ever in Jesus Christ.and the antidote that we should not die but live21. I am devoted to you and to those whom for the honourof God ye sent to Smyrna whence also I write unto; you withthanksgiving to the Lord, having love for Polycarp as Iyou also.have forRemember me, even as I would that Jesus Christ mayalso remember you. Pray for the church which is in Syria,whence I am led a prisoner to Rome— I who am the verylast of the faithful there ; according as I was counted worthyto be found unto the honour of God. Fare ye well in God theFather and in Jesus Christ our common hope.IGNATIUS,2.TO THE MAGNESIANS.who is also Theophorus, unto her which hath beenblessed through the grace of God the Father in Christ Jesusour Saviour, in whom I salute the church which is in Magnesiaon the Mseander, and I wish her abundant greeting in God theFather and in Jesus Christ.i. When I learned the exceeding good order of your love inthe ways of God, I was gladdened and I determined to addressyou in the faith of Jesus Christ. For being counted worthyto bear a most godly name, in these bonds, which Icarry about,I sing the praise of the churches ;and Ipray that there may bein them union of the flesh and of the spirit which are JesusChrist's, our never-failing life— an union of faith and of lovewhich ispreferred before all things, and — what is more thanall— an union with Jesus and with the Father;in whom if weendure patiently all the despite of the prince of this world andescape therefrom, we shall attain unto God.2. Forasmuch then as I was permitted to see you in the

TO THE MAGNESIANS. 551person of Damas your godly bishop and your worthy presbytersBassus and Apollonius and my fellow-servant the deacon Zotion,of whom I would fain have joy, for that he is subjectto thebishop as unto the grace of God and to the presbytery as untothe law of Jesus Christ :—3. Yea, and it becometh you also not to presume upon theyouth of your bishop, but according to the power of God theFather to render unto him all reverence, even as I have learnedthat the holy presbyters also have not taken advantage of hisoutwardly youthful estate, but give place to him as to one prudentin God; yet not to him, but to the Father of Jesus Christ,even to the Bishopof all.desired you,it is meet that yedissimulation.For the honour therefore of Him thatshould be obedient withoutFor a man doth not so much deceive this bishopwho is seen, as cheat that other who is invisible ;and insuch a case he must reckon not with flesh but with God whoknoweth the hidden things.4. It is therefore meet that we not only be called Christians,but also be such ;even as some persons have the bishop's nameon their lips,but in everything act apart from him. Such menappear to me not to keep a good conscience, forasmuch asthey do not assemble themselves together lawfully according tocommandment.5. Seeing then that all things have an end, and these two—life and death— are set before us together, and each man shallgo to his own place; for just as there are two coinages, the oneof God and the other of the world, and each of them hath itsproper stamp impressed upon it, the unbelievers the stamp ofthis world, but the faithful in love the stamp of God the Fatherthrough Jesus Christ, through whom unless of our own free choicewe accept to die unto His passion, His life is not in us :—6. Seeing then that in the aforementioned persons I beheldyour whole people in faith and embraced them, I adviseyou, be ye zealous to do all things in godly concord, the bishoppresiding after the likeness of God and the presbyters after

55 2 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSthe likeness of the council of the Apostles, with the deaconsalso who are most dear to me, having been entrusted with thediaconate of Jesus Christ, who was with the Father before theworlds and appeared at the end of time. Therefore do yeallstudy conformity to God and pay reverence one to another ;and let no man regard his neighbour after the flesh, but loveye one another in Jesus Christ always. Let there be nothingamong you which shall have power to divide you, but be yeunited with the bishop and with them that preside over you asan ensample and a lesson of incorruptibility.7.Therefore as the Lord did nothing without the Father,[being united with Flim], either by Himself or by the Apostles, soneither do ye anything without the bishop and the presbyters.And attempt not to think anything right for yourselves apartfrom others : but let there be one prayer in common, one supplication,one mind, one hope, in love and in joy unblameable, whichisJesus Christ, than whom there isnothing better. Hasten tocome together all of you, as to one temple, even God as to one;altar, even to one Jesus Christ, who came forth from One Fatherand is with One and departed unto One.8. Be not seduced by strange doctrines nor by antiquatedfables, which are profitless. For if even unto this day we liveafter the manner of Judaism, we avow that we have not receivedgrace for the divine prophets lived after Christ Jesus. For this:cause also they were persecuted, being inspired by His grace tothe end that they which are disobedient might be fully persuadedthat there is one God who manifested Himself through JesusChrist His Son, who is His Word that proceeded from silence,unto Him that sent Him.who in all things was well-pleasing9. If then those who had walked in ancient practicesattained unto newness of hope, no longer observing sabbathsbut fashioning their lives after the Lord's day, on which our lifealso arose through Him and through His death which some mendeny — a mystery whereby we attained unto belief, and for thiscause we endure patiently, that we may be found disciples of

TO THE MAGNESIANS. 553Jesus Christ our only teacher — if this be so, how shall we beable to live apart from Him ?seeing that even the prophets, beingHis disciples, were expecting Him as their teacher through theSpirit. And for this cause He whom they rightly awaited,when He came, raised them from the dead.10. Therefore let us not be insensible to His goodness. Forif He should imitate us according to our deeds, we are lost.this cause, seeing that we are become His disciples,Forlet us learnto live as beseemeth Christianity. For whoso is called by anothername besides this, is not of God. Therefore put away thevile leaven which hath waxed stale and sour, and betake yourselvesto the new leaven, which isJesus Christ. Be ye salted inHim, that none among you grow putrid, seeing that by yoursavour ye shall be proved. It is monstrous to talk of Jesus Christand to practise Judaism. For Christianity did not believe inJudaism, but Judaism inChristianity, wherein every tongue believedand was gathered together unto God.1 1. Now these things I say, my dearly beloved, not becauseI have learned that any of you are so minded ;but as beingless than any of you, I would have you be on your guardbetimes, that ye fall not into the snares of vain doctrine but be;ye fully persuaded concerning the birth and the passion and theresurrection, which took place in the time of the governorshipof Pontius Pilate;for these things were truly and certainlydone by Jesus Christ our hope ;from which hope mayit notbefal any of you to be turned aside.12. Let me have joy of you in all things, if I be worthy.to oneFor even though I am in bonds, yet am I not comparableof you who are at liberty. I know that ye are not puffed up ;for ye have Jesus Christ in yourselves. And, when I praise you,I know that ye only feel the more shame ;as it is written Therighteous man is a self- accuser.13. Do your diligence therefore that ye be confirmed in theordinances of the Lord and of the Apostles, that ye may prosperin all things whatsoever ye do in flesh and spirit, by faith and by

554 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSlove, in the Son and Father and in the Spirit, in the beginningand in the end, with your revered bishop, and with thefitly wreathed spiritual circlet of your presbytery, and withthe deacons who walk after God. Be obedient to the bishopand to one another, as Jesus Christ was to the Father [accordingto the flesh], and as the Apostles were to Christ and to theFather, that there may be union both of flesh and of spirit.14. Knowing that ye are full of God,I have exhortedyou briefly. Remember me in your prayers, that I may attainunto God ;and remember also the church which is in Syria,whereof I am not worthy to be called a member. For I haveneed of your united prayer and love in God, that it may begranted to the church which is in Syria to be refreshed by thedew of your fervent supplication.from whence15. The Ephesians from Smyrna salute you,also I write to you. They are here with me for the glory ofGod, as also are ye ;and they have comforted me in all things,together with Polycarp bishop of the Smyrnaeans. Yea, andall the other churches salute you in the honour of Jesus Christ.Fare ye well in godly concord, and possess ye a stedfast spirit,which isJesus Christ. 3-IGNATIUS,TO THE TRALLIANS.who is also Theophorus, unto her that is belovedby God the Father of Jesus Christ ;to the holy churchwhich is in Tralles of Asia, elect and worthy of God, havingpeace in flesh and spirit through the passion of Jesus Christ,who is our hope through our resurrection unto Him which;church also I salute in the Divine plenitude after the apostolicfashion, and I wish her abundant greeting.I. I have learned that ye have a mind unblameable and

TO THE TRALLIANS. 555stedfast in patience, not from habit, but by nature, according asPolybius your bishop informed me, who by the will of God andof Jesus Christ visited me in Smyrna ;and so greatly didhe rejoice with me in my bonds in Christ Jesus,that in himI beheld the whole multitude of you. Having therefore receivedyour godly benevolence at his hands, I gave glory,forasmuch as I had found you to be imitators of God, evenas I had learned.2. For when ye are obedient to the bishop as to JesusChrist, it is evident to me that ye are living not after men butafter Jesus Christ, who died for us, that believing on His deathye might escape death. It is therefore necessary, even as yourwont is, that ye should do nothing without the bishop ;but beye obedient also to the presbytery, as to the Apostles of JesusChrist our hope ; for if Ave live in Him, we shall also be foundin Him. And those likewise who are deacons of the mysteriesof Jesus Christ must please all men in all ways. For they arenot deacons of meats and drinks but servants of the Churchof God. It is right therefore that they should beware of blameas of fire.3.In like manner let all men respect the deacons as JesusChrist, even as they should respect the bishop as being a type ofthe Father and the presbyters as the council of God and asthe college of Apostles. Apart from these there is not eventhe name of a church. And I am persuaded that yeare sominded as touching these matters : for I received the ensampleof your love, and I have it with me, in the person of your bishop,whose very demeanour is a great lesson, while his gentlenessispower — a man to whom I think even the godless pay reverence.Seeing that I love you I thus spare you, though Imight write more sharplyon his behalf: but I did not thinkmyself competent for this, that being a convict I should orderyou as though I were an Apostle.4. I have many deep thoughts in God : but I take themeasure of myself, lest I perish in my boasting. For now I

55 6 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSought to be the more afraid and not to give heed to those thatwould puff me up for :they that say these things to me are ascourge to me. For though I desire to suffer, yetI know notwhether I am worthy: for the envy of the devil is unseen indeedby many, but against me itwages the fiercer war. Sothen I crave gentleness, whereby the prince of this world isbrought to nought.5.Am I not able to write to you of heavenly things ?But I fear lest I should cause you harm being babes. So bearwith me, lest not being able to take them in, ye should bechoked. For Imyself also, albeit I am in bonds and cancomprehend heavenly things and the arrays of the angels andthe musterings of the principalities, things visible and thingsinvisible— Imyself am not yet by reason of this a disciple. Forwe lack many things, that God may not be lackingto us.6. I exhort you therefore — yet not I, but the love of JesusChrist— take ye only Christian food, and abstain from strangeherbage, which is heresy : for these men do even mingle poisonwith Jesus Christ, imposing upon others by a show of honesty,like persons administering a deadly drug with honied wine, sothat one who knoweth it not, fearing nothing, drinketh in deathwith a baneful delight.7.Be ye therefore on your guard against such men. Andthis will surely be, if ye be not puffed up and if ye be inseparablefrom [God] Jesus Christ and from the bishop and fromthe ordinances of the Apostles. He that is within the sanctuaryis clean ;but he that is without the sanctuaryis not clean, thatis, he that doeth aught without the bishop and presbytery anddeacons, this man isnot clean in his conscience.8. Not indeed that I have known of any such thing amongyou, but I keep watch over you betimes, as my beloved, forI foresee the snares of the devil. Do ye therefore arm yourselveswith gentleness and recover yourselves in faith which isthe flesh of the Lord, and in love which is the blood of JesusChrist. Let none of you bear a grudge against his neigh-

TO THE TRALLIANS. 557bour. Give no occasion to the Gentiles, lest by reason of afew foolish men the godly multitude be :blasphemed for Woeunto him through whom My name is vainly blaspJiemed beforesome.9.Be ye deaf therefore, when any man speaketh to youapart from Jesus Christ, who was of the race of David, who wasthe Son of Mary, who was truly born and ate and drank, wastruly persecuted under Pontius Pilate, was truly crucified anddied in the sight of those in heaven and those on earth andthose under the earth ;who moreover was truly raised fromthe dead, His Father having raised Him, who in the like fashionwill so raise us also who believe on Him— His Father, I say,will raise us— in Christ Jesus, apart from whom we have nottrue life.10. But if it were as certain persons who are godless,that is unbelievers, say, that He suffered only in semblance,being themselves mere semblance, why am I in bonds ? Andwhy also do I desire to fight with wild beasts ? So I die invain. Truly then I lie against the Lord.11. Shun ye therefore those vile offshoots that gender adeadly fruit, whereof if a man taste, forthwith he dieth. Forthese men are not the Father's :planting for ifthey had been,they would have been seen to be branches of the Cross, andtheir fruit imperishable— the Cross whereby He through Hispassion inviteth us, beingHis members. Now it cannot bethat a head should be found without members, seeing thatGod promiseth union, and this union isHimself.12. I salute you from Smyrna, together with the churchesof God that are present with me men who refreshed me in;all ways both in flesh and in spirit. My bonds exhort you,which for Jesus Christ's sake I bear about, entreating that Imay attain unto God abide; ye in your concord and in prayerone with another. For it becometh you severally, and moreespecially the presbyters, to cheer the soul of your bishop untothe honour of the Father [and to the honour] of Jesus Christ

55 8 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSand of the Apostles. Ipray that ye mayhearken unto me inlove, lest I be for a testimony against you by having so written.And pray ye also for me who have need of yourlove in themercy of God, that I may be vouchsafed the lot which I ameager to attain, to the end that I be not found reprobate.13. The love of the Smyrnasans and Ephesians salutethyou. Remember in your prayers the church which is in Syria ;whereof [also]I am not worthy to be called a member, beingthe very last of them. Fare ye well in Jesus Christ, submittingyourselves to the bishop as to the commandment, and likewisealso to the presbytery ;and each of you severally loveone another with undivided heart. My spirit is offered upfor you, not only now, but also when I shall attain unto God.For I am still in peril ;but the Father is faithful in JesusChrist to fulfil my petition and yours. May we be found unblameableinHim.IGNATIUS,TO THE ROMANS.who is also Theophorus,unto her that hathfound mercy in the bountifulness of the Father Most Highand of Jesus Christ His only Son to the church that is;beloved and enlightened through the will of Him who willed allthings that are, by faith and love towards Jesus Christ ourGod ;even unto her that hath the presidency in the countryof the region of the Romans, being worthy of God, worthy ofhonour, worthy of felicitation, worthy of praise, worthy ofsuccess, worthy in purity, and having the presidency of love,walking in the law of Christ and bearing the Father's name ;which church also I salute in the name of Jesus Christ theSon of the Father ;unto them that in flesh and spirit are united

TO THE ROMANS. 559unto His every commandment, being filled with the grace ofGod without wavering, and filtered clear from every foreignstain ;abundant greeting in Jesus Christ our God in blamelessness.1. Forasmuch as in answer to my prayerto God it hathbeen granted me to see your godly countenances, so that I haveobtained even more than I asked for ; wearing bonds in ChristJesus I hope to salute you,if it be the Divine will that Ishould be counted worthy to reach unto the end for the;beginningverily is well ordered, if so be I shall attain unto the goal,that Imay receive mine inheritance without hindrance. ForI dread your very love, lest it do me an injury ;for it iseasyfor you to do what ye will, but for me it is difficult to attainunto God, unless ye shall spare me.2. For I would not have you to be men-pleasers but toplease God, as indeed ye do please Him. For neither shall Imyself ever find an opportunity such as this to attain untoGod, nor can ye, ifye be silent, win the credit of any noblerwork. For, if ye be silent and leave me alone,I am a wordof God ;but ifye desire my flesh, then shall I be again amere cry. [Nay] grant me nothing more than that I be pouredout a libation to God, while there is still an altar ready ;thatforming yourselves into a chorus in love ye may sing to theFather in Jesus Christ, for that God hath vouchsafed that thebishop from Syria should be found in the West, having summonedhim from the East. It isgood to set from the worldunto God, that I rise unto Him.may3. Ye never grudged any one ; yeof others. And mywere the instructorsdesire is that those lessons shall holdgood which as teachers ye enjoin. Only pray that I may havepower within and without, so that I may not only sayit butalso desire it ;that Imay not only be called a Christian, butalso be found one. For if I shall be found so, then can I alsobe called one, and be faithful then, when I am no more visibleto the world. Nothing visible is good. For our God Jesus

560 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSChrist, being in the Father, is the more plainlyvisible. TheWork is not of persuasiveness, but Christianityis a thing ofmight, whensoever it is hated by the world.4. I write to all the churches, and I bid all men know, thatof my own free will I die for God, unless yeshould hinderme. I exhort you, be ye not an 'unseasonable kindness' tome. Let me be given to the wild beasts, for through themI can attain unto God. I am God's wheat, and I amground by the teeth of wild beasts that I may be found purebread [of Christ]. Rather entice the wild beasts, that they maybecome my sepulchre and may leave no part of my bodybehind, so that Imay not, when I am fallen asleep, be burdensometo any one. Then shall I be truly a disciple of JesusChrist, when the world shall not so much as see my body.Supplicate the Lord for me, that through these instruments Imay be found a sacrifice to God. I do not enjoin you, asPeter and Paul did. They were Apostles, I am a convict ; theywere free, but I am a slave to this veryhour. Yet if I shallsuffer, then am I a freed-man of Jesus Christ, and I shall risefree in Him. Now I am learning in my bonds to put awayevery desire.5.From Syria even unto Rome I fight with wild beasts,by land and sea, by night and by day, being bound amidstten leopards, even a company of soldiers, who only waxworse when they are kindly treated. Howbeit through theirwrong doings I become more completely a disciple ; yet am Inot hereby justified. May I have joy of the beasts that havebeen prepared for me and I; pray that I may find themprompt ; nay I will entice them that they may devour mepromptly, not as they have done to some, refusing to touchthem through fear. Yea though of themselves they should notbe willing while I am ready, ImyselfBear with me. I know what isexpedientbeginning to be a disciple. May naught of thingswill force them to it.for me. Now am Ivisible andthings invisible envy me; that I may attain unto Jesus Christ.

