Part 1 - AL-Tax
Part 1 - AL-Tax Part 1 - AL-Tax
Chapter 10international tax evasion cannot be fully stemmed; As long as there is one taxhaven outside the grand coalition, all funds could (in theory) be diverted to thatsole remaining tax haven.Complete country coverage is unlikely to be an economically meaningful outcomebecause both governments and investors will conduct a dynamic cost-benefitanalysis. Foreign investors will factor in security concerns; The risk of losing theirfunds through bank default makes it less attractive for tax evaders to deposit fundsin financial centers without a proven track record. Investors’ transactions costs – forexample, travel and communication costs – are also a determinant in such costbenefitanalysis. Tax evaders are therefore less inclined to deposit funds at largerdistances. In addition to the factors mentioned in section 10.3.1, governments mayrefrain from joining an information-sharing agreement because of bank secrecyrules. For information exchange to be effective, however, it is important that keyfinancial centers and tax havens participate in an agreement. The EU savings taxdirective, therefore, has concluded ‘equivalent measures’ with five outside taxhavens (see section 10.4.2).10.3.3 Alternative instrumentsIt was argued above that tax information sharing buttresses the enforcement ofthe residence principle. What other instruments are available to tax cross-bordersavings income? How do they compare in terms of efficiency and equity?Nonresident withholding taxes are a widely used and administratively simpleway of taxing cross-border income flows. Under withholding, taxes on interestincome (set by the source country) are collected by financial institutions (commercialbanks, insurance and trust companies, etc.) rather than being determinedthrough self-assessment by individual taxpayers. But, unless all countries imposethe same withholding tax rate, withholding suffers from the disadvantage of distortinginvestments in favor of locations with low effective tax rates. Taxationthrough withholding at source typically makes tax competition more aggressive,tending to lead to Nash equilibrium tax rates below the socially efficient level.Indeed, as shown by Huizinga and Nicodème (2004), the average (statutory) withholdingtax imposed on nonresidents for a group of 19 OECD countries has fallengradually from 0.40% in 1992 to 0.18% in 2000.A second feature of withholding taxes is that they allocate revenue – in the oppositedirection of the residence principle – to the country in which the income isgenerated, which is not a source of inefficiency in itself but runs counter toapparently widely held notions of inter-nation equity. Note that crediting of249
International Taxation Handbookwithholding taxes under the residence principle generates an implicit revenuetransfer from the residence to the source country. In the knife-edge case of a foreignwithholding tax rate equal to the income tax rate on residents, the residencecountry does not collect any revenue at all! And, the revenue transferred in thisway is not unimportant. Keen and Wildasin (2004) discussed the case of the USA,in which implicit transfers to foreign countries exceed the amount of explicit USforeign aid (averaging about 0.2% of GDP during recent years). 11If countries, however, could sign a treaty specifying the socially efficient withholdingtax rates and required revenue transfers, an efficient and equitable outcomein line with pure residence-based taxation would be obtained. But theunderlying conflict of interest between countries evidently prevents this fromhappening. Countries with no or a low tax rate fear losing out from a harmonizedwithholding tax rate at some minimum level (because these countries are netimporters of capital). In this political game, an international tax agency – coinedthe World Tax Organization (WTO) by Tanzi (1999) – could have a meaningfulrole to play (of course, the WTO could also play a useful role in negotiating information-sharingtreaties).Recent literature (e.g. Keen and Ligthart, 2006b) shows that information exchangeis more efficient than withholding taxes in the sense of generating larger global revenues.Intuitively, information sharing brings additional taxpayers into the tax netby their home country, and these taxpayers are typically taxed at (income tax) ratesexceeding the nonresident withholding tax rates paid abroad. The size of this effectis larger the greater the difference between the rates of the resident income tax andthe foreign withholding tax, the larger the probability of the evader being caught bythe foreign authorities, and the larger the imposed fines. Moreover, informationexchange has the further advantage that it may also help tax authorities uncover taxevasion in other tax categories (for example, wage or social security taxes) 12 or provideleads in detecting criminal activities, including money laundering. Indeed,evasion of the capital income tax is not the only motive to deposit money abroad; Itis likely that some share of the funds is earned in the underground economy or isgenerated by criminal activities, and therefore must be concealed.If all countries were identical, one would expect information sharing to emergeas the preferred outcome. Once allowance is made for asymmetries in countrysize, it is not immediately evident what kind of taxation regime would result.Very small countries – often operating as tax havens (section 10.4.2) – may preferto levy nonresident withholding taxes. Moreover, this would allow small countriesto maintain their bank secrecy legislation or tradition (if any is applicable).As was argued above, by passing some of the additional revenue collected as a250
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International <strong>Tax</strong>ation Handbookwithholding taxes under the residence principle generates an implicit revenuetransfer from the residence to the source country. In the knife-edge case of a foreignwithholding tax rate equal to the income tax rate on residents, the residencecountry does not collect any revenue at all! And, the revenue transferred in thisway is not unimportant. Keen and Wildasin (2004) discussed the case of the USA,in which implicit transfers to foreign countries exceed the amount of explicit USforeign aid (averaging about 0.2% of GDP during recent years). 11If countries, however, could sign a treaty specifying the socially efficient withholdingtax rates and required revenue transfers, an efficient and equitable outcomein line with pure residence-based taxation would be obtained. But theunderlying conflict of interest between countries evidently prevents this fromhappening. Countries with no or a low tax rate fear losing out from a harmonizedwithholding tax rate at some minimum level (because these countries are netimporters of capital). In this political game, an international tax agency – coinedthe World <strong>Tax</strong> Organization (WTO) by Tanzi (1999) – could have a meaningfulrole to play (of course, the WTO could also play a useful role in negotiating information-sharingtreaties).Recent literature (e.g. Keen and Ligthart, 2006b) shows that information exchangeis more efficient than withholding taxes in the sense of generating larger global revenues.Intuitively, information sharing brings additional taxpayers into the tax netby their home country, and these taxpayers are typically taxed at (income tax) ratesexceeding the nonresident withholding tax rates paid abroad. The size of this effectis larger the greater the difference between the rates of the resident income tax andthe foreign withholding tax, the larger the probability of the evader being caught bythe foreign authorities, and the larger the imposed fines. Moreover, informationexchange has the further advantage that it may also help tax authorities uncover taxevasion in other tax categories (for example, wage or social security taxes) 12 or provideleads in detecting criminal activities, including money laundering. Indeed,evasion of the capital income tax is not the only motive to deposit money abroad; Itis likely that some share of the funds is earned in the underground economy or isgenerated by criminal activities, and therefore must be concealed.If all countries were identical, one would expect information sharing to emergeas the preferred outcome. Once allowance is made for asymmetries in countrysize, it is not immediately evident what kind of taxation regime would result.Very small countries – often operating as tax havens (section 10.4.2) – may preferto levy nonresident withholding taxes. Moