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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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IRINA CULICIn fact, the only chance for a <strong>Romanian</strong> to learn the <strong>Hungarian</strong> languagein an organized way is at the Faculty of Letters, as a foreign language. Naturally,one could argue that <strong>Romanian</strong>s might choose to speak anotherforeign language than <strong>Hungarian</strong>, which could be of more use in many circumstances,while the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s are “forced” to learn <strong>Romanian</strong>. Thisargument is frail, <strong>and</strong> one can cite many counter-examples of <strong>Hungarian</strong>s,or persons belonging to other ethnic minorities, who learned <strong>Romanian</strong>along with their mother tongue, <strong>and</strong> who were not impeded by this fact inlearning another foreign language. 42Another component of this resource – i.e., <strong>Hungarian</strong> nationality –for the <strong>Hungarian</strong>s in Romania is double socialization. Among otherthings, this comprises access to double sets of networks of various sorts –in the state where they live, in the external homel<strong>and</strong> (that is, networks of<strong>Romanian</strong> citizens, <strong>and</strong> of <strong>Hungarian</strong> citizens respectively), <strong>and</strong> their local<strong>Romanian</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Hungarian</strong> networks. Again, the situation of the <strong>Romanian</strong>sis not symmetric. Even if they enter networks of <strong>Hungarian</strong>s inRomania (without necessarily speaking <strong>Hungarian</strong>), their access to networksof <strong>Hungarian</strong>s in Hungary is severely limited.The analysis may be continued by discussing several other components.I believe that the moral is at h<strong>and</strong> for everyone <strong>and</strong> may constitutea conclusion for the entire study. <strong>Nation</strong>s, nationalities, identities are constructed<strong>and</strong> reproduced through schemes of perception <strong>and</strong> classification.Their social reality is constantly actuated as both means <strong>and</strong> resultsof struggles between actors aiming at imposing a particular worldview <strong>and</strong>seeking to legitimize their own positions. Once these processes are objectified,the picture becomes clear, <strong>and</strong> it is at anyone’s disposal to enjoy hisor her nationality in a way that represents a positive sum game for each ofthe actors involved.NOTES1Fredrik Barth, Ethnic Groups <strong>and</strong> Boundaries: The Social Organization of CultureDifference (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1969).2See Katherine Verdery, “Whither ‘<strong>Nation</strong>’ <strong>and</strong> ‘<strong>Nation</strong>alism’?” Daedalus 122(Summer 1993), p. 43; Rogers Brubaker, “Immigration, Citizenship <strong>and</strong> the<strong>Nation</strong>-State in France <strong>and</strong> Germany: A Comparative Historical Analysis” inBrian Turner <strong>and</strong> Peter Hamilton, eds., Citizenship: Critical Concepts, vol. 2(London: Routledge, 1994), p. 311, <strong>and</strong> Rogers Brubaker, <strong>Nation</strong>alismReframed: <strong>Nation</strong>hood <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Nation</strong>al Question in the New Europe (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 23-54.242

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