TO THE ROMANS. 56 1Come fire and cross and grapplings with wild beasts, [cuttingsand manglings,] wrenching of bones, hacking of limbs, crushingsof my whole body, come cruel tortures of the devil to assailme. Only be it mine to attain unto Jesus Christ.6. The farthest bounds of the universe shall profit me nothing,neither the kingdoms of this world. It is goodto die for Jesus Christ rather than to reignfor meover the farthestbounds of the earth. Him Iseek, who died on our behalf;Him I desire, who rose again [for our sake]. The pangs of anew birth are upon me. Bear with me, brethren. Do nothinder me from living; do not desire mydeath. Bestow noton the world one who desireth to be God's, neither allurehim with material things. Suffer me to receive the pure light.When I am come thither, then shall I be a man. Permit meto be an imitator of the passion of my God. If any man hathHim within himself, let him understand what I desire, and lethim have fellow-feeling with me, for he knoweth the thingswhich straiten me.7. The prince of this world would fain tear me in piecesand corrupt my mind to Godward. Let not any of you thereforewho are near abet him.on God's side.Rather stand ye on my side, that isSpeak not of Jesus Christ and withal desire theworld. Let not envy have a home in you. Even though Imyself, when I am with you, should beseech you, obey me not;but rather give credence to these things which I write to you.[For] I write to you in the midst of life, yet lusting after death.My lust hath been crucified, and there is no fire of materiallonging in me, but only water living "fand speaking -finme,'saying within me Come to the Father.' I have no delight inthe food of corruption or in the delights of this life. I desirethe bread of God, which is the flesh of Christ who was of theseed of David ;and for a draught I desire His blood, whichis love incorruptible.3. I desire no longer to live after the manner of men and;this shall be, ifye desire it. Desire ye, that ye yourselves alsoIGN. II. 36

562 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSmay be desired. In a brief letter I beseech you ;believe me.And Jesus Christ shall make manifest unto you these things,that Ispeak the truth — Jesus Christ, the unerring mouth inwhom the Father hath spoken [truly]. Entreat ye for me,that Imay attain [through the Holy Spirit]. I write not untoyou after the flesh, but after the mind of God. If I shall suffer,it was your desire ;if I shall be rejected, it was your hatred.9.Remember in your prayers the church which is in Syria,which hath God for itsshepherd in my stead. Jesus Christalone shall be its bishop — He and your love. But for myself Iam ashamed to be called one of them;for neither am I worthy,being the very last of them and an untimely birth but I have:found mercy that I should be some one, if so be I shall attainunto God. My spirit saluteth you, and the love of the churcheswhich received me in the name of Jesus Christ, not as a merewayfarer : for even those churches which did not lie on my routeafter the flesh went before me from city to city.10. Now I write these things to you from Smyrna by theof all felicitation. Andhand of the Ephesians who are worthyCrocus also, a name very dear to me, is with me, with manyothers besides.As touching those who went before me fromunto the glory of God, Ibelieve that yeSyria to Romehave received instructions;whom also apprise that I am near ; for theyall areworthy of God and of you, and it becometh you to refreshthem in all things. These thingsI write to you on the 9thbefore the Kalends of September. Fare ye well unto the endin the patient waiting for Jesus Christ.

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS.5 6 ^5-TO THE PHILADELPHIANS.IGNATIUS, who is also Theophorus,to the church of Godthe Father and of Jesus Christ, which is in Philadelphiaof Asia, which hath found mercy and is firmly established inthe concord of God and rejoiceth in the passion of our Lordand inHis resurrection without wavering, being fully assured inallmercy ;which church I salute in the blood of Jesus Christ,that is eternal and abiding joy more; especiallyif they be atone with the bishop and the presbyters who are with him, andwith the deacons that have been appointed according to themind of Jesus Christ, whom after His own will He confirmedand established by His Holy Spirit1. This your bishopI have found to hold the ministrywhich pertaineth to the common weal, not of himself or throughmen, nor yet for vain glory, but in the love of God the Fatherand the Lord Jesus Christ. And I am amazed at his forbearance;whose silence is more powerful than others' speech. Forhe is attuned in harmony with the commandments, as a lyrewith its strings. Wherefore my soul blesseth his godly mind,for I have found that it is virtuous and perfect— even the imperturbableand calm temper which he hath, while living in allgodly forbearance.2. As children therefore [of the light] of the truth, shundivision and wrong doctrines ;and where the shepherd is, therefollow ye as sheep. For many speciouswolves with banefuldelights lead captive the runners in God's race; but, where yeare at one, they will find no place.3.Abstain from noxious herbs, which are not the husbandryof Jesus Christ, because they are not the planting of the Father.Not that I have found division among you, but filtering. For36—2

564 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSare with theas many as are of God and of Jesus Christ, theybishop and as; many as shall repent and enter into the unity ofthe Church, these also shall be of God, that they may be livingafter Jesus Christ. Be not deceived, my brethren. If any manfolloweth one that maketh a schism, he doth not inherit the kingdomof God. If any man walketh in strange doctrine, he hathno fellowship with the passion.4. Be ye careful therefore to observe one eucharist (forthere is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ and one cup untounion in His blood ;there is one altar, as there is one bishop,together with the presbytery and the deacons my fellow-servants),that whatsoever ye do, ye maydo itafter God.5. My brethren, my heart overfloweth altogetherin lovetowards you ;and rejoicing above measure I watch over yoursafety ; yet not I, but Jesus Christ, wearing whose bonds I amthe more afraid, because I am not yet perfected. But yourprayer will make me perfect [unto God], that I may attain untothe inheritance wherein I have found mercy, taking refuge inthe Gospel as the flesh of Jesus and in the Apostlesas thepresbytery of the Church. Yea, and we love the prophets also,because they too pointed to the Gospel in their preaching andset their hope on Him and awaited Him ;in whom also havingfaith they were saved in the unity of Jesus Christ,being worthyof all love and admiration as holy men, approved of JesusChrist and numbered together in the Gospelhope.6. But ifany one propound Judaism unto you,of our commonhear himnot : for it is better to hear Christianity from a man whois circumcised than Judaismfrom one uncircumcised. But ifeither the one or the other speak not concerning Jesus Christ, Ilook on them as tombstones and graves of the dead, whereonare inscribed only the names of men. Shun yetherefore thewicked arts and plottings of the prince of this world, lest haplyye be crushed by his devices, and wax weak in your love. Butassemble yourselves all together with undivided heart. And I

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 565give thanks to my God, that I have a good conscience inmydealings with you, and no man can boast either in secret or openly,that I was burdensome to anyone in small things or in great.Yea and for allamong whom I spoke, it is my prayer that theymaynot turn it into a testimony against themselves.7. For even though certain personsdesired to deceive meafter the flesh, yet the spirit is not deceived, being from God;for it knowetJi whence it cometh and zvJiere it goeth,and it searchethout the hidden things. I cried out, when I was among you ;Ispake with a loud voice, with God's own voice, Give ye heed tothe bishop and the presbytery and deacons. Howbeit therewere those who suspected me of saying this, because I knewbeforehand of the division of certain persons. But He in whomI am bound ismy witness that I learned it not from flesh ofman it was the ; preaching of the Spirit who spake on thiswise ;Do nothing without the bishop ; keep your flesh as atemple of God cherish union; ;shun divisions ;be imitators ofJesus Christ, as He Himself also was of His Father.8. I therefore did my own part, as a man composed untounion. But where there is division and anger, there God abidethnot. Now the Lord forgiveth all men when they repent, ifrepenting they returnto the unityof God and to the council ofthe bishop. I have faith in the grace of Jesus Christ, who shallstrike off every fetter from you ;and I entreat you, Do ye nothingin a spirit of factiousness but after the teaching of Christ.For I heard certain persons saying, ' If I find it not in thecharters, I believe it not in the Gospel.' And when I said tocthemIt is written,' they answered me 'That is the question.'But as for me, my charter is Jesus Christ, the inviolable charteris His cross and His death and His resurrection, and faiththrough Him;wherein I desire to be justified through yourprayers.9.The priests likewise were good, but better is the Highpriestto whom is committed the holy of holies ;for to Himalone are committed the hidden things of God; He Himself

566 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSwhich Abraham andbeing the door of the Father, throughIsaac and Jacob enter in, and the Prophets and the Apostles andthe whole Church ;all these things combine in the unity of God.But the Gospel hath a singular preeminence in the advent of theSaviour, even our Lord Jesus Christ, and His passion and resurrection.For the beloved Prophets in their preaching pointedto Him; but the Gospel is the completion of immortality. Allthings together are good, if ye believe through love.10. Seeing that in answer to your prayer and to the tendersympathy which ye have in Christ Jesus, it hath been reportedto me that the church which is in Antioch of Syria hath peace,it is, becoming for you, as a church of God, to appoint a deaconto go thither as God's ambassador, that he may congratulate themwhen they areassembled together, and may glorify the Name.Blessed in Jesus Christ is he that shall be counted worthy ofsuch a ministration ;and ye yourselves shall be glorified. Now ifye desire it, it is not impossible for you to do this for the name ofGod ;even as the churches which are nearest have sent bishops,and others presbyters and deacons.ii. But as touching Philo the deacon from Cilicia, a man ofgood report, who now also ministereth to me in the word ofGod, together with Rhaius Agathopus, an elect one who followethme from Syria, having bidden farewell to this present life the;same who — also bear witness to you and Imyself thank Godon your behalf, because ye received them, as I trust the Lordwill receive you. But may those who treated them with dishonourbe redeemed through the grace of Jesus Christ. Thelove of the brethren which are in Troas saluteth you from;whence also I write to you by the hand of Burrhus, who wassent with me by the Ephesians and Smyrnseans as a mark ofhonour. The Lord shall honour them, even Jesus Christ, onwhom their hope is set in flesh and soul and spirit, by faith, bylove, by concord. Fare ye well in Christ Jesus our commonhope.

TO THE SMYRNAANS. 567IGNATIUS,TO THE SMYRNÂNS.who is also Theophorus, to the church of Godthe Father and of Jesus Christ the Beloved, which hathbeen mercifully endowed with every grace, beingfilled withfaith and love and lacking in no grace, most reverend andbearing holy treasures to the church which is in; Smyrnaa blameless spirit and in the word of God abundantof Asia, ingreeting.Christ the God who bestowed such1. I give glory to Jesuswisdom upon you ;for I have perceived that ye are establishedin faith immovable, beingas it were nailed on the cross ofthe Lord Jesus Christ, in flesh and in spirit,and firmly groundedin love in the blood of Christ, fully persuaded as touching ourLord that He is truly of the race of David accordingto theflesh, but Son of God by the Divine will and power, trulyborn of a virgin and baptised by John that all righteousnessin the flesh for ourmight be fulfilled by Him, truly nailed upsakes under Pontius Pilate and Herod the tetrarch (of whichfruit are we— that is, of His most blessed passion) ;that Hemight set tipan ensign unto all the ages throughHis resurrection,for His saints and faithful people, whether among Jewsor among Gentiles, in one body of His Church.2. For He suffered all these things for our sakes [that wemight be saved] ;and He suffered truly, as also He raisedHimself truly ;not as certain unbelievers say, that He sufferedin semblance, being themselves mere semblance. And accordingas their opinions are, so shall ithappen to them, for theyare without body and demon-like.3. For I know and believe that He was in the flesh evenafter the resurrection; and when He came to Peter and his

568 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUScompany, He said to them, Lay hold and handle me, and see thatI am not a demon without body. And straightway they touchedHim, and they believed, being joined unto His flesh and Hisblood. Wherefore also they despised death, nay they wereVfound superior to death. And after His resurrection He [both]atewith them and drank with them as one in the flesh, thoughspiritually He was united with the Father.4. But these thingsI warn you, dearly beloved, knowingthat ye yourselves are so minded. Howbeit I watch overyou betimes to protect you from wild beasts in human — formmen whom not only should ye not receive, but, if it were possible,not so much as meet [them] ; only pray ye for them, ifhaply they may repent. This indeed is difficult, but JesusChrist, our true life, hath power over it. For if these thingswere done by our Lord in semblance, then am I also a prisoner insemblance.And why then have I delivered myself over to death,unto fire, unto sword, unto wild beasts ? But near to the sword,near to God ;in company with wild beasts, in company withGod. Only let it be in the name of Jesus Christ, so that wemay suffer together with Him. I endure all things, seeing thatHe Himself enableth me, who is perfect Man.5.But certain persons ignorantly deny Him, or rather havebeen denied by Him, being advocates of death rather than of thetruth ;and they have not been persuaded by the prophecies norby the law of Moses, nay nor even to this very hour by theGospel, nor by the sufferings of each of us severally ;for they areof the same mind also concerning us. For what profit is it [tome], ifa man praiseth me, but blasphemeth my Lord, not confessingthat He was a bearer of flesh ? Yet he that aflirmethnot this, doth thereby deny Him altogether, being himself abearer of a corpse. But their names, being unbelievers, I havenot thought fit to record in writing ; nay, far be it from meand return to theeven to remember them, until they repentpassion, which isour resurrection.6. Let no man be deceived. Even the heavenly beings

TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 569and the glory of the angels and the rulers visibleand invisible,ifthey believe not in the blood of Christ [who is God], judgmentawaiteth them also. He that receiveth let him receive. Letnot office puff up any man ;for faith and love are all in all,and nothing is preferred before them. But mark ye those whohold strange doctrine touching the grace of Jesus Christ whichcame to us, how that they are contrary to the mind of God.They have no care for love, none for the widow, none for theorphan, none for the afflicted, none for the prisoner, none forthe hungry or thirsty. They abstain from eucharist (thanksgiving)and prayer, because theyallow not that the eucharistis the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which flesh suffered forour sins, and which the Father of His goodness raised up.7. They therefore that gainsay the good gift of God perishby their questionings. But it were expedient for them to havelove, that they may also rise again. It is therefore meet thatye should abstain from such, and not speakof them eitherprivately or in public ;but should give heed to the Prophets,and especially to the Gospel, wherein the passionis shown untous and the resurrection isaccomplished.8. [But] shun divisions, as the beginning of evils. Do yeall follow your bishop, as Jesus Christ followed the Father,and the presbytery as the Apostles; and to the deacons payrespect, as to God's commandment. Let no man do aught ofthings pertaining to the Church apart from the bishop. Letthat be held a valid eucharist which is under the bishop orone to whom he shall have committed it. Wheresoever thebishop shall appear, there let the people be even as where;Jesusmay be, there is the universal Church. It is not lawful apartfrom the bishop either to baptize or to hold a love-feast; butwhatsoever he shall approve, this is well-pleasing also to God ;that everything which ye do may9.be sure and valid.It is reasonable henceforth that we wake to soberness,while we have [still]time to repent and turn to God. It is goodto recognise God and the bishop. Ke that honoureth the bishop

570 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSis honoured of God ;he that doeth aught without the knowledgeof the bishop rendereth service to the devil. May all thingstherefore abound unto you in grace, for ye are worthy. Yerefreshed me in all things, and Jesus Christ shall refresh you.In my absence and in my presence ye cherished me. May Godrecompense you ;for whose sake ifye endure all things, yeshall attain unto Him.10. Philo and Rhaius Agathopus, who followed me in thecause of God, ye did well to receive as ministers of [Christ]God ;who also give thanks to the Lord for you, because yerefreshed them in every way. Nothing shall be lost to you.My spirit is devoted for you, as also are my bonds, which yedespised not, neither were ashamed of them. Nor shall He,who is perfect faithfulness, be ashamed of you, even JesusChrist.11. Your prayer sped forth unto the church which is inAntioch of Syria ;whence coming a prisoner in most godlybonds I salute all men, though I am not worthy to belong to it,being the very last of them. Bythe Divine will was this vouchsafedto me, not of my own complicity, but by God's grace,which Ipray may be given to me perfectly, that through yourprayers I may attain unto God. Therefore that your work maybe perfected both on earth and in heaven, it is meet that yourchurch should appoint, for the honour of God, an ambassador ofGod that he may go as far as Syria and congratulate thembecause they are at peace, and have recovered their properstature, and their proper bulk hath been restored to them.It seemed to me therefore a fitting thing that ye should sendone of your own people with a letter, that he might join withthem in giving glory for the calm which by God's will had overtakenthem, and because they were already reaching a haventhrough your prayers. Seeing ye are perfect, let your counselsalso be perfect ;for ifye desire to do well, God isready togrant the means.12. The love of the brethren which are in Troas saluteth

TO THE SMYRNiEANS. 571you ;from whence also I write to you by the hand of Burrhus,whom ye sent with me jointly with the Ephesians your brethren.He hath refreshed me in all ways. And I would that all imitatedhim, for he is an ensample of the ministry of God. The Divinegrace shall requite him in all things. I salute your godlybishop and your venerable presbytery [and] my fellow-servantsthe deacons, and all of you severally and in a body, in the nameof Jesus Christ, and in His flesh and blood, in His passion andresurrection, which was both carnal and spiritual, in the unity ofGod and of yourselves. Grace to you, mercy, peace, patience,always.13. I salute the households of my brethren with their wivesand children, and the virgins who are called widows. I bid youfarewell in the power of the Father. Philo, who is with me,saluteth you.I salute the household of Gavia, and Ipray thatshe may be groundedspirit.in faith and love both of flesh and ofI salute Alee, a name very dear to me, and Daphnusthe incomparable, and Eutecnus, and allby name. Fare ye wellin the grace of God. 7-IGNATIUS,TO POLYCARP.who is also Theophorus, unto Polycarp who isbishop of the church of the Smyrnaeans or rather who hath forhis bishop God the Father and Jesus Christ, abundant greeting.1.Welcoming thy godly mind which is grounded as it wereon an immovable rock, Igive exceeding glory that it hath beenvouchsafed me to see thy blameless face, whereof I would fainhave joy in God. I exhort thee in the grace wherewith thou artclothed to press forward in thy course and to exhort all menthat they may be saved. Vindicate thine office in all diligenceof flesh and of spirit.Have a care for union, than which there

