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Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian & Hungarian ...

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RÃZVAN PÂRÂIANUare different (political) structures, the <strong>Romanian</strong> element being only oneamong others. This declared dichotomy between the two <strong>Romanian</strong>states <strong>and</strong> the third, non-<strong>Romanian</strong> one, is almost a leitmotif of the “textbook,”<strong>and</strong> it is not just an allusion but an explicit statement, if we takethe map titles no. 2 <strong>and</strong> 3 at the end of the “textbook”... To treat Transylvaniain this manner means to promote the idea of so-called “Transylvanism,”through which the <strong>Hungarian</strong> revisionists are supporting theidea – a commonplace for many people today – that Transylvania has itsseparate history, tradition, constitutional <strong>and</strong> juridical life. For centuries– they claim, such as the authors of this “textbook” – Transylvania developedits “own soul,” a certain specificity in the preservation of which the<strong>Hungarian</strong>s as well as the <strong>Romanian</strong>s are interested. 27This issue of rejecting any idea that may lead to a fragmented vision of the<strong>Romanian</strong> nation-state is related to the problem of envisioning this stateas a unitary entity long before its historical emergence. Mapping Romaniais not an easy task for a <strong>Romanian</strong> historian <strong>and</strong> not at all free of ideology.A map was for a very long time, <strong>and</strong> still is, a political statement.Two collateral observations might be interesting. There is a popularconfusion between Ardeal (Transylvania) <strong>and</strong> the entire territory acquiredby Romania from the <strong>Hungarian</strong> half of the Habsburg Empire in 1918.The reason for considering such an exp<strong>and</strong>ed version of Transylvania is toacquire historical legitimacy for a map that was drawn on ethnic principles.Second, there is a popular anxiety against any kind of autonomy. Thenationalist creed in the unitary nation-state was extensively used by totalitarianregimes to enforce the monolithic underst<strong>and</strong>ing of society.By default, the present discourse of Nãstase seems to allude to preciselythis register. It is not surprising that the emergence of the <strong>Romanian</strong>nation-state is in the center of Nãstase’s incriminatory monologue:There are two essential moments of the <strong>Romanian</strong> evolution, the treatingof which proves that this “textbook” is a deliberate attack against thefoundations of <strong>Romanian</strong> identity:1. By asserting that the creation of the Great Union of 1918 was primarilydue to the European ideological, politic <strong>and</strong> military context, <strong>and</strong>the right of Greater Romania for the territory inhabited by <strong>Romanian</strong>swas equal to the “consecration” of an “extremely advantageous situationfor the <strong>Romanian</strong> Kingdom,” by the Peace Conference of Paris, theauthors promote another favorite thesis of <strong>Hungarian</strong> revisionists whoask for the “revision” of the decisions taken at the Peace Conference,claiming that the union was due to military force <strong>and</strong> not to a populardecision. It is exactly what the “textbook” is saying.104

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