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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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BARNA ÁBRAHÁM<strong>Romanian</strong> town was derived from sheep-raising in the past, when in thewinter flocks were driven to Romania <strong>and</strong> Bessarabia, as well as to Bulgarian<strong>and</strong> Turkish territories. These experienced, enterprising peopleearned their living in commerce. Meanwhile, the village obtained municipalstatus <strong>and</strong> became urbanized, with several professional associations. 8The modernization of <strong>Romanian</strong> peasantry occurred in other villagesof this region, such as Rãºinari (Resinár), Orlat (Orlát), Gura Rîului(Guraró), or Rehãu (Rehó). The developing economy created a stratifiedsociety, “which did not bow its thick neck in front of every coat-wearingmen.” Folk customs have only partially survived: “Three-day long weddings<strong>and</strong> funeral feasts are disappearing, in exchange the mourners grant smalleror larger sums of money. Public utilities were established thanks to thesedonations.” 9 I quoted these sentences from the monography of Rãºinari,which stressed the solidarity <strong>and</strong> altruism of the inhabitants, emphasizingtheir cultural ambitions as well. 10As for the whole of Transylvania, one can point to the spread of middle<strong>and</strong> larger estates owned by <strong>Romanian</strong> peasants. 11 It was this risingstratum that was considered by contemporaries as the cradle of a wouldbeTransylvanian <strong>Romanian</strong> bourgeoisie. As early as 1879, George Bariþiupointed out that one can hardly find <strong>Romanian</strong>s with industrial <strong>and</strong> commercialproperty, <strong>and</strong> the creation of the modern <strong>Romanian</strong> bourgeoisiewas conditioned by the appearance of intelligent <strong>and</strong> well-to-do elementsof the peasantry. 12In the following decades, the young <strong>Romanian</strong> bourgeoisie preservedtheir close ties to the agrarian sphere because of family roots <strong>and</strong>not least because of the estates purchased by its members. 13 The generalagricultural conscription of 1895 registered 1,068 <strong>Romanian</strong> l<strong>and</strong>-owners(in the whole <strong>Hungarian</strong> Kingdom) with over 100 acres (as for Transylvaniaproper: 693 persons between 100 <strong>and</strong> 1,000 acres <strong>and</strong> 26 large l<strong>and</strong>owners).In 1910, there were 1,249 such persons (or 1,435 persons, tenantsincluded). During the same period, the number of farmers with 50-100acres increased from 2,975 to 5,500, rising to 6,204 by the end of WorldWar I. 14The formation, economic activity, <strong>and</strong> national role of the <strong>Romanian</strong>bourgeoisie were passionately debated. Ernõ Éber, representative of thewell-informed but prejudiced <strong>Hungarian</strong> public opinion of the time,accused the <strong>Romanian</strong> banks of acting at the expense of <strong>Romanian</strong> <strong>and</strong><strong>Hungarian</strong> smallholders in order to create a stratum of middle l<strong>and</strong>owners.15 The claim that the activity of the <strong>Romanian</strong> banks was ambigousappeared in the writings of <strong>Romanian</strong> contemporaries, too. 16 The banks –through their organ, Revista Economicã, monthly of the “<strong>Romanian</strong> BankAlliance” – considered it necessary to refute these accusations, pointing at210

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