S7 2 THE EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUSisnothing better. Bear all men, as the Lord also beareth thee.Suffer all men in love, as also thou doest. Give thyself tounceasing prayers. Ask for larger wisdom than thou hast.Be watchful, and keep thy spirit from slumbering, Speak toeach man severally after the manner of God.Bear the maladiesof all, as a perfect athlete. Where there is more toil, there ismuch gain.2. If thou lovest good scholars, this is not thankworthy inthee. Rather bring the more pestilent to submission by gentleness.All wounds are not healed by the same salve. Allaysharp pains by fomentations. Be thou prudent as the serpent inall things and guileless always as the dove. Therefore art thoumade of flesh and spirit, that thou mayest humour the thingswhich appear before thine eyes ;and as for the invisible things,pray thou that they may be revealed unto thee ;that thou mayestbe lacking in nothing, but mayest abound in every spiritualgift.The season requireth thee, as pilots require winds or as astorm-tossed mariner a haven, that itmay attain unto God.Be sober, as God's athlete. The prize isincorruption andlife eternal, concerning which thou also art persuaded. In allthings I am devoted to thee — I and mycherish.bonds which thou didst3.Let not those that seem to be plausible and yet teachstrange doctrine dismay thee. Stand thou firm, as an anvilwhen it is smitten. It is the part of a great athlete to receiveblows and be victorious.But especially must we for God's sakeendure all things, that He also may endure us. Be thou morediligentthan thou art. Mark the seasons. Await Him thatis above every season, the Eternal, the Invisible, who becamevisible for our sake, the Impalpable, the Impassible, who sufferedfor our sake, who endured in allways for our sake.4. Let not widows be neglected. After the Lord be thoutheir protector. Let nothing be done without thy consent ;neither do thou anything without the consent of God, as indeedthou doest not. Be stedfast. Let meetings be held more

TO S. POLYCARR 573frequently. Seek out all men by name. Despise not slaves,whether men or women. Yet let not these again be puffed up,but let them serve the more faithfully to the glory of God, thatthey may obtain a better freedom from God. Let them notdesire to be set free at the public cost, lest they be found slavesof lust.5. Flee evil arts, or rather hold thou discourse about these.Tell my sisters to love the Lord and to be content with theirhusbands in flesh and in spirit. In like manner also charge mybrothers in the name of Jesus Christ to love their wives, as theLord loved the Church. If any one is able to abide in chastityto the honour of the flesh of the Lord, let him so abide withoutboasting. If he boast, he is lost ;and if it be known beyondthe bishop, he is polluted. It becometh men and womentoo, when they marry, to unite themselves with the consent ofthe bishop, that the marriage may be after the Lord andnot after concupiscence. Let all things be done to the honour ofGod.6. Give ye heed to the bishop, that God also may give heedto you.I am devoted to those who are subject to the bishop, thepresbyters, the deacons. May it be granted me to have my portionwith them in the presence of God. Toil together one withlie downanother, struggle together, run together, suffer together,together, rise up together, as God's stewards and assessors andministers. Please the Captain in whose army ye serve, fromwhom also ye will receive your pay. Let none of you be founda deserter. Let your baptism abide with you as your shield ;your faith as your helmet ; your love as your spear ; your patienceas your body armour. Let your works be your deposits,that ye may receive your assets due to you. Be ye thereforelong-suffering one with another in gentleness,with you. May I have joy of you always.as God is7. Seeing that the church which is in Antioch of Syriahath peace, as it hath been reported to me, through yourprayers, I myselfalso have been the more comforted since

574 EPISTLE OF S. IGNATIUS TO S. POLYCARP.God hath banished my care ;if so be Imay through sufferingattain unto God, that I may be found a disciple throughyour intercession. It becometh thee, most blessed Polycarp, tocall together a godly council and to elect some one among youwho isvery dear to you and zealous also, who shall be fit to bearthe name of God's courier— to appoint him, I say, that he may goto Syria and glorify your zealous love unto the glory of God.A Christian hath no authority over himself, but giveth his time toGod. This is God's work, and yours also, when ye shall completeit : for I trust in the Divine grace, that ye are ready for anact of well-doing which is meet for God. Knowingof your sincerity, I have exhorted you in a short letter.the fervour8. Since I have not been able to write to all the churches,by reason of my sailing suddenly from Troas to Neapolis, asthe Divine will enjoineth,thou shalt write to the churches infront, as one possessing the mind of God, to the intent that theyalso may do this same thing — let those who are able sendmessengers, and the rest letters by the persons who are sent bythee,this isthat ye may be glorified by an ever memorable deed — forworthy of thee.I salute allby name, and especially the wife of Epitropuswith her whole household and her children's. I salute Attalusmy beloved. I salute him that shall be appointed to goto Syria. Grace shall be with him always, and with Polycarpwho sendeth him. I bid you farewell always in our God Jesusof God.Christ, in whom abide ye in the unity and supervisionI salute Alee, a name very dear to me. Fare ye well in theLord.

MARTYRDOM OF S.IGNATIUS.I.ANTIOCHENEACTS.i."jVTOT long after Trajan had succeeded to the empire of theRomans, Ignatius the disciple of the Apostle John, a manof apostolic character in all ways, governed the Church of the Antiochenes.He had with difficulty weathered the past storms of themany persecutions in the time of Domitian, and, like a good pilot, bythe helm of prayer and fasting, by the assiduity of his teaching, and byhis spiritual earnestness, had withstood the surge of the enemy's power,fearful lest he should lose any of the faint-hearted or over-simple. Thuswhile he rejoiced at the tranquillity of the Church, when the persecutionabated for a while, he was vexed within himself, thinking that he hadnot yet attained true love towards Christ or the complete rank of a disciple:for he considered that the confession made by martyrdom wouldattach him more closely to the Lord.Therefore remaining a few yearslonger with the Church, and like a lamp of God illumining the mind ofevery one by his exposition of the scriptures, he attained the fulfilmentof his prayer.2. It so happened that after these things Trajan in the ninth yearof his reign, being elated with his victory over the Scythians and Daciansand many other nations, and considering that the godly society of theChristians was stilllacking to him to complete the subjection, unlessthey chose to submit to the service of the devils together with allthe nations, threatened [to subject them to] persecution and would havecompelled all those who were leading a pious lifeeither to offer sacrifice

57 6 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.or to die. At that time therefore the brave soldier of Christ, beingafraid for theChurch of the Antiochenes, was taken of his own free willbefore Trajan who was staying at that moment in Antioch, making readyto march against Armenia and the Parthians.And when he stood face to face with Trajan [the king]; Who artthou, said Trajan, thou wretch of a devil, that art so ready to transgress ourorders, whilst thou seducest others also, that they may come to a bad end ?Ignatius said; No man calleth o?ie that beareth God a wretch of a devil; forthe devils stand aloof from the servants of God. But if,because I amtroublesome to these, thou callest ?ne a wretch toward the devils, I agree withthee :for having Christ a heavenly king, I confound the devices of these.Trajan said; And who is he that beareth God? Ignatius answered, Hethat hath Christ in his breast. Trajan said ;Dost thou not think thenthat we too have gods in our heart, seeing that we employ them asallies against our enemies ? Ignatius said ;Thou art deceived, when thoucallest the devils of the nations gods. For there is one God who madethe heaven and the earth and the sea and all things that are therein, andone Christ Jesus His only-begotten Son, whose friendship I would fainenjoy. Trajan said ; Speakest thou of him that was crucified under PontiusPilate ? Ignatius said I; speak of Him that nailed on the cross sin andits author, and sentenced every malice of the devils to be trampled underfootof those that carry Him in their heart. Trajan said ;Dost thou thencarry Christ within thyself? Ignatius said ; Yes, for it is written, 1 ' willdwell in them and will walk about in them.' Trajan gave sentence; // isour order that Ignatius who saith that he beareth about the crucified inhimself shall be put in chains by the soldiers and taken to mighty Po?ne,there to be made food for wild beasts, as a spectacleand a diversion forthe people. The holy martyr, when he heard this sentence, shoutedaloud with joy; I thank Thee, Lord and Master, that Thou hast vouchsafedto ho?wur me by perfecting my love toivards Thee, in that Thou hast boundme with chai?is of iron to Thine Apostle Paul. Having said this andhaving invested himself in his chains with gladness, after praying overthe Church and commendingit with tears to the Lord, like a choiceram the leader of a goodly flock, he was hurried away by the brutalcruelty of the soldiers to be carried off to Rome as food for bloodthirstybrutes.3. So then with much eagerness and joy, in longing desire forthe Lord's passion, he went down from Antioch to Seleucia, and fromthence he set sail. And having put in at the city of the Smyrnaeans aftermuch stress of weather, he disembarked with much joy and hastenedto see the holy Polycarp, bishop of the Smyrnseans, his fellow-student ;

ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 577for in old times they had been disciples of John. And being entertainedby him on landing, and having communicated with him hisspiritual gifts, and glorying in his bonds, he entreated them to aid himin his purpose — asking this in the first place of everychurch collectively(for the cities and churches of Asia welcomed the saint throughtheir bishops and presbyters and deacons, all men flocking to him, inthe hope that they might receive a portion of some spiritual gift), butespecially of the holy Polycarp, that by means of the wild beasts disappearingthe sooner from the world, he might appear in the presenceof Christ.4. And these things he so spake and so testified, carrying his lovetowards Christ to such a pitch, as if he would storm heaven by his goodconfession and by the fervour of those who joined with him in prayerover his combat, while at the same time he recompensed those churcheswhich came to meet him in the person of their rulers, by sending outletters of thanks to them shedding upon them the dew of spiritual gracewith prayer and exhortation. Therefore when he saw that they all werekindly disposed towards him, being afraid lest haply the affection of thebrotherhood might uproot his zeal for the Lord, when a goodly door ofmartyrdom was thus opened to him, he writes to the Church of theRomans in the words which are here subjoined.[Here follows the Epistle to the Romans .]5. Having therefore by his letter appeased, as he desired, those ofthe brethren in Rome who were averse, this done he set sail fromSmyrna (for the Christ-bearer was hurried forward by the soldiers to bein time for the sports in the great city, that given to wild beasts in thesuch a combat obtain the crownsight of the Roman people he might byof righteousness); and thence he put in at Troas. Then departingthence he landed at Neapolis; and passing through Philippi he journeyedby land across Macedonia and the part of Epirus which lies by Epidamnus.And here on the sea coast he took ship and sailed across theHadriatic sea, and thence entering the Tyrrhene and passing by islandsand cities, the holy man when he came in view of Puteoli was eagerhimself to disembark, desiring to tread in the footsteps of the Apostle[Paul]; but forasmuch as a stiff breeze springing up prevented it, theship being driven by a stern wind, he commended the love of thebrethren in that place, and so sailed by. Thus in one single day andnight, meeting with favourable winds, we ourselves were carried forwardagainst our will, mourning over the separation which must soon comebetween ourselves and this righteous man; while he had his wishIGN. II.37

578 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.fulfilled, for he was eager to depart from the world quickly,that hemight hasten to join the Lord whom he loved. Wherefore, as he landedwere drawingat the harbour of the Romans justwhen the unholy sportsto a close, the soldiers were vexed at the slow pace, while the bishopgladly obeyed them as they hurried him forward.6. So we set out thence at break of day, leaving the placecalledPortus; and, as the doings of the holy martyr had already beenrumoured abroad, we were met by the brethren, who were filled at oncewith fear and with joy— with joy because they were vouchsafed thismeeting with the God-bearer, with fear because so good a man was onhis way to execution. And some of them he also charged to hold theirpeace, when in the fervour of their zeal they said that they would staythe people from seeking the death of the righteous man. For havingrecognised these at once by the Spirit and having saluted all of them,he asked them to show him genuine love, and discoursed at greaterlength than in his epistle, and persuaded them not to grudge one whowas hastening to meet his Lord; and then, all the brethren falling ontheir knees, he made entreaty to the Son of God for the churches, forthe staying of the persecution, and for the love of the brethren one toanother, and was led away promptly to the amphitheatre. Then forthwithhe was put into the arena in obedience to the previousordersof Caesar, just as the sports were drawing to a close (for the day calledthe Thirteenth in the Roman tongue was, as they thought, a high day,on which they eagerly flocked together), whereupon he was thrown bythese godlessmen to savage brutes, and so the desire of the holymartyr Ignatius was fulfilled forthwith (according to the saying ofScripture The desire of the righteous man is acceptable), that he mightnot be burdensome to any of the brethren by the collection of hisreliques, according as he had already in his epistle expressed his desirethat his own martyrdom might be. For only the tougher parts of hisholy reliques were left,and these were carried back to Antioch andlaid in a sarcophagus, being left to the holy Church a priceless treasureby the Divine grace manifested in the martyr.before the Kalends of7.Now these things happened on the 13thJanuary, when Sura, and Senecio for the second time, were consulsamong the Romans.Having with tears beheld these things with our own eyes, and havingwatched all night long in the house, and having often and again entreatedthe Lord with supplication on our knees to confirm the faith ofus weak men after what had passed, when we had fallen asleep for awhile, some of us suddenly beheld the blessed Ignatius standing by and

ANTIOCHENE ACTS. 579embracing us, while by others again he was seen praying over us, andby others dripping with sweat, as if he were come from a hard struggleand were standing at the Lord's side with much boldness and unutterableglory. And being filled with joy at this sight, and comparing thevisions of our dreams, after singing hymns to God the giver of goodthings and lauding the holy man, we have signified unto you both theat the seasonday and the time, that we may gather ourselves togetherof the martyrdom and hold communion with the athlete and valiantmartyr of Christ, who trampled the devil under foot and accomplishedthe race of his Christian devotion, in Christ Jesus our Lord, throughwhom and with whom is the glory and the power unto the Father withthe Holy Spiritfor ever and ever. Amen.2.ROMAN ACTS.1. TN the ninth year of the reign of Trajan Caesar, being the secondyear of the 223rd Olympiad, in the consulship of Atticus Surbanusand Marcellus, Ignatius who became bishop of Antioch thesecond in order after the Apostles (for he succeeded Euodius) wasescorted under the strictest custody of guards from Syria to the city ofthe Romans on account of his testimony to Christ. Now his keeperswere bodyguards of Trajan, ten in number, savage wretches with thetempers of wild beasts ;and they conducted the blessed saint a prisonerthrough Asia and thence to Thrace and Rhegium by land and sea,illusing the holy man day and night, although in every city they werekindly treated by the brethren. Yet none of these things appeasedtheir fury, but they crushed the saint with implacable and pitilesseyes,as he himself bears witness, saying in a passage in one of his epistles ;From Syria even unto Rome I fight with wild beasts, [conducted'] by landand sea, bound amidst ten leopards, I mean a band of soldiers, who onlygrow worse, when they are kindly treated.2.Having set sail therefore from Rhegium they arrive in Rome;and they announced his coming to the emperor. Then the emperorcommanded him to be brought before him in the presence of theSenate, and said to him ;Art thou that Ignatius who turned the cityof the Antiochenes upside down, insomuch that it hath come tomy ears37~2

580 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.that thou didst draw away all Syria from the religion of the Greeks to thereligion of the Christians. Ignatius said ; Would, O king, that I wereable to draw thee also away from thine idolatry, and bringthee to the Godof the universe, and present thee a friend of Christ, and make thine empiremore secure to thee. Trajan said ; If thou desirest to confer a favour on mea?id to be reckoned among my friends, abandon this mind and sacrifice tothe gods, and thou shall be high-priest of mighty Zeus and shall share mykingdom with me. Ignatius said ;It is right to confer those favoursonly, O king, which do no harm to the soul, not those which condemn toeternal punishment. But thy promises, which thou didst promise to bestowon vie,I judge worthy of no account. For neither do I serve gods ofwhom I have no knowledge, nor do I know who this Zeus of thine is, nordo I desire a worldly kingdom.'For what shall it profit me, if I shallgain the whole world and forfeit mine own soulV Trajan said; Thouseemest to me to be utterly devoid of sound sense ;and therefore thou /widestmy promises cheap. So then, if thou provokest me to displeasure, I willpunish thee with every kind of torture, not only as disobedient but also asungrateful, and as refusing to submit to the decree of the sacred senate andsacrifice [to the gods]. Ignatius said; Do as seemeth fit to thee ; for Ioffer no sacrifice.For neither fire nor cross nor rage of wild beasts norloss of limbs shall induce me to fall away from the living God: for I lovenot the present world, but Christ who died and rose for me.3.The Senate said ;We know that the gods are immortal ; but howsayest thou, Ignatius, that Christ died? Ignatius said; My lord, thoughHe died, died by reason of a dispensation, but rose again after three days ;while your gods died as mortals and were not raised up. For instanceZeus is buried in Crete, and /Esculapius struck by a thunder-bolt inCynosura ; Aphrodite is buried in Pap hos with Cinyras; Hercules is consumedby fire.For your gods deserved such punishments, since they were incontinentand evildoers and corruptors of men; whereas our Lord, even thoughHe was crucified and died, yet showed His own power by rising from thedead and avenging Him on His murderers by your hands. And again;your gods were made by Him to pay the penalty as workers of iniquity ;whereas our Lord was slain in the flesh by wicked men who could not bearHis rebukes, after He had shown all beneficence but had met with ingratitudefrom unbelievers. Trajan said ;/ advise thee to shun death andcling to life. Ignatius said; Thou advisest me well, O king; for I fleefrom eternal death and take refuge in eternal life. Trajan said ;And howmany deaths are there ? Ignatius said; Two; the one momentary, theother eternal. And so likewise there are two lives ; the one for a briefspace, the other eternal. Trajan said ; Sacrifice to the gods and shun

ROMAN ACTS. 58 1punishment ; for thou a?~t not better tha?t the Senate. Ignatius said To;what gods wouldest thou have me sacrifice? To hi??i who was shut up in acask thirteen months for adultery ? Or to the blacksmith with the crippledfeet ? Or to him who failed in his divination a?id was defeated by a woman ?Or to the man-woman who was torn to pieces by Titans ? Or to those whobuilt the walls of Ilium and were defrauded of their wages ?Or to thosegoddesses who iniitate the doings of men and forget the doings of women ?I am asha??ied to speak ofgods who are sorcerers and violaters of boys andadulterers, changing themselves, as you say, i?ito an eagle and a bull, andinto gold, and into a swan and a dragon, not for any good purpose but forthe subversion of others' wedlock — gods whom ye ought to loathe and not toworship as ye do.To these deities your wives pray, that they may preservetheir chastity for you!Trajan said ;I make myself an accomplice with theein thy blasphe??iy towards the gods, because I do not torture thee. Ignatiussaid ;/ have told thee long ago, that I am ready for every torture and everykind of death, since I a?n eager to go to God.4. Trajan said ; If thou wilt not sacrifice, thou shall repent of it.Therefore spare thyself, before thou come to harm. Ignatius said ;UnlessI had spared myself, I should have fidfilled thy commands. Trajansaid ;Torture his back with leaded thongs. Ignatius said ;Thou hast intensifiedmy longingfor God, O king. Trajan said ;Lacerate his sides withhooks and rub salt into his wounds. Ignatius said ; My whole mindyearneth intejisely towards God, and I make no account of what I suffer.Trajan said; Sacrifice to the gods. Ignatius said; To what gods? Perchancethou biddest me sacrifice to the gods of the Egyptians, to a calf and agoat, to a?i ibis a?id an ape a?id a venomous asp, or to a wolf and a dog,to a lion and a crocodile, or to the fire of the Persians, or to the water ofthe sea, or to infernal Pluto, or to Hermes the thief Trajan said ;/ saidunto thee, Sacrifice ; for thou wilt get no good by talking thus. Ignatiussaid ;/ said unto thee, I do not neither sacrifice, forsake I the o?ie only God,who ?nade the heaven and the earth, the sea and all things that are therein,who hath power over all flesh ; the God of spirits and Xing of everythingsensible and intelligible. Trajan said ; Why what hindereth thee fro??iworshipping him as God,if he existeth, and these likewise whom we allacknowledge in common ? Ignatius said ;Natural discernment, when it isunclouded, doth not confound falsehood with truth, darkness with light,bitter with sweet. For woe threateneth such as make no distinction betweenthese. For What ' agree7nent hath Christ with Belial'? Or what portionhath a believer with an unbeliever ? And what concord is there between atemple of God a?id idols ? '5. Trajan said ; Open out his hands and fill them with fire. Ignatius

5§2 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.said ;Neither fire that burnetii nor teeth of wild beasts nor wrenchingof bones nor manglings of my whole body, nay not the tortures of thedevil, shall separate me from my love towards God. Trajan said ; Dippaper in oil and steep it till it is soft ; then set fireto it a?id bum hissides. Ignatius said; Thou seemest to me, O king, not to know thatthere is a God living within me, and He supplieth me with strength andhardeneth my soul ; for otherwise I should not have been able to bear thytortures. Trajan said ;Thou art made of iron, methinks, and art quitecallous ; forelse thou wouldest have yielded after all this, with the painof thy wounds, and have sacrificed to the gods. Ignatius said ;7? isnot because I do not feel the tortures, O king, that I sustain and endurethem, but because in the hope of good things to come my affection towardsGod doth relieve my pains : for neither burning fire nor drenching watershall ever have power to quench my love towards God. Trajan said ;Bring fire and spread live coals on the ground, and make Ignatius standon them, that so at length he may be induced to submit to me and to sacrificeto the gods. Ignatius said The; burning of this fire of thine leadethme to remembrance of the eternal and unquenchable fire, though this is butfor a season. Trajan said; / suppose it is by some sorcerythat thoudespisest the tortures : for otherwise thou wouldest have submitted to us,after suffering so much at our hands. Ignatius said ;Tell me, how canmen who abandon demons, as being rebels against God, and abominate idols,be sorcerers ? Surely ye who worship these are more justly open to suchreproaches ; but for us it is ordai?ied by law that we suffer not wizardsnor enchanters nor observers of omens to live ; nay we are wont to burneven the books of those that practise curious arts, as infamous.Therefore it isnot I that am a sorcerer, but ye, since ye worship the demons. Trajan said ;By the gods y Ignatius, I am weary of thee by this time, and I am at a losswhat tortures I shall apply to thee to induce thee to submit to the orderswhich are given thee. Ignatius said ;Grow not weary, O king, but eitherput me into the fire, or hack me with the sword, or cast me into the deep, orthrow me to wild beasts, that thou mayesl be convinced that none of thesethings is terrible to us for the love we have to God.6.Trajan said ;What hope thou hast in prospect, Ignatius, that thouart dying in these sufferings which thou endurest, I cannot say. Ignatiussaid ; They that are ignorant of the God who is over all and of theLord Jesus Christ, are ignorant also of the good things that are preparedfor the godly. Wherefore they consider that their existence is confined tothis world only, even as that of brutes without reason ;and they picture tothemselves nothing better after their departure hence.But we who haveknowledge of godliness are aware that after our departure hence we shall

ROMAN ACTS. 58 1rise again a?id have an everlasting life in Christ, a life which shall neverfail neither give place to another, and from which pain and grief andmourning have fled away. Trajan said; I will destroy your heresy andwill bring you to your senses and teach you not to fight obstinately againstthe decrees of the Roma?is. Ignatius said ;And who is able, O king, todestroy God's building? [for] if a man shall attempt it,he will gainnothing but to wage war against God. For Christianity will not onlynot be destroyed by men, but will increase daily by the power of Christin growth and magnitude. It will advance in the same manner andin the same course, flashing out coruscations alike of splendour and ofawe :for ' The whole earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the Lord,as much water covereth the seas' But thou doest not well, O king, tocall Christianity a heresy ; for heresy is far apart fro)n Christianity.Nay, Christianity is the full knowledge of the true and very God andof His only begotten Son and of His dispensation in the flesh and Histeaching, this infallible religion being accompanied also by the virtues of ouroutward life. But what men among us hast thou known to love factionand war, and not to pay obedience to rulers whereinsoever obedience isfree from peril, living peacefully and harmoniously in friendly i7itercourse,''paying to all their due, tribute to ivhom tribute is due, fear towhom fear, customs to whom customs, honour to whom honour] beingcareful to ' owe no man anything save to love one another ' ? For we havebeen taught by our Lord not only to ''love our neighbour'' but also to l dogood to our ene??iy' and to Hove them that hate us' and to 'pray for themthat evil intreat us and persecute us.' But say wherein the preaching ofChristia?iity hath thwarted thee, since it began. Hath any strange disasterbefallen the empire of the Romans ? Nay, was not the rule of manyexchangedfor the rule of one And 1 did not Augustus thy ancestor, i?i whoselime our Saviour was borfi of a virgin, and He who till then was Godt?ie Word beca??ie also man for our sakes, reign nearly a whole age, havingfor fifty-seven whole years and six months besides swayed the ejnpire of theRomans and ruled alone, as none other did of those who went before him ?Was not every tribe made subject to him, while the former separation ofnations and their mutual hatred ceased from the time when our Savioursojourned upon earth ?7.The Senate said ; Yes, these things are so as thou hast said,Ignatius; but this it is which vexeth us, that he abolished the worship ofthe gods. Ignatius said ;O illustrious Senate, just as He subjected the lessintelligent natioiis to the rule of the Romans, which our oracles call c a rodof iron,' so also He drove away from mankind the tyrannical spirits of evil,by proclaiming one only God, even Him that is over all. And not only this,

584 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.but He wrought deliverance also from the cruel bondageunder their bloodthirstyand pitilessrule.Did they not revel in the death of those dearest toyou ? Did they not enibrue you with civil wars ? Did they not compel you tobehave unseemly, exposing you naked as a spectacle, and carrying your wivesnaked in procession as if they were prisoners of war, defiling the earth withbloodshed, and darkening the pure air with impurities ? Ask the Scythianswhether they did not sacrifice human beings to Artemis ; for assuredly, thoughye may deny for very shame the slaughter of a virgin to Cronos, the Greeksglory in such human sacrifices, having derived this wicked practice frombarbarians. Trajan said ; By the gods, I admire thee, Ignatius, for thymuch learning, even though I praise thee not for thy religion. Ignatiussaid ;And zvhat dost thou condemn in our divine religion ?Trajan said;That ye worship not our lord the Sun, 7ior the Heaven, nor the holyMoon the common nurse of all. Ignatius said ;And who would choose,O king, to worship the Sun which hath an outward shape, which fallethunder the senses, which sheddeth and again replenisheth from fire theheat which it hath shed, which undergoeth eclipse,which can never changeits own order against the mind of Him that ordered it to accomplish itscourse ? And how should the heaven be worshipped, which is veiled withclouds, which the Creator ' stretched out as a hide'' and 'fixed as a vault'and set firm as a cube ? or the moon which waxeth and diminisheth andwaiieth and is subject to vicissitudes ? But to say that because their lightis bright men ought therefore to worship them is to say what is altogetheruntrue: for they were given for illumination to men and not for worship ;they were appointed to mellow and warm the fruits, to brighten the dayand to illumine the night. And the stars of the heaven too were appointedfor signs and for seasons and for notes of time and to cheer and sustain themariners. But none of these ought to be worshipped, neither water whichye call Poseidon, nor firewhich ye call Heph&stos, nor air which ye callHere, nor earth which ye call Demeter, nor the fruits. For all thesethings, though they have been made for our sustenance, are yet perishableand lifeless.8. Trajan said; Did I not then say rightly at the beginning,that thouart he who did turn the East upside down, forbiddingit to revere?ice thegods ? Ignatius said And doth it vex; thee, O king, that we advisemen not to reverence things which ought not to be worshipped, but the trueand living God, the maker of heaven and earth, and His only-begottenSon ?for this is the only true religioji, supreme and undisputed, takingdelight in divine and spiritual doctrines. But the teaching of the Greekreligion which prevaileth among you is an atheist polytheism, easily upset,unstable, veering about, and standing on no secure foundation : for

ROMAN ACTS. 585'The instruction that is without reproof goeth astray? For how is it not fullof falsehoods of all kinds, when at one time it saith that the common godsof the universe are twelve in number, and then again supposeth them to bemore ?Trajan said / can no; longer bear thine insolence, for thou revilestus shamefully, desiring to defeat us with thy glibness of speech. Thereforesacrifice; for thou hast said enough with all the fine words wherewith thouhast deluged us.If not, I will torture thee again and afterwa7'ds give theeto wild beasts. Ignatius said How; long dost thou threaten and not fulfilthy promises ? For I am a Christian and I offer no sacrifice to wickeddemons, but I worship the true God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,who'enlightened me with the light of k7iowledge,' and ''opened mine eyesto discern His marvellous things? Him I revere7ice and honour: forHe is God and Lord and King and 'only Potentate?9. Trajan said; I put thee to death 071 a gridiron, unless thou repe7itest.Ignatius said ; Fepentance fro77i evil deeds is a 7ioble thing, Oking, but repe7itance fro77i good deeds is cri77iinal: for we ought to betakeourselves to a better course a7id not to a worse. NotJwigis better thangodliness. Trajan said; Lacerate his back with hooks, saying to him, Obeythe se7iate.the e77iperor and sacrifice to the gods accordi7ig to the decree ofIgnatius said; I fear the decree of God which saith Thou * shall have noneother gods but me J and He l that sacrificeth to other gods shall be put todeath? But when senate and ki7ig bid 77ie tra7isgress the laws, I do notUste7i to them :for ' Thou shall not accept the person of a ruler, 1 so thelaws distinctly say, and ' Thou shall not co7isort with numbers to doevil? Trajan said; Pour vinegar 77iixed with salt uponhis wounds.Ignatius said ;All things that befall 77iefor co7ifessing God 77111st be bornethat they 77iay be the harbi7igers of rewards :for ' The suffer-ings of thepresent season are not worthy in comparison of the glorythat shall berevealed? Trajan said; Spare thyself, fellow, henceforth, and submit to theorders given thee ; for, if not, I will e77iploy worse tortures agai7ist thee.Ignatius said ;'Who shall separate us from the love ofChrist ? Shalltribulation or distress or persecution or famine or 7iaked}iess or peril orsword? For I a77ipersuaded that neither life nor death ' shall be able topart me fro77i godliness, bei7ig C07ifidenti7i the power of Christ. Trajansaid; Thinkest thou to gain a victory over 77ie by thine e7idurancei for 77ianis a creature fo7id of victory. Ignatius said ;/ do not think but believethat I have prevailed and shall prevail, that thou 77iayest lear7i how wide isthe gulf between godliness and imgodliness. Trajan said; Take hi??i andput him in irons and, when ye have 77iade his feet fast in the stocks, throwhi7n into the inner prison^ and let no person whatsoever see him in the

586 MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.dungeon. And for three days and three nights let him eat no bread anddrink no water, that after the three days he may be cast to wild beasts andso departfroin life. The Senate said ;We too giveour assent to the sentenceagainst him : for he insulted its all along with the emperor, in notconsenting to sacrifice to the gods, bid he persisted that he was a Christian.Ignatius said ''Blessed be the;God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ''who of His abundant goodness vouchsafed that I should be a partaker ofthe sufferings of His Christ and a true and faithful witness of HisGodhead.10. On the third day Trajan, having summoned the Senate andthe prefect, went forth into the amphitheatre, where also was a concourseof the Roman people for ; they had heard that the bishop fromSyria was to fight with wild beasts. And he ordered the holy Ignatiusto be led in. And when he beheld him, he said to him ;/ wonderthat thou art alive after so many tortures and so long famine. But nowat length obey me, that thou may est escape fromthe miseries which lie inthy path, and thou shall have us as thyfriend. Ignatius said; Thou seemestto me to have the form of a man but the ways of a fox, which fawnethwith its tail while it plotteth in its mind; for thou feignest the words ofone kindly disposed, and yet thy counsels are not sound. So understand henceforthplainly, that I make no account of this mortal and frail life forJesus' sake whom I desire. I go my way to Him ; for He is the breadI am wholly His, and Iof immortality and the draught of eternal life.yearn for Him in my mind ; a?id I despise thy tortures, and I spit uponthy glory. Trajan said ;Since he is insolent and contemptuous, bifid himfast, and let two lions loose upon him, that they may not leave so much as arelique ofhim behind. But when the wild beasts were let loose, the blessedsaint beholding them said to the people Ye; Romans, who are spectatorsof this contest, I suffer these things, not for any base action or any blameablething, but for godliness. For I am the wheat of God, and I am groundby the teeth of wild beasts that I may be found pure bread. But Trajan,when he heard these things, was greatly astonished saying; Great isthe endurance of those who set their hope on Christ ; [for] what Greek oras this manbarbarian ever endured for his own god such sufferingsendureth for him in whom he believeth ?Ignatius said ;7/ is no work ofhuman power that I bear up against such sufferings, but of zeal aridfaith alone, which are drazvn into conformity with Christ. And when hehad said these things, the lions rushed upon him, and attacking himfrom either side crushed him to death only, but did not touch hisflesh,so that his reliques might be a protection to the great city of the

ROMAN ACTS. 587Romans, in which likewise Peter was crucified and Paul was beheadedand Onesimus was made perfect by martyrdom.11. But Trajan rose up and was filled with wonder and amazement.Meanwhile letters reach him from Plinius Secundus the governor, whowas troubled at the number of those that underwent martyrdom, seeinghow they died for the faith. He also informed him at the same timethat they did nothing impious or contrary to the laws ; only they roseat daybreak and sang a hymn to Christ as God; [for this they underwentpunishment;] but adultery and murder and horrible offences akin tothese they were the first to forbid, and in all things their conduct was inaccordance [with the laws].Whereupon we are told that Trajan takinginto consideration what had happened in the case of the blessed [andholy] Ignatius — for he led the van in the army of martyrs — issued adecree to the effect that the Christian people should not be soughtout, but when accidentally found should be punished. And as regardsthe reliques of the blessed Ignatius he gave orders that those whowished to take them up and bury them should not be hindered. Thenthe brethren in Rome, to whom also he had written asking them notto sue for his deliverance from martyrdom, and thus rob him of hischerished hope, took his body and laid it apart in a place where theywere permitted to assemble themselves together and praise God andHis Christ for the perfecting of the holy bishop and martyr Ignatius;for The memory of the righteous is commended.12. And Irenaeus also, the bishop of Lyons,is aware of his martyrdom,and makes mention of his epistles in these words : One of ourown people,when condemned to wild beasts for his testimony towards God,hath said ;I am the wheat of God and I am ground by the teeth of wildbeasts, that I may be found pure bread. And Polycarp also, who wasbishop of the brotherhood sojourning in Smyrna, makes mention of thesethings, when writing to the Philippians; I exhort you all thereforeto beobedient and to practise all endurance, such as ye saw with your own eyesnot only in the blessed saints Ignatius and Rufus and Zosimus, but also inmany others ofyour own people, and in Paul himself and those ivho believedtogether ivith him, how that all these ran not in vain, but in faith andrighteousness, and that they are gone to the place assigned to them inthe presence of the Lord, whose sufferings also they shared. For theyloved not the present zvorld, but yearned afterChrist who died and roseagain for us. And again after a short space ;The letters of Ignatiuswhich zvere sent to us by him, and all others which we had in our keeping,we send to you, as ye enjoined; the which are subjoined to this letter. Where-

5%% MARTYRDOM OF S. IGNATIUS.from ye shall get great profit, for they contain faith and patient endurance\which looketh to our Lord [Jesus Christ].Such was the martyrdom of Ignatius and his successor in;thebishopric of Antioch was Hero. Now the commemoration of the bravemartyr Ignatius, who was very dear to God, is in the month Panemus,on the firstday of the month.

ADDENDA.Additiofial MSS of the Antiochene Acts including the Epistleto the Ro?nans.The Antiochene Acts of Martyrdom, which incorporate theEpistle tothe Romans in its Middle (genuine) form, have been known hitherto onlyfrom a single MS, Paris. 1451(see I. p. 75, II. p. 363). The recent researchesof Prof. Rendel Harris, to whom I am deeply indebted, have revealed twoother MSS in the libraries of the East. Unfortunately these MSS, like Paris.145 1, are comparatively late and belong to the same family; but it is a distinctgain to have a threefold cord of evidence for the Greek text, which hashitherto hung on a single thread.(1) The first of these, designated A in the following collation, is 18 S.Sab. in the Library of the Patriarch at Jerusalem. An account isgiven ofthis library by Prof. Rendel Harris in Haverford College Studies ;no. 1,p. 1 sq. It comprises three collections of books now gathered under oneroof, namely those of (1) the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem; (2) the Conventof Mar Saba near the Dead Sea; (3) the Convent of the Holy Cross abouttwo miles from Jerusalem on the Jaffa road.The MS in question belongs to the second of these. A photograph wasprocured from which the collation was taken. The Martyrdom of Ignatiusis followed immediately by the Acts of the Cretan Martyrs, Theodulus,Saturninus, etc (Dec. 23). The MS seems to belong to the xth century.(2) The second of these MSS, designated B in the collation, is in theLibrary of the Monastery of Sinai (no. 519). It is briefly described inGardthausen's Catalogue of the Sinai MSS thus;Aoyoi iravrjyvpiKoi (m. Sept. Febr.) cod. membr. 38*5 x 38*9 centim., biniscolumnis, scr. saec. x, quamquam lineae summas litteras stringunt.Incipit primo folio (manu rec. scr.) martyrio Symeonis Stylitae, geuou kcunapaboôv (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. x. p. 324, Harles). Ultimus titulus ;in fol.a-p.6 (verso) Martyrium Martiniani (m. Febr. d. xiii). Codex in fine mutilusest.This MS omits large portions of the Epistle to the Romans; but itsomissions do not correspond either with those of the Curetonian Syriac orwith those of the Metaphrast.

59° ADDENDA.Vol. II. p. 477. MAPTYPION irNATIOY A] fxaprvpiov tov ayiov peyaXofiaprvposlyvariov tov Beocpopov A; p.aprvpiov tov ayiov lyvariov tov 6eo(popov B.2 a7rocrr6Xoi;] AB.p. 478. I ev\ rjvA; yv B. aTrooToXiKos] aTroo-ToXiKcdS A. ei>] Sioypcov A.Kv^€pvr]Trji\ KoifitpviTrjS A. oiWi] ua/a A. wyoretas] viaTelas A. 5 rijcrvveê/a] praef. AB. *cai to> tovu> rco irvevp.aTiK(f\A om.;B. 6 ttjsavTiK€ip.evr]s avreixev 8vvdp.ecos] tt)v dvTiK.eip.evr)v dvrelx*v (dvTrjxev A) AB.7 SXiyoyj/vx^v] oXiyooyj/vx^v A. aKepaioTepcov 0770/80X77] dicaipeoiTepov dno-/3aXet A.p. 479» 8 roiyapotw] Toiyap ovv A.rjvcfipaiveTo'] rjvcbpeveTO A. eVtrco] eVt ro A. 9 Xcocp^crairros'] XoCplaavTOS A. Stcoypou] Sioypot) A.IO rprxaXXev] rfo-xaXev A. cWcosr^?AB. ] II e(pa\^d/Liei/o?]A; vcpayjsdp,evosB. TeXetas] reXt'a? A. roij] A add. avTov B. 12; papri/piotT] pap-Toiplov A. yij/opeVrpv] AB. 13 TrXeoV] AB. it poaoiK€iovo~av] npbsoIk€lv] 6Tr) ivapa p.evov A. Kai] AB. 3 ypacpcoj/]Oeicov ypacpcov AB. eVeruyâi/ej/] A; eneTvyxave yap B. 5 yap] AB.eWorw] AB.eret]B ; err; A. 6 rr; 1/1*77 777]B ; r7)i/ 1///C771/ ttjs A.7 AaKai]/] AB. erepcov 7roXXcoi/] AB. i/opicraj/ros] B ;add. avTov A.9 awrripo] avo-Tipia A. ci pr)] praef. /cat AB. rco*/ oaipoVcoi/] AB.p. 481. IO cXolto XaTpeiav] B; eXtro XaTplav A. II 8icoyp,bv virop.eveivB d7T€iXi]o-avTos] ;bioypatv \mop.ivr)v d7roXrjo-avTos A.7rav7-as'] praef. o (poftosAB. 12 rovy ejJo-f/3c3s £coi/ras] AB. 13 (poj3r]de\s~\ 7rep(3evr]v A. p.eTa totj] peraro AB. 3 aVoKaXel Ka/coSaipora] ajTOKaX^ naKtt>daip.ova A. 4 pa/cpai/] om.AB. 5 el de] AB. kokoj/]A; praef. ko\ B. 6 oVo/mXer?] oVo/coX^s- A.e^coi/ ray...KaraXvco] AB. 8 t'ls\AB. IO Tjpei?] r)p.r)sA. SofcoOpez/]8a)Kovp.ev A. II 01?] A; 04 B. ^pcopeâ] xpo^Ba A. 1 3 e'crrii/] ecrriz/A ;eo~Ti B. 14 tov ovpavbvj AB.p. 483. 16 auroi)] rov #eou AB.cpiXi'a?] ftacriXeias AB. oj/atpr/z/] coVaip.t]vA. 17 IltXarov] 7rr;Xarou A. 18 rr}^] add. epr)i/ AB. 20 Kaniav]irXavqv v auT&v A; tov avTov B. 21 cpopels]cpepeis B. 22 tov Xpio~Tov] tov aTavpcodevTa AB. 23 ivoiKijaoi] evot-Kiaa) A; praef. otl B. ep7rfpi7rarr)crcD] ep7rfpi7rariVco A. 25 Xeyoi^Ta]Xe'ycojvra A. 26 o-rpartcor&ji'] B ; aTpaTioTcov A. p.eydXr)v] AB. 27 y6-vqo-6p.evov~\ yevvqcr(op.evov A. els otyiv

ADDENDA.59 T6 €7ricTT)[XOs] €7Ti] AB. 9 7Tpo#t;pia?] 7rpo6oiu.iasA. IO inidvpia] hnQoifiia A. KareX#coz/] KareXBbv A. II 2eXeu-Aceiai/]aeXevKiav A. 12 per a 7roXt»i/ Kaparov] AB. Spvpraicoi/] crpvpvecovA. 13 1/7705] reo? A. noXuKap7rov tov 2p.vpva.iccv] TroXXoiKapnov tovapvpvicov A.p. 485. 15 eyeyoveurav] iyeyopurav A. 'icoawou] praef. roC dyiov dnocrToXovAB. 16 KaraxcVi? kcli TvvevpariKcov ovtco Koivcuvrjcrai] KaTa^8fj9 kcu irvevpatikovovtco Koivovtcras A. 1 8 crvvaBXeiv] AB. paXtcrra] fiaXXiara A.19 reov]B ;tov A. Itvictkottcov kcu] B om. A. 20 nai ;prim.] AB.diaicovcov] B; biciKovov A. 21 cKKX^crtai] al

59 2 ADDENDA.p. 197. 5 ^77] om. AB. 7 yap] after ov AB. V pas] AB. dv8pa>-TrapecrKr)o-ai\ dvdpamapeo-Kio-ai A. aXXa 0e]A ;nore iya> e£(o KaipbvB. toiovtop] AB. 9 e'ai>] A; ai/B.p. 198. Icria>7nj(TT]Te] a-LOTrrjaire A; crico7r^rc B. KpetTTovi] KpiTTcovi A.eêre] eêrat A.p. 199. 2 yap] AB.A ;def. B. 5 eveoriv] ev eanv (sic) A (ev prefixed in margin) ;def. B.p. 207. 5 eVtrvêii/] eVinî/ A. Geou] A. 6 odovTcov] odovTOv A.a\rj6opai\ dXedopai A.p. 208. I tov Xpi

ADDENDA. 593p. 212. I (TTpaTia>TiK.ov\ (TTpariajTcou B ; crrpaTLorav (sic) A.p. 213. 2 yivovrai] yivavrai A.ddtKijiJiacriv] d8iK.ifj.aaiu AA;p. 214. IpaXXov] pdXXcov A. 2 6vaipr)v\ wviprjv A. rcov 6ripL

594 ADDENDA.p. 227. 2 Aauei'S] add. kcu dfipadp, AB. 7ro/xa] add. 6eov AB.3 a(f)dapTOs] add. nai divvaos £u>rj (£u>t} A) AB.p. 228. I ovk rrt... avail avaai (p. 234 1. 3)] om. B. ovk en] ovkcttj A.(rjv] £eli/ A. 2 êX^'cn/re] deXtfcrirai A. 3 airou/z.at] alrovpat (bis) A.4 vpiy ra€ra (pavepcoaei] vplv ravra (pavaipcocrei A. 5 dXrjdcos X/ya>] aXitfeos'A. e'y A. 6 iXdXrjaev dXrjOcos] dXr)Qa>s eXdXrjo-ev A def. B.;alrrjcraaOe] alrâaadai A. 7 ^ irvevfian dyico]om. A;def. B.p. 229. 8 Kara yvcop.rjv\ Kara yvoipiv A. rjBeXrjo-are] A. 9 a7roSo-Kipacr#co] a7To8oKT]pacrdco A. IO pi^poi/euere] pvr)p.a>veveTat A. 7rpo(rev^]A; def. B. II 7roipevi] noipevT] A. 12 'iqcrous' Xpto-ros] xP l0 ~ TOS °6ebs (om. Irjcrovs) A. e7rtorK07TT;crfi] eirMTKonlcrei A. 1 3 de] A; def. B.atfrx^ôMd] iorj(vva>[iai A. ou5e yap] A. 14 a£ios elfiij A.A;p. 230. 2 Se£apeVcoi>] 8e£ap.evov (sic) A.p. 231. 4 Trpoor^Koixrat] irpocreiKovcrai A. 5 770X11/] 7ToXt;j/ A. Trporjyov]def. B.Ip. 232. Se] A. 1pvpvT]s] crpvpvis A. 2 d£iopaKapio-Tcoz>] dîcopaKapiaToavA. cartv 5c /cat]A;def. B. 3 kcu KpoKos] KpoKos (om. Kai) A;def. B. pot] A ;def. B.A;P« 2 33« 4 r®y TpoeXOoprav fie] A; def. B. 5 T°v ©cou] #eo{) (om. tov)def. B.Ip. 234. S^Xajtrare] SiXcao-are A. e'yyu?] eyyols A. rov GeoO] A;def. B. vp.1v €(ttiv] A def. B.; 3 eypa\â k.t.X.]B resumes. 4 Sorrep/3piW]add. Tovricmv avyovarov (av8ov(TTOv A) eiKaSt fp'^rj (

ADDENDA. 595AB.tt)?]B ;tis A. râx^XXov] ^0"xaXoi> A. l 7 KaTeneiyovcriv]KaTeniyovo-iv A. 1 8 ecodev opfirfdevres] icoOrjaavTes A; ecoOlcrauTes B.19 8ieTrep/3aXcWes'] B; avpj3dXXovTes A. 9 r° I/ Sor^pa] tcov boTrfpa A. 12 koii/covcopve]Koivcovofiev (sic) A. 1 3 yevvaico pdpTvpi XptcrroO] B j p,dprvptyevvaico tov ^ptcrrow A. KaraTrarT/travri] KaTaTraTicravTi A. 14 fat tov...7)pcoj/]AB. reXeicocrayrt] reXecocrai/ra A.p. 495. 16 r

59ÂDDENDA.Additional MSS of the Acts of the Metaphrast.Though it is no part of my work to deal with the text of the Metaphrast,Ithought it might be useful to others if I included a collation which Prof.Rendel Harris procured of this text from Sin. 508. This MS is described byGardtbausen;Aoyoi TravrjyvpiKoi (m. Dec.) cod. membr. 33 x 25*6 centim., binis columnissaec. x scr., quamquam lineae summas litteras stringunt...In initio codexmutilus est. Primus titulus diei Danielis prophetae (Ae/c. t|),ultimus MelaniaeRomanae (Ae/c. Xa).It isdesignated S in the following collation.Notae nonnullae additae sunt latine scriptae.Prof. Rendel Harris has also collated (for the Epistle to the Romansonly) a Jerusalem MS of the eleventh century, S. Sep. vii f. 236, designatedH in the collation.The collation has been made with Funk's textin Ope?'a Patruni Apostolicorum(1881) vol. 2, pp. 246 sq.I 1. 6 Evobov] Evobov S. tov] S. 2. 8 eri] after tov Xpiarrbv S.2. 12 deêrai] bi^-qrai S. 2. 14 cracpws] aocf)d>s S.II 1. 16 rw t?)s Kara 2p,vpvav eKKXrjcrias] ra> Kara...'2p,vpvav eKKkrjcrias (a gapin the MS after Kara) S. 3. 22 o-vxva>]S.(p. 247) 3. 1 eV] S.3. 2 £77X01/ Kal bibacrKaXiav] S. bidicovos rjbrj] rjbrjbiaKOVos S. 3. 4 ^ r ]~plots... irapabode om. is] S. dva\afta>v] om. S.III 1. IO e'lrovv] elro (sic) S. 1. II eKeivcos] exelvos S. 1. 12 ovtcos]ovtco S. 3. 18 Tore] to be (sic) S. 4. 21 e'lrj] e'l S. 4. 23 Kara-KpiOeuTa] S.IV 1.29 o-v el] ai) (om. el) S. 1. 30 cprjo-iv] e(pr] S. (p. 248) 1. Iivacrav dvdaTarov] dvaararov iracrav S. 2. 4 o 6V] S. 2. 5 TFepKpepavj S.3. 6 7T(pi(p€p€is]S. (prjcriv] eCpr) S. 4. 9 Cpepeiv] S. 5. 12 els yap] S.5. 15 ecTTt] S. co] S. 77oXXco] S. 5. 17 tfcrav...p.ovip.a>Tepa] rjcrav KalKopLibfj vop.ipwrepa S.V 1. 22 avTol] S. 2. 23 Qeo

tovADDENDA. 597VIII 1. 20 els] S. 1. 21irj Kal] rj (om. Kai) S. 1. 22 av6r}aeii\ dv-Orjo-rj S. 1. 25 7Tws av] ttcos (om. civ) S. 1. 26 U7re£ayayen £0077?] S.2. 29 KO«>a>crapeVoi/]S. pef] S. 2. 3 1 Sdi/] S. cpacriV] cpqcriV S.(p. 251) 2. 3 cfypcrii/] 6rjplois S. 3. 4 v(pe£ei] vcpetjeiv S.IX 1. 7 Toi5rou...apearai'ros] S. 2. 9 7rpoo-aycoi/] S. 2. 1 1 nXelov]nXelcov S. 3. 12 p^Ve] S. 3. 14 e-yfsr)(pio-p.eva] S. 3. 1 5 7Tept-#eiVai] TvepiOrjvai S.X 1. 20 ctTr6

59§ ADDENDA.XXIV 1. 5 reXos] S. 1. 7 avveXOovres] iX06vres S. 1. 9 dKaba]el/cddi S. 1. IO ayovros] S. 2. 12 decrpios e| 'Ai/noêta?] e'£ 'AirioêiasSeV/xios (deV/uos added by a later hand). 2. 15 7repu7rrd/xej/ai] S.XXV 1. 20 mi sec] om. S. 2. 23 erepoi §e] erepoi (om. Se) S.2. 24 rcov] S. 2. 25 7racrt 7rta"rots]ttchti tols Triarols S.XXVI 1.27 roiovroi] S. 7repii/aia>?] S. 1. 19 eyKpareidy re] e'y/cpareiav (om. re) S.2. 22 toiovtop e'/

INDEX.

INDEX.Abbreviations used, 10 sqAbsolute use of terms by Ignatius, 37,85, 181, 195, 253, 290, 321Achilleion, 99Acta Fratrum Arvalium, 404, 405Acts of Martyrdom of Ignatius documents,versions, and mss, 363 sq ;;Ussher's view, 367 ; Zahn's solution,367 ;mutual relations of documents,368 sq; historical credibility, 377 sq ;Greek text and notes of Antiochene,477 sq ;of Roman, 496 sq;translationof Antiochene, 575 sq of Roman, 579;sq; see further under Antiochene, Armenian,Bollandist, Roman, SyriacActs, Acts of the MetaphrastActs of the Metaphrast, 367 ; sources of,375 sq, 389, 473, 474 ;relation to ArmenianActs, 376 sq; incorporate theIgnatian Epistle to the Romans, 5,9;introduce the story of the Qeocpopos,376; not in this edition, 376; identificationof a MS of, 364; collation ofadditional mss of, 596 sq; see alsoActs of Martyrdom of IgnatiusActsof PerpetuaandFelicitas, 187,212,214Adiabene, Trajan in, 395, 396, 414 sqAdo, Martyrology of, 368, 382, 428; Liberde Festiv. of, 428Adonai and Antonini confused, 497Adonis, legend of, 505Advents, the two, 275 sq/Esculapius, death of, 504Africanus, Julius, Chronography of, 452sq, 455 sq; his date and history, 457 ;alleged schematism in his lists ofbishops, 453 sq; as a source of informationto Eusebius, 453, 460, 467, 472Agape; references to, 87, 227, 312; historyof, 312 sq; its relation to the Eucharist,313 sqAgathopus see Rhaius Agathopus;Alee ;mentioned in the Ignatian Epistles,325. 359 sc b 57 1 ' 5745 sister of Nicetesthe persecutor, 325Alexander of Jerusalem his imprison-;ment, 458 sq;his letter to the Antiochenes,458 sqAlexandrian Calendar, 381Alexandrian grammatical forms, *2iAlexandrian origin of Roman Acts ofMartyrdom, 380, 519'Altar', use of word in Ignatius; seeduaiaarrjpiovAmmia, prophetess of Philadelphia, 243 claimed ;by the Montanists, 243Anacolutha, 28, 29, no, 117, 155, 159,194, 251, 268, 288Analogy, transference of ideas by, 41Androcles, governor of Ephesus, 535Angelology, 164 sq, 303Anianus, bishop of Alexandria, 472Anointing of our Lord at Bethany, explainedsymbolically, 72Anthemus of Tralles, architect of S.Sophia, 147Antioch in Pisidia, a colony of Magnesia,102Antioch in Syria date of the foundation;of the Church at, 472; mission to theChurch at, 276 sq, 318, 356, 357 sq ;persecution at, 88, 139, 181, 277, 319,355 sq; earthquake at, 397, 409, 413,417 sq Malalas' account of ; it, 409,413, 436, 442 sq ; Trajan at, 385, 395,409, 413 sq, 442 sq;alleged place ofmartyrdom of Ignatius, 437 sq, 447;reliques of Ignatius at, 369, 382, 385,387 sq, 431 sq, 487 devastated by;Chosroes, 433 ; bishops of, see AntiochenebishopsAntioch, other cities of the name, 177Antiochene Acts of Martyrdom of Ignatius;versions and mss, 363, 380 sq,473; narrative in, 368 sq; reason forname, 369 relation to Roman Acts,;371 sq ; credibility of, 383 sq ;externaltestimony to, 386 sq; date andorigin, 389; circulation of, 389; mayembody earlier document, 389 sq, 489 ;incorporate the Ignatian Epistle to theRomans, 5, 9,486; on day of martyr-

602 INDEX.dom of Ignatius, 419, 423 ;on year ofmartyrdom, 448, 492 relation to Eusebius'Chronicon, 409, 450 sq text and;;notes, 477 sq; translation, 575 sq ;collationof additional mss of, 589 sq; seealso Acts of Martyrdom of IgnatiusAntiochene bishops; list given in Eusebius'Chronicon, 452 sq; Harnackon, 452 sq, 468 sq ; Hort on, 463sq ; its credibility and that of the IgnatianEpistles, 471Antiochene reckoning of years, 436Antiochenes, Ignatian Epistle to the ;its relation to Roman Acts of Martyrdom,380, 519Antitheses in ; Ignatius, 48 in ; Tertullian,48; in Melito, 48Aorist, uses of, 45Apellseus, the month, 436, 443Aphrodite, burial of, 504Apocalypse i. 10 explained, 129Apocryphal additions to Gospel narrativein the Ignatian Epistles, 80 sq, 294 sqApocryphal sayings attributed to ourLord, 294, 299Apollinarianism, interpolations to avoid,49Apollonius of Tyana, on the Tralhans,153. 154Apollonius, the presbyter, 102, nosq, 551'Apostles', 'Gospels', 'Prophets', mutualrelation of the terms, 260 sqApostolical Constitutions, imitate the IgnatianEpistles, 119Apostolici and apostoli, 479Apostolici viri, 479Apparatus criticus of this edition, 7Apphia, her day, 535Arabia Petraea, conquered by Palmas,394, 406 sq, 410, 480Arcadia, human sacrifices in, 523Archippus, his day, 535Ares, the bindings of, 506Arian controversy, 90 sqAricia, the worship of Diana at, 523Armenian Acts of Martyrdom of Ignatius,5» 9> 367* 37i sq, 473; component elementsof, 372 sq; on the day of thefestival of Ignatius, 234, 375, 422; seealso Acts of Martyrdom of IgnatiusArmenian Calendar, 375, 422 sq, 429Armenian Chronicon, 449, 451, 455 sq,4 6 3 sqArmenian version of Eusebius' Chronicon,449» 45 1 > 455 s qArmenian version of Ignatian Epistles, 4,6, 7, 8, 9 when first ; published, 7 ;Petermann'sedition of, 7 ;Aucher's claimson behalf of, 367 ;independent of theMetaphrast, 375 not; necessarily knownto the compiler of the Menaea, 383Artemis, 508, 523; processions in Ephesusin honour of, 17, 54 sq, 56; Leucophryene,98, 100 sqArticle omitted, 72, 85Asclepiades, bishop of Antioch, 454, 455,457 s qAsia, the Roman province of, 151Assemani, 423, 431Athanasius (S.), passages illustrating theuse of ayevv7]Tos by, 90 sqAtheists; a designation of heathens, 160;of Christians, 44, 160; of Docetists, 174Athene, 508Athlete, typified in the Christian martyr,3 8 sq, 335, 494Attalus, king of Pergamos, 144, 237Attalus of Smyrna, 330, 359, 574Atticus condemns Symeon, son of Clopas,498Attraction of relative, 54, 74, 87, 88, 122,J 3°> !33> J7 1 22' 7> 2 5oAucher ; publishes the Armenian Acts ofMartyrdom, 367; criticisms on, 367,372, 373' 424Augustus, length of reign of, 520Aurelius Victor, 399Autographs of the Gospels, 271dyairdv, crip-yew, (pi\e?v, 341dyawdv = dydinû iroLetv, 307aydin) and £pws, 222dydirr) combined with irlans, 29, 67, 86,108, 137, 171, 282, 287, 289, 304^325dydirr) 'It/ctoO XptcrroO, 165, 190; Qeov, 252dydin] twos (17), 159, 180, 196, 229, 281,320dydirrjv iroietv, 307, 313 ; see also Agapedye, dye, Tdpyapi, Qoprovve, 441dyiocpdpos, 21, 56, 288dyvela, 348dyvlêiv, -feadcu, 51, 181dyvLcr/xa, 51, 181dBiaKpcTos, -aKpirus, 39, 140, 153, 193, 249d5taXei7rrws, 57, 334ddeoL, of heathens, 160; of Christians,44, 160; of Docetists, 174ddeos iroKvdeia, 527ddiKTos, 273d6\r)Trjs, of martyrs, 38 sq, 335, 494dtdios, 1 26 sqclI/jlo. deov, 29= atfxa ical

INDEX. 603dXeicpeiv and compounds, 38dXea/xos (form), 216aX-rjOeiv (form), 207a\l{eu>, 134"AXktj, 325, 360dWorpLos, ' heretical ', 257a\v

604 INDEX.a combination of the Antiochene andRoman Acts, 371, 432, 473; known toAdo, Ps-Bede, etc., 382 on; day ofcommemoration of Ignatius, 422 errors;of, 488; see also Acts of Martyrdom ofIgnatiusBonds; Ignatius glories in his, 57, 61,108, 164, 195; parallels to this, 62Borghesi's theory of the tribunician years,391, 399 sq, 402 sqBread; varieties of, 207; metaphors from,207Bunsen; criticisms on, 81, 191, 267;emendations by, 162, 180, 293, 341Burrhus, deacon of Ephesus, 15, 34, 243;the amanuensis of the Epistles to thePhiladelphians and Smyrnaeans, 34,243, 281, 320; mentioned in the IgnatianEpistles, 34, 35, 320, 544, 566,57iffacTKcdveiv, 202(3a

INDEX. 605emended in, 224; his use of word'Catholic', 311 j his Protrepticon, 504Clinton, 492 sqColbertine Acts; see Antiochene Acts ofMartyrdomCommemoration of Ignatius, day of, 418sqcompedagogita, 37Complimentary forms of address, 1 59Conjunctive in indirect questions, 59Constructions, loose, in the IgnatianEpistles, 67, 136; see also AnacohithaConsulates in Trajan's reign, 392 sq,498 of Sura and Senecio, 394, 407,;492 of Suburanus and Marcellus, 393,;405, 497 sqContractions in proper names, nocontubernia, 348Coptic Calendars, 424 sqCoptic remains of Ignatian Epistles, 4, 9Coptic versions of Roman Acts of Martyrdom,364 sq, 383, 474; not AntiocheneActs as Cureton states, 366; extantin Memphitic and Sahidic, 364 sq;not independent of each other, and theSahidic prior, 366; Zoega's mistake asto their authorship, 366; their testimonyto origin of these Acts, 381 sqCotelier, criticisms on, 114, 274, 307, 323Crocus, 15, 34, 185,544, 562Cronos, human sacrifices to, 522Cross of Christ; prominence given byIgnatius to the, 74, 78, 177, 249, 272sq, 289 sq; regarded as a tree of life,291 ; as a standard, 292; as a trophy,292 ; see also Passion of Christcufa and kindred words, 525Cureton; his labours, 363; criticisms on,25> 77, 79» 334- 366Curetonian Abridgment; see IgnatianEpistles, Three SyriacCynosura, 504Cyril of Jerusalem, on the CatholicChurch, 311 sqCyrillus, bishop of Antioch, 454 sq; aprisoner in Pannonia, 456 ;date of hisdeath, 456Cyrus, 238nad' ha, 179KadrjXovadac h, 289KadoXinr) eKKXrjcria (17), 310 sqkcl6o\i.k6s, 310/cat in apodosis, 293kcuuos avOpwwos, 85KCUVOTTJS fa?jS, 84naipos, 339Kaxodaifxcov, 28 1Ka.KOTexv'-a-i 265, 346KaXoKayadia, 68naXbit 7}, 2 1 7KOLV, 58Kara, uses of in Ignatius, 107, 125, 190/caret avOpunrovs $r)v, 155, 228/caret Qeov, 107kclt' avdpa (ot), 41Kara iravra avairaveiv, 35, 140, 1 78, 234,315, 3 2 r/caret crdp/ca, 71, 86/caret XPW^ and Kara (pvaiv, 153KarayyeXXew eis, 262naradea/JLOS, 84Kara.Kpt.ros, 209, 379KaTa^LowiiTTevecrdac, 167Kara^Lovv, 85, 107, no, 180, 202, 278,3*8, 333, 356, 359KaraprjTopeveiv, 523,Karapriêiv 36, 269, 289KarapTLarrip, 36KaracrT-qiia, 159Karevodovv, 137/carot/cetV, 46Kevodoîa, -£eiV, 135, 252~Kr]pvyp:a Uerpov, 295 sqKXijpos, of Church, 62; of martyrdom, 180,196, 260KOLVOV (to), 346KoXaKeveiv, 219, 338Kcnriav, /coVos, of athletes, 336, 351Koar/neiv, 56Kovirrjlov, 525Kpaj3arroirvpia, 528KpaOrjvac and Kparrjdrjvai. confused, 297Kpavyaêw, 267Kpavyrj, 79Kpifxa (accent), 61Kpo/coy, 34KpvcpLOS, 115KTrjais and xp?}

6o6INDEX.XpMTTocpopos, -(popeiv, 21, 56Xpoa, 41Xpvaocpope'ii', 56Xp&p-a, 'scale', 41; 'colour', 193%upa, x&pos, xci/nov, 191Xwpety, 163, 304Dacian Wars of Trajan, 80 sq, 392 sq,404 sq, 480 sqDacians, called Getae, 410Dacicus, as a title of Trajan, 393, 404 sqDaille, criticism on, 23Damas, bishop of Magnesia, 102, no, 113,Daphne; grove of, 277; speaking fountain55i.rat, 224Daphne, legend of, 507Daphnitic gate at Antioch, 386, 431 sq,441; called the Golden Gate, 441;translation of Ignatius' bones to cemeterythere, 431 sqDaphnus, 326, 571Dative of person interested, 151De la Berge, criticised, 443De Rossi, criticisms on, 408 sqDeaconesses, order of, distinct fromorder of widows, 322 sqDeacons; 156 sq, 309; how addressedin the Ignatian Epistles, 33, in, 316;their relation to bishops, 157; comparedto Christ, 120, 157; coupled withbishops and presbyters, in, 120, 138,156, 170, 250, 258, 267, 278, 309, 321,351; their duties, 156; see Bishops,Episcopate, MinistryDeceiver (the) himself deceived, 76 sqDelegates from Asiatic Churches to Syria,277. 3i8 sq, 356 sqDemetrianus (Demetrius), bishop of Antioch,454, 456 sqDependent clauses, arrangement of, 68Deponent verbs, passive use of, 309Descent into Hades, the early doctrine ofthe, 131Didache, 257, 305, 313Dierauer, 406, 407, 413, 414 sq, 443Diodorus, on the removal of Magnesia, 99Dion Cassius; on the adoption of Trajan,399 ; on his tribunician years, 400 sq ;on his Dacian wars, 406 sq ;on hisParthian expedition, 407 sq, 414 sq; onhis titles,410, 411, 416 sq; Xiphilinus'abbreviation of, 408Dionysius of Corinth, on the RomanChurch, 192Dionysus, death of, 507Discipleship, by martyrdom, 31, 130, 204Divine generation of the Son, 90 sq, 123,127 sq; see Christology, LogosDocetic distinction between \670s and(pwvq, 199Docetism ; opposed by Ignatius, 16 sq, 25,74,86, 130, 135, 147 etc.; but not in allhis epistles, 173, 185, 329; how met,16, 25, 48, 75, 173, 289, 321; its Judaiccharacter, 16, 103, 124, 130, 147,173, 242 sq, 285; compared with theheresy of the Colossian Church, 124;play on the name, 175Docetists; called adeoi and clthttol, 175,293 ; veKpocpopoL, 302 ;excluded fromIgnatius' salutation, 250; admit a spiritualresurrection, 322Dollinger, 489Domitian, persecution of, 196, 451, 479Domninus, the correspondent of Serapion,459Domnus, bishop of Antioch, 454 sqDonaldson, criticism on, 347Donatives to soldiers, 353Door, Christ the, 275Dress, fondness of Ephesians for, 57Dressel's edition of Ignatian Epistles, 7,271, 292, 364; of the Roman Acts ofMartyrdom, 474Drosine, martyrdom of, 404, 4465 in hieroglyphics, 496baip-ovLKOS for daifioviaKos, 294baifJLovLov a

INDEX. 607Earthquakes; at Tralles, 145; at Laodicea,146; at Philadelphia, 239; atAntioch, date of, 397, 409, 413 sq;Malalas on this last, 409, 413 sq, 436,442 sqEckhel, 399, 401, 407, 410, 414Egnatius, an African martyr, 430; dayof his commemoration, 430Egyptian; months, 381, 423 sq; reckoningof time, 412, 498; transliteration of A,496; deities ridiculed by Christians, 510Elliptical; sentences, 59; use of infinitives,61Ephesians, Ignatian Epistle to the whence;written, 5, 15; motive for writing, 16;character of, 18; analysis of, 18 sq;text and notes, 21 sq; relation to S.Paul's Epistle, 23 ; promise of a second,18, 85; translation of, 544 sqEphesus; places of the name, 27; positionof, 15 ; deputation to Ignatius from,2, 15; character of Church of, 16, 32;image-processions at, 17, 54 sq; festivalsheld at, 54 sq ;connexion of apostleswith, 62, 65; special importanceof, 180; its connexion with Magnesia,101 ;a part called Smyrna, 288Epidamnus, 488, 577Epiphi, 381, 423 sqEpirus, 487, 577Episcopate; Pearson on the extent of, 40;Saumaise and others on origin of, 113sq ; its establishment in Asia Minor,169; in Syria, 201; at Rome, 186; itsposition in the Ignatian Epistles, 119;in the Apostolical Constitutions, 119;interpolations in the Ignatian Epistlesbearing on the, 274; instances of greatlength in the, 468 sq; of S. Peter, 467 ;see Bishops, MinistryEpithronian Orations of Severus of Antioch,421Epitropus, 358, 574Erbes, on the sources of Eusebius' information,452Eternity of the Son asserted by Ignatius,120, 128, 343Ethiopic Calendars, 423, 425 sqEucharist ; directly referred to in the IgnatianEpistles, 45, 87, 257, 306, 309;indirectly, 66, 171, 226; the bond ofunity, 66, 116, 257; violated by heretics,257 sq, 306, 309; a pledge of thereality of Christ's death, 307 ; its relationto the Agape, 87, 313 sq ; patristicuse of the word, 257; its validity, 116,309 sq; called [xvar-qpiov , 64, 80, 156;see eiâ/ncTTiaEucharistic elements called dupa, 307Eucharistic metaphors in the IgnatianEpistles, 260Euhemerus, 502 sqEuhodius, bishop of Antioch his; date,464 sq, 471 sq, 498, 579Euplus, delegate of Ephesian Church, 15,35> 3 2I > 544Eusebius' Chronicon ;on the year ofthe martyrdom of Ignatius, 409, 448sq, 452 its relation to the Roman;and Antiochene Acts of Martyrdom,450 sq, 497, 535 ;Zohrab's ArmenianVersion of, 449, 451, 455 sq; Harnackon the list of Antiochene bishopsin, 452 sq, 468 sq; Hort on, 463 sq ;sources of the lists of bishops in, 452sq, 460, 461 sq, 466 relation to Chronographyof Julius Africanus, 452 sq, 460;;relation to Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History,453 sq, 467 sq ;probably twoeditions of this as of other works of his,467 ; passage explained in, 475 ;Syriacepitome of, 447 ; Jerome's recension of,;449 sq, 463 sq additions in that recension,477 chronology of bishops in;this recension and in the ArmenianVersion, 463 sq ;on the martyrdom ofSymeon, son of Clopas, 449, 451 sqEusebius' Ecclesiastical History; its relationto the Roman Acts of Martyrdom,382; imitated therein, 450, 500,516, 529, 535, 538; its relation to theAntiochene Acts of Martyrdom, 384,386; to the Chronicon, 453 sq, 467 sq;its date, 467 ;on the martyrdom of Polycarp,945 sq; passages emended in, 73,3i9' 49 6Eutecnus, 326, 571Eutychianus, bishop of Rome, 454 sqEvagrius his coincidence with the Antiochene;Acts, 386 sq; on the place of;martyrdom of Ignatius, 438; on thetranslation of the reliques of Ignatius,386 sq, 433, 434, 492 date ; of, 388 sq;passage explained in, 387; sources ofinformation, 389, 438iavTov = e/xavTov, 159, 299iyyvs with dat., 70eyKeiadai (constr.), 180idpdêadat ii>, 249, 289, 332edpaadai (form), 325el ixrj,'but only', 57eldevai, 'value', 315ehai els, 24, 195et's TL/J,r)p tivos, 34, 88, 139eKdiKecv, 333^Kdorov bidbvai, 299iiceWev, 52€KK\r}

6o8INDEX.eK%€i0T7)S, 42, I09, 269evovadai, 25, 121, 193, 298evrdk-q, active, 181ei/i>7rareyeii', 497evwais, 108 sq; of marriage bond, 350e£ ovo/xctTOS, 86, 345iâiperos, e£cupera>s, 179, 275, 308, 485eâadevetv, 265i^€fj.ir\dpiov, 34, 159, 321'iirapxos, 531eirrjpeia, 10967U TpaiaroO, 436, 444 sq€iriypa

INDEX. 609Hebrews, Gospel according to the ;seeGospel according to the HebrewsHefele; his edition of the Ignatian E-pistles, 6, 7; criticised, 77, 86, 265,271, 292, 307Hegesias, the orator, 100Henzen, 402, 404Hephaestos, legend of, 506Heracleon the Valentinian ;on the will ofthe Evil One, 85; on John i. 1, 14, 199Heraclides and Heraclitus, 511Heresy; called /iot%eta, 71; the form attackedby Ignatius, see DocetismHeretics; and the Eucharist, 257, 306,309; claimed the monopoly of truth,301 used magical arts, 346;Hermas; on preaching to the spirits inHades, 132; not alluded to in the IgnatianEpistles, 203Hero, bishop of Antioch; successor ofIgnatius, 370, 449; date of accession,454> 455> 461, 4 6 4> 4^5 sqHero, Prayer of; date of, 383; Ussheron,383 Coptic Version of, 383 probably; ;written in Greek, 383 ; position inCoptic Acts of Martyrdom, 366; perhapsby the author of the Roman Acts,383Herod the tetrarch, 291Herodes Atticus, 452Herodes the Irenarch, 325hetserise, suppressed by Trajan, 451Hilgenfeld criticised, 57, 161, 231, 271,39°Hippolytus (S.) of Portus, 489; passageemended in, 290; on the ship ofthe Church, 340; on John the Baptistpreaching in Hades, 132Hort ; on confusions between numerals indocuments, 496; on the succession ofAntiochene bishops, 463 sqHuman sacrifices; among the Romans,522 ; among the Greeks, 524Humanity of Christ, enforced in IgnatianEpistles, 16, 25, 48, 75, 173, 289, 300,321Hyacinthus, legend of, 507Hyperbole, common to Ignatius and S.Paul, 65, 134Ignatian Epistles, Seven genuine ; fallinto two groups,1sq ; place of writing,1sq ;order of Epistles in mss, 2 sq;documents of, 3 sq ; comparative valueof the documents, 5 ;two periods in thehistory of the text, 6 sq apparatus;criticus, symbols, abbreviations, 7 sq ;text and notes, 15 sq; translation, 543sq; additions to gospel narrativeîn, 80sq, 294 sq; scriptural passages foundin, see Index ii in Vol. IllIGN. II.Ignatian Epistles, Thirteen forged andinterpolated (Long Recension); date of,4 ;critical value of, 4, 6 their ; place inthis edition, 9 ; scriptural passages foundin, see Index ii in Vol. inIgnatian Epistles, Three Syriac (CuretonianAbridgment) ; history of, 7 ;advocates of, 7 ; comparative value ofMSS of, 78Ignatius, bishop of Antioch; possiblya slave, 210; early life of, 230, 294;the legend of the 0eo0o'pos, 22, 230,294, 376, 431; coincidence of his lifewith that of S. Paul, 64 his ;allegedearly connexion with S. John, 477 sq ;with S. Peter, 478; with Polycarp, 333,384, 485 date of his accession, 465,;471 sq his route to Rome, ; 2, 211, 231sq, 241 sq, 251, 267, 357, 484; as givenin the Acts of Martyrdom, 368 sq, 384,576 sq, 579; as given by Eusebius,384, 386 ; by Chrysostom, 386 ;comparedwith the route of S. Paul, 64,368, 390, 487 sq fellow ; prisoners of, 211,429 ; guard with, 211; his meeting withPolycarp, 140, 329; his friendship withhim, 88 ;his alleged interview withTrajan, 368 sq, 425 sq, 435 sq ; year ofhis martyrdom discussed, 435 sq ;conclusionarrived at, 472 ; day of commemorationof his martyrdom, 418 sq;only recognized late by the LatinChurch, 430; special lesson for theday, 430; place of his martyrdom, 436sq, see Martyrdom of Ignatius ; historyof his reliques, see Reliqaes ofIgnatius ; his humility, 31, 36, 63, 89,135, 161, 209; his attack on Docetism,see Docetism ; prominence given byhim to the Passion, see Cross ofChrist; his views on Church order,see Bishops, Episcopate, Ministry ; onthe Eucharist, see Eucharist ; on thedoctrine of the Logos, 126 sq, 199 sq,see logos; his Christology generally,48, 86, 90 sq, 123, 126 sq, 290, 343 ;hisuse of metaphors, see Metaphors ; hisview of the relation of the Old and NewTestament, see Patriarchs and Prophets,Old Testament ; his relation to Gnosticism,see Gnostic, Valentinian phraseologyIgnatius, Acts of Martyrdom of; see Actsof Martyrdom of IgnatiusIgnatius (Egnatius), an African martyr,430; day of his commemoration, 430Imperative, transition to the, 339Incarnation, the doctrine as itappears inthe Ignatian Epistles, 78, 90 sq, 127 ;called oiKovo/xia, 75Inscriptions illustrating Trajan's reign,39

6ioINDEX.391 sq errors; in, 393, 398, 4 or sq, 403sq, 406, 41 1, 412Interpolated epistles; see IgnatianEpistles,Th irteen forgedIrenasus (S.) ;on an apocryphal passagein Jeremiah, 131; on the descent intoHades, 131 sq on the death of S.;John, 439; mentioned in the RomanActs of Martyrdom, 587 use of the;word euxaptcrTta by, 258Isaiah v. 26 explained, 292 ;lii. 5 explained,172 lviii. 6, frequently quoted,;269 sqtarpos, 47lepacpopos and iepocpopos, 56iva, construction of, 161lovdaia/xos, 125, 264-cTTjs, termination, 38Jacob of Edessa, extant MS written by,420Jacobson, 6, 7, 165, 324, 435, 492Jerome (S.); on Hoseax. 1, 265 on; Is. v.26, 292 on the ; Gospel according to theHebrews, 295; his inaccuracy, 294, 295S(b 377' 37§> 386; never saw the IgnatianEpistles, 378; on the route ofIgnatius, 386; on the reliques of Ignatius,386 his;recension of Eusebius'Chronicon, 449 sq, 463 sq, 477 ; itsrelation to the Armenian version, 455sq his ; Martyrology, 428Jews at Philadelphia, 240; proselytizingtendencies of, 264 ; uprising in Cyreneby, 397 see also Judaism;Joannes Laurentius, 237, 239 sqJoannes Rhetor, 388 sq, 438 sqJohn (S.) Malalas on the death of, 439 ; ;Syriac Chronicle on the death of, 448 ;Syriac Decease of, 34 ; alleged tutorof Ignatius, 450, 477 sq ;establishesepiscopacy in Asia Minor, 169John Damascene, explanation of a passagein, 201John Madabbar ;see MadabbarJohn Malalas ;see MalalasJohn the Baptist ;his relation to Christas 0WJ/T7 to X070S, 199 ; according toS. Hippolytus preached to souls inHades, 132John the Monk, on a passage in the IgnatianEpistles, 199Judaic Docetism ;see DoeetismJudaism and Christianity, 128 sq, 133sq, 240 sq, 262 sqJulian, the emperor; a believer in magic,83 ;on the history of Trajan's reign,406, 409, 410Julius Africanus; see AfricanusJupiter Latiaris, human sacrifices to, 522sqJustin Martyr, on an apocryphal passagein Jeremiah, 131Klein, 391Labarum, 293Laodicea, earthquakes at, 146Laomedon, legend of, 508Larasius, title of the Trallian Zeus, 146Latin Calendars, 429Latin version ;of the genuine IgnatianEpistles, 3, 8; of the Long Recension,4Latin words ; adopted by Ignatius, 34,352 sq ; by other Greek writers, 353Laus Heronis ;see Hero, Prayer ofLazarus of Beth-Kandasa, 76Leclerc, 481, 485Lessing, criticism on, 261Lethaeus, the river, 98Leucophryene ; see ArtemisLeucophrys ; geographical relation toMagnesia, 98 sq ; site of the citychanged, 99 sq ; origin of the name,99 s qLinus, bishop of Rome, 464 sqLipsius; criticisms on, 77, 79, 80, 81, 113,200, 232, 463 sq on the sources of Eusebius';information, 452, 468;'Little Athens', title of Philadelphia, 240Logos; the title in the Ignatian Epistles,126 sq ;relation to (p'wv-q in earlyfathers, 199 doctrine of; Ignatius, 126sq, 199 sq; in the Roman Acts ofMartyrdom, 520 ; participated in bythe saints, 200 ;see also ChristologyLong Recension; see Ignatian Epistles,Thirteen forged and interpolatedLord's Day ; symbolism of the, 129; earlyfathers on the, 129 names for; the,129 sqLucian ;illustrates the history of Ignatiusgenerally, 196, 206, 213, 306, 313, 322,356; his evidence as to the place ofmartyrdom of Ignatius, 438Lusius, military operations of, 395, 397,414 sq\adpo8rjKT7]5 (forms), 47Xaldapyos, 47XaXelv, 116; with ace, 46\dxoiva and fioravr), 60Xeiireiv (constr.), 165XeXvp-hos, 306XeoTapdos, 212 sqXtjvos, 492Xrjpibdrj/xa, 515Xoyov twos, els, 282Xoyos, 'reckoning,' 115

INDEX.6llX670S, (pwq, \p6(f>os, 198X070S and (piovrj, theological distinctionbetween, 199X070S airb aiyijs TpoeXdibv,1 26 sq see ; Logos\6yos Qeov, 288\oi/j.6s (adj.), 33 6\onrov, 61, 314\vrpovv, theological use of, 281Macarius Magnes, 38, 103, 123, 513Macedonian months, 423Madabbar, John ;his date, 446 ; hisChronicon, 446 ; Ethiopic Version of,446; extracts from, 446 sq; coincidenceswith Malalas in, 446 sqMceandropolis, 107Magi, significance of the visit of the, 84Magic; its position in heathen systems,83 ; overthrown by Christ, 83 ; practisedby heretics, 346Magnesia by the Menander ;situation of,97 sq; designations of, 97 sq, 106 sq ;site changed, 98 sq relation to Leucophrys,;98 sq; to Ephesus, 10 1 ;;toTralles, 143 ; history of, 100 sq ;dateof conversion of, 102 ; history of Churchof, 102 sqMagnesia under Sipylus, 98, 105, 106Magnesians, Ignatian Epistle to the ;place of writing, 1, 2 ; subject of,103 ; analysis of, 103 sq ; title of, 105sq; Greek text with notes, 105 sq ;translation of, 550 sqMalalas, John ; on the Parthian expeditionof Trajan, 409, 441 sq;on the dateof the earthquake at Antioch, 409, 413sq, 436, 442 Von;Gutschmid's defenceof, 442 ; Wieseler's, 443 ;on the martyrdomof Ignatius, 436 sq; on thedate of Manes, 439 ;on the abolitionof gladiatorial shows, 439 on the death;of S. John, 439 ; on the letter of Tiberianus,439; on persecutions underTrajan, 440 sq, 446; on Anianus, 472;date of, 437 ;his credibility examined,409, 437 sq, 472 ;sources of certainerrors of, 439, 444 sqManes, date of, 439manipulus, 213Marcellus of Ancyra ;his doctrine of theLogos, 126 sq ; its coincidence withlanguage of Ignatius, 80, 126 sq, 298Marcellus, M. Asinius, consulship of, 17,493Marcion; on the descent into Hades,132 ; his explanation of Luke xxiv. 37,;297 Tertullian's answer to, 307Markland, 266, 271Marquardt, 440Marriage, relation of Christianity to, 348,35oMartyrdom, the dignity of; Ignatius'estimate of, 186, 197; the topic of hisEpistle to the Romans, 186 ; it winsGod, 30, 109, 165 ;gains life, 197, 218;completes discipleship, $1, 130, 204,215; forms the Christian's heritage, 180,196, 260Martyrdom of Ignatius date depends;on chronology of Trajan's reign, 391sq days of commemoration of, 418;sq, 540 superseded by day of commemorationof translation, 433 sq; ; yearof martyrdom discussed, 435 sq theory;of Ussher, 435 ;of Pearson, 435 sq ;of Volkmar, 436 sq date given in;Roman and Antiochene Acts, 448, 492,496;testimony of Eusebius' Chronicondiscussed, 448 sq; conclusion, 472 ;place of martyrdom discussed, 437 sqMartyrdom of Ignatius, Acts of, 363sq ; see under Acts of Martyrdom ofIgnatius, Antiochene, Armenian, Bollandist,Roman, Syriac Acts, Acts ofthe MetaphrastMartyrdoms under Trajan, see PersecutionsMartyrologies ; of Ado, 368, 382, 428;of ps-Bede, 382, 428; of Jerome, 428;Syriac, 234, 280, 419; Armenian, 234;Roman, 433;Egyptian, 365Martyrs; Christian devotion to, 213;wild beasts afraid of, 214;provoked by,215; compared to athletes, 38 sq, 335,494Matthew xxvii. 52, patristic interpretationsof, 133Maximinus, bishop of Antioch, 454, 459,460Melito, on Gen. xxii. 13Menaea; for Jan. 29, 422; for Feb. 15,535; for Feb. 23, 485; for Nov. 22,535; for Dec. 20, 187, 202, 207, 208,3 8 3> 3 8 7> 422, 489Menander, 498Menology of Basil Porphyrogenitus, 383Metaphorical intermingled with actual,81 sq, 202, 209Metaphors in Ignatian Epistles ; fromagriculture, etc., 53, 60, 166, 177, 255 ;from anvil, 342; from athletics, 38, 180,201, 203, 210, 255, 333 sq, 340 sq, 350;from childbirth, 218, 229; from engineering,53 sq from; housebreaking,71; from medicine, 166, 337; frommusic, 41, 108, 201, 252; from religiousprocessions, 17, 54 sq, 201; fromstraining wine, 193, 256; military, 292,352 sq ; nautical, 320, 339 sqMetaphrast, Acts of the see;Acts of theMetaphrastMetaphrast, Symeon the, 376

6l2INDEX.Ministry, three orders of the mentioned;by Ignatius, in, 120, 138, 156, 170,250, 258, 267, 278, 309, 321, 351 ;essential to a Church, 159; interpolatedallusions to, 274; see Bishops, Deacons,EpiscopateMoesinger; first publishes the CuretonianAbridgment entire, 363 Latin Acts; of Martyrdom of Ignatius publishedby, 367Mommsen ;his chronological labours,391, 480, 497 sq, 536 his theories on;the tribunician years, 399, 400 sq;criticismson, 391, 401 sq, 403 sq, 405, 406Monophysite quotations from IgnatianEpistles, 221Months; Alexandrian reckoning, 381;Armenian, 375, 424; Egyptian, 381,424 sq ; Ethiopic, 423 ; Macedonian,381, 423 sqMorel's edition of Long Recension, 720munera, 487, 491Mdyvrjs, MayuiJTLS, Mayvrjcraa, Mayvr/ais(forms), 105Mayprjaia (name), 106fxadrjTeijeLv (constr.), 58, 203fjLadjjTrjs, 31IxapyaplraL Trvev/uLariKoi, 62fiapfiapvyrj, 517fxaprvpetp, -petadai, 64, 444fxaprvpia, 444fxapTvpiov, els, with dat., 179fidprvs, 162moral stature', 23, 205 Valenti-;[xeycLke lottos, 189'/j.e"yedos,nian term, 24fiiXos, 178/xepio~/n6s, 254fAeravoelu els, 269, 303MX" V V, 53 n/uu/j.7)T7]S Qeov, 203, 268, 298lxvr]p.oveveiv, 65, 88fjLo\v(3Ls, 506fj-ovov, ellipse after, 61, 216, 300fj,6p, 756ixvqcns, 518/xvdev/xa, 124/jLvpov, 72Ixvar-qpLa Kpavyrjs, 77, 79 sqfJLVUTTjpLOP, 64, 80, I30, I56Namphanio, 280Natalitia, martyrdom the true, 218Nature sympathizing with Christ, 84Natures, Ignatius on Christ's two, 48, 86,90 sq, 290 ; see Christ ologyNeapolis, the port of Philippi, 357, 487,574, 577Neoplatonists, rationalising tendency ofthe, 526Nerva, accession of, 392, 493; adoptsTrajan, 392, 398 sq; death of, 392, 477New Testament ;its relation to the OldTestament in the Ignatian Epistles, 128,131, 260 sq, 275, 301; its canon in timeof Ignatius, 260 sq ;see CanonicalScripttiresNicephorus Callistus ;his relation toEvagrius, 387 ; passage emended in,387Nicetes, 325Nirschl, criticised, 408 sqNolte, 492Nouns used absolutely in the IgnatianEpistles, 321vaocpopos, 21, 55vaos (metaph.), 70i>aos and dvcn.ao-Trjpi.ov, 43, 123NeairoXts, 357veKpocpopos, 302uecorepiKT) tolîs, 1 12vr\(peLV, 340v6fii.ap.a, 117Old Testament ;its relation to the Newin the Ignatian Epistles, 128, 131, 260sq, 275, 301 called radp%eia, 271 sq;Omission of substantive verb, 50, 210Onesimus, bishop of Ephesus, 32 meets;Ignatius at Smyrna, 15 ; quiet characterof, 46, 69 ; play on the name, 35,543> 544Onesimus, convert of S. Paul, 32 mar-;tyred, 531, 587 ; his day, 535Onesimus, friend of Melito, 32Optative of hypothesis, 513Optimus, as a title of Trajan, 395, 410sq, 416Orac. Sibyll. viii. 65 explained, 496Origen on \6yos and ; wvr), 199; onIgn. Rom. 7, 223; on S. John vi. 53,260 ;on the date and place of martyrdomof Ignatius, 438, 472; on the deathof Zeus, 504Ostia, 489Oxymoron, 252oIkovo/jlIo. and deoXoyia, 75, 85oUocpddpos, 71olvofxeXi, 168ofxCKlav TroLetadai, 347Qeov, 120, 335, 534djxorjdeiabpLoioT7}s with dat., 336/xoLojs Kai, 7 7dfxouoia Qeov, 119, 140, 249ohoovglos, 91 sq6valfi7]v, 35, 36'Ovrjcrifios, 326vofJ.a, 28 ; (to), 37, 47, 2786ir\ov, 'shield', 353

INDEX. 613opara nai dopara, 165, 215, 3038pyavov, 209tirav with ind., 508ti, 86ovdh (paivo/xevov koXov, 204oi>x 6'n, 1156 165, 175, 301, 314, 332, 355Parthemaspates, king of the Parthians,44i.Parthia, Trajan's expedition to, 385, 395sq, 407 sq, 441 sq, 477Parthicus, as a title of Trajan, 395, 396,412 sq, 415, 416, 418Participle, accusative absolute of, 136Paschal Chronicle ;see Chronicon PaschalePassion of Christ ; prominence in the IgnatianEpistles given to the, 74, 78, 152,177, 272 sq, 289 sq ; coordinated withthe Resurrection, 86, 135, 249, 293,308, 322 ; prophets and patriarchs witnessesto the, 262, 275, 301; see alsoCross of ChristPassive use of deponent verbs, 309Pastoral Epistles, their relation to theEpistle to Polycarp, 329, 351Patriarchs and Prophets; Ignatius ontheir relation to the Gospel, 128, 131,260 sq, 275, 301; they witness to thePassion of Christ, 262, 275, 301Paul (S.); his connexion with Ephesus,62 sq, 65 ; with Rome, 209 ; Ignatius'attraction towards, 64; their routescontrasted, 64, 390Pearson; on the extent of the episcopate,40; on its origin, against Saumaise,113; on the word \e6wap5os, 212; ona passage in Jerome, 378; on theEastern campaign of Trajan, 407; onthe year of Ignatius' martyrdom, 435sq; criticisms on, 40, 65, 273, 291,307> 338Pedo, M. Vergilianus; date of his consulship,396 ; killed in the earthquakeat Antioch, 396, 413, 418Pelagia (S.), day of commemoration of,418 sq, 422Pentecostal loaves, 207Peregrinus Proteus, and Ignatius, 196,206, 213, 306, 313, 322, 356Perpetua, 494Persecutions of the Christians underTrajan, 449 sq; at Antioch, 277, 384;in Bithynia, 395, 449 sq, 532 ; alleged,368, 384, 440, 446 sq'Persian Vespers', 441Person of Christ ; see Christology, LogosPetau criticised, 113Peter (S.); episcopate of, 464 sq; dateof martyrdom of, 465 ; combined withS. Paul in connexion with Rome, 209;in the chronology of Eusebius, 466Petermann ;his edition of the ArmenianVersion, 7, 9 ; Armenian Acts in, criticised,367, 371 sq, 473; translated fromthe Greek, 372 sq; Bollandist Acts in,criticised, 367Philadelphia; name of, 237, 248 sq;other cities of the name, 237, 249;probable founder of, 237; situation of,237; history of, 238 sq; civil status of,239; festivals at, 240; Jews in, 240;its connexion with Smyrna, 240 sq ;evangelisation of, 241 ; history of theChurch of, 243 sq; martyrs from, 243;taken by Bajazet, 244; by Timour,245; wall of, 245; modern name of,245; present condition of, 245 sq;Gibbon on, 246; Ignatius at, 241, 251,267; his treatment there, 241, 265 sqPhiladelphians, Ignatian Epistle to the;place of writing, 242 ; subject matter,241 sq; analysis of, 246 sq; text andnotes, 248 sq; translation, 563 sqPhiladelphus, princes bearing the name,2 37Philemon, his day, 535Philetus, bishop of Antioch, 452, 454,457 sqPhilip the Asiarch, a Trallian, 144Philip the Evangelist, his traditional connexionwith Tralles, 147Philippi, Ignatius at, 487, 577Philippus, the physician, a Trallian, 146Philo, deacon of Cilicia, 242, 279, 319,324, 566, 570, 571 ; his connexion withRhaius Agathopus, 242, 265, 278, 315,389; their journey, 242, 278 sq, 315;authorship of the Antiochene Actsassigned to them, 389Philo Judaeus ; metaphor borrowed from,55; passage explained in, 70Phlegon of Tralles, 146Pliny the Younger; date of his Panegyric,392, 411; governor of Bithynia,37 7> 395> 407. 449. 536; date of his

614 INDEX.governorship, 377, 395, 536; his correspondencewith Trajan, 408, 451,536 its assumed connexion with the;martyrdom of Ignatius, 370, 377, 451 ;its date, 53 ; its bearing on the agape,313, 314; how known to Eusebius,531; character of Trajan's rescript to,385 ;mentioned in the Roman Acts ofMartyrdom, 587Polybius, bishop of Tralles, 147, 153Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna his; allegedearly intercourse with Ignatius, 333,368, 383, 384, 485 meets Ignatius at;Smyrna, 88, 140, 329; his success inwinning heretics, 347 ;commemorationof martyrdom of, 430; mentioned inthe Ignatian Epistles, 88, 140, 359,55o> 554> 574 5 fellow martyrs of,243Polycarp, Ignatian Epistle to; place ofwriting of, 267, 329, 357; character of,329, 351 ; analysis, 330; text and notes,331 sq; translation, 571Pontiolus episcopus, 488Pontius Pilate, 135 sq, 174, 290Porphyrogenitus, Menology of, 383Porphyry, 522, 526Portus; date of its foundation, 490; andof Claudius' harbour, 489Portus Augusti, 489Portus Trajani, 489Poseidon, legends regarding, 508Prayer of Hero, see Hero, Prayer ofPrayers ; take the place of sacrifices, 44 ;request for, 85, 88, 139, 181, 229, 273Preaching of Paul, 290Preaching of Peter, 296Prepositions, pregnant use of, 30, 63, 68,73, 195, 202, 269, 303, 319Presbyters; comparisons adduced byIgnatius, 119 sq, 138, 155, 158, 269,309; their relation to bishops, seeBishops, Deacons, Episcopate, MinistryPriesthood of Christ, 273 sqPrisoners, Christian solicitude for, 305 sq,322Processions; in honour of the EphesianArtemis, 17 sq, 54 sq; their importance,54; words in - 289, 3477rvevp.a and alfxa confused, 152Truev/j-aTLKos and aapKinos, 48, 60, 322,325, 334- 338TVeV/ACLTOCpOpOS, 22TrdXefxeiv with ace, 1637T0\v€1JTaKT0S, IO"J7ro\v7r\r)deia, 32UOTLOXOL, 488irpdyp-aTa, 'troubles', 128TrpavTradeia, 170Trptjreiv, 61Tvpi-wov £o~ti, 36

INDEX. 615Trpecr(3eia Qeov, 277irpeafievTris and Trpecr^Trjs, 319Trpeaftvrepiov, 36, 112, 158irpoeKdeiv and ei;e\deTv of the mission ofthe Son, 123, 126 sqirpoeToifxafriv, 53TrpoKadtfccrdai, 119, 190, 192irpoKeLTat, 272TrpoXap.j3a.veiv with inf., 39Trpoêvos with gen., 529-irpoodos, 557rpds with ace., 136TrpocrboKeiv and wpoaooKav, 131irpoaevx^ 3°6vpoaXaXeiv, of letter, 37, 107TrpoaXap.fia.veiv, 1 1 2irpoairTiueiv with gen., 5337rpo'cra;7ro»', 118irpoTiKTup, 498irpo 5°°> 5 J 6, 5 2 9> 538; inserted in aDecember martyrology, 364, 423; textand notes, 496 sq; anachronisms in,499, 518; translation of, 579 sq; seealso Acts of Marty j'dom of IgnatiusRoman Church ; its purity in the age ofIgnatius, 185 sq; its prominence, 190sq; influential members of, 186, 196;its charity, 192 ; messengers from Syriapreceding Ignatius to the, 2, 186, 233;its connexion with S. Peter and S. Paul,209, 464 sq; episcopacy in the, 186;succession and chronology of its bishops,452 sqRoman Empire;its relation to Christianity,519 sq; typified in Psalm ii. 9,Roman See; limits of its jurisdiction,190; its relation to the suburbicariansees, 190 sqRomans, Ignatian Epistle to the ; autho-

6i6INDEX.rities for, 5 sq, 9; place of writing, 1,185; published by Ruinart, 6, 363; itsdistinct history, 5, 187; and character,185; its subject matter, 185 sq; itswide popularity, 186; a vade mecumof martyrs, 186; quotations from, 187;the only dated letter, 185, 234, 434,562; analysis, 187 sq; text and notes,189 sq; translation, 558 sq; in the interpolatedform quoted in the RomanActs of Martyrdom, 500, 502 ;incorporatedin the Antiochene Acts, 5, 486Rossi (F.) edits the Sahidic version of theRoman Acts of Martyrdom, 365Rothe, 113Route of Ignatius see ; IgnatiusRufus and Zosimus, 211, 429, 587Ruinart; publishes the Greek of theEpistle to the Romans, 6, 363 and;the Antiochene Acts ofwhich Martyrdomembody it, 363, 473Sabbath, abrogation of Jewish, 129sacramentum, 314Salutaris, Gaius Vibius, 17San Clemente, the reliques of Ignatiusand the church of, 433Satan, ignorant of the Divine counsels,76 sqSaturn, human sacrifices offered to, 522Saturnalia, 490 sqSaumaise, on the origin of episcopacy,113Schism, condemned by Ignatius; seeUnityScriptures; see Canonical Scriptures,Gospel, GospelsScythians, 480, 522Seleucia, 484, 576Senecio (Q. Sosius), consulships of, 394,407, 502 sqSenses, transference of ideas by analogybetween the, 41Serapion, bishop of Antioch, 454, 459sq, 466Severus of Antioch; on Ign. Magn. 8,126 sq; his Epithronian Orations, 421,438Severus, the persecution of, 458, 459Shepherd of Hermas and the IgnatianEpistles, 203Ship of the Church, metaphor of, 339 sqShrines, portable, 55 sqSigillaria, 490 sqSilence; of God the Father, 80, 126 sq;of Christ, 69; praise of, 69, 204, 252Simus, 100Smyrna; legendary history of, 285; itsconnexion with Philadelphia, 240 sq;designation of, 288, 331; visit of Ignatiusto, 2, 285 ; Ignatian Epistleswritten from, 1, 2; salutations to theChurch of, 285, 286, 320 sq ;the namefor a part of Ephesus, 288Smyrnoeans, Ignatian Epistle to the;place of writing, I, 285; subject matter,285 sq; analysis, 286; text and notes,287 sq; translation, 567 sqSoldiers; payment of, 352; equipment°f> 353 donatives to, 353 > sq; castrensepeculium of, 354Solomon, a Syriac writer, 478Speaking fountains, 224Star of the Epiphany; Protevangeliumon, 80, 82; Clement of Alexandria on,81, 82; ps-Ephraem on, 81; EphraemSyrus on, 82Stobbe, on the tribunician years, 399 sqStoics; their idea of Oeocpbpos, 22; theirphraseology adopted by Ignatius, 253,345 rationalised classical deities, 526;Suburanus, S. Attius, consulships of, 17,369- 393> 405. 497 sq, 579Suburbicarian sees and Rome, 190 sqsullibertus, 38'Supernatural Religion', criticisms on,268, 437 sqSura, L. Licinius, consulships of, 369,384* 393 s q> 4°5> 4o6, 492 sq, 578Surbanus ; see StiburamisSylloge Polycarpiana, 3Symbols; employed for mss and versions,9; of abbreviation, 10 sqSymeon,sonof Clopas date of martyrdom;of, 449 sq; the evidence of Eusebiusto, 451, 498; Hegesippus on, 445; aSyriac chronicle on, 447Symeon the Metaphrast, 376Syria, mission to the Churches of, 276 sq,3i 8 .356, 357 sqSyriac Acts of Martyrdom of Ignatius, 5,9, 10, 473 ;see also Acts of Martyrdomof Ignathts, Antiochene ActsSyriac Calendars, 420 sqSyriac Epistles of Curetonian Abridgment; see Ignatian Epistles, ThreeSyriacSyriac Martyrology, 234, 280, 419; seeMa rtyrologiesSyriac version of the genuine IgnatianEpistles, fragments of a, 3 sq, 6, 82 and Z confused, III, 331

INDEX.6l721777 ;see Silenceaidrjpeos (form), 514GKopiriêiv, 216crKopwt.crfj.ds ocrrewv, 2162ovp(3avos, 4970-wipfj.a Aavel5, 75crirovOtêadaL, 201crTeppoTroieiv, 514crrecpapos, 138; and diiia, 341crT7)\ai, of men, 264crrpayyaXovv, -Xav, -Xiêiv, 163arpaTiuTiKov rdy/xa, 213; crTLcpos, 500avyyevLKos, 30crvyyvw/jLOvelv, 163(TvyKaTarWecrdai, 257crvyKOLfxacrdaL, 351crvyKoiriav, 351o-vyxaipeif , 154crvyxpacrdai, 112cvfxfiios, 347CrVfJL/J.V0-T7]S, 6$o-vvayuyrj, 345crvvadpoi'C'ecrda.i., 116 44 1 sq, 477, 481; only oneexpedition, 407 sq, 441 sq; Dacianwars of, 392 sq, 404 sq, 480 sq at;Antioch, 385, 395, 409, 413 sq, 442sq; alleged letter of Tiberianus to, 439sq his correspondence with Pliny, 536;;character of his rescript to Pliny, 385;his alleged interview with Ignatius, 367sq, 425 sq, 435 sq Volkmar on this;interview, 436 sq; his works at Ostia,489 his ; titles, Germanicus, 392 ;PaterPatriae, 392 Dacicus, 393, 404 sq ; ;Optimus, 395, 410 sq, 416; Parthicus,395, 396, 412 sq, 415, 416, 418;death of, 398, 415;persecutions under,real, 227, 384, 395, 449 sq ;andalleged, 368, 384, 440, 446 sq Malalason, 439 sq; ;mentioned in theActs of Martyrdom of Ignatius, 368,384 sq, 447 sq, 500 sq, 575 sq, 579 sqTralles ;situation of, 143 ;wealth of,144 ; history of, 144 deities worshipped;at, 146 ; games at, 146 ; famous men of,146; historians of, 147; evangelisationof, 147 ; history of the Church of,148; probably same as Tarlusa, 148Trallians, Ignatian Epistle to the; placeof writing of, 1 ;subject matter of, 147 ;analysis of, 149; title, 150; text andnotes, 150 sq; translation of, 554 sqTralusa, probably the same as Tralles, 148Translation of bones of Ignatius see Re-;liques of IgnatiusTree of life explained of the Cross, 291Tribunician years of Trajan; table of,392 sq ; old theory regarding, 398 ;40

6i8INDEX.theory of Borghesi, 399 sq ;theories ofMommsen, 391, 399, 400 sq; ofStobbe,399 sq evidence of Aurelius Victor,;Pliny and Dion Cassius, 398 sqTrinity, order of naming in the IgnatianEpistles, 137Troas ; Ignatius at, 1, 15, 34, 242, 277,278, 320; letters written from, 1, 2,34, 285, 320, 357; mentioned in Ignatianliterature, 281, 357, 487, 566,574, 577Tychasum at Antioch ;situation of, 432 ;translation of Ignatius' reliques to, 386sq, 421, 432; called the Church of Ignatius,421; orations delivered in the,421, 434, 438Tychicus, perhaps founder of the Churchof Magnesia, 102Tyrannus, bishop of Antioch, 454, 456ray/xa, 213ra£is, 113rdos, 341deXuv, 115, 189; deXeadcu, 228di\7)fxa, 85, 195, 290, 318, 357deX-rjTos, Valentinian term, 228Oeodpofios, 108,255, 277, 356OeoXoyia and oUovofxia, 75deofAaKapiaTos, 108, 292, 356deoirpeirris, 108, 287, 317, 321, 3566eoTrpeo-f3iJT7)S, 108, 3186eo

INDEX. 619Waddington; on the date of a coin, 403;on the date of Herodes Atticus, 452 ;inscriptions in, 145, 146, 240Wandalbert, on the commemoration ofIgnatius, 51 sqWater sanctified by Christ's baptism andpassion, 75Waterland, 92Widows ;care of the early church for, 304sq, 322, 344 duties imposed upon,;322 the order; of, 322 sqWieseler ;defends the genuineness of theLetter of Tiberianus, 439 sq on the;date of the earthquake at Antioch, 331,4.43; of Ignatius' martyrdom, 451 sq,Wood's discoveries at Ephesus, 17, 54,55, 56, 101, no, 146Xerxes' route through Asia Minor, 238Xiphilinus, abbreviator of Dion Cassius,408, 412of Ignatius, 40, 45, 108, 109, 115, 134,137, 191, 292 ;on his renderings in theEpistles of Ignatius, 30, 33, 52, 66, 1 14,121, 191, 195, 200, 227, 250, 272, 291,307, 341 ;his labours on the Acts ofMartyrdom, 368, 473 sq ; on the ori-misledgin of the Roman Acts, 377 sq ;as to mss of the Roman Acts, 364 ;onthe Antiochene Acts, 382 ;on the dayof commemoration of Ignatius, 419,429, 434; on the date of the martyrdomin the Roman Acts, 496; on thestory of the connexion between Ignatiusand S. John, 477 sqZeus ;his tomb at Gnossus, 503 sq his;amours, 509; Larasius at Tralles, 146Zoega, 366Zohrab, Armenian Chronicon of, 449, 451,455 sq, 463 sq, 5§7Zonaras, 408, 412Zosimus and Rufus, 211, 429, 587Zotion, 102, in, 551levicrfios, 81Zahn;on the history of the word Geo-(popos, 22 ;on yevrjTos and yevvrjTos, 94;on the order of widows, 323 ;his editionof the Ignatian Epistles, 7 ;criticismson his readings in the EpistlesZ and S confused, in, 331ffiXos, fyXovv, of Satan, 162, 215as £r)t>, subst., 61, 73, 109, 118, 175,followed by Kara, 256Z/Aiipva, Zfxvpvcuos (form), 331far/ and /3to?, 225ZoJTtWf, III298;CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A., AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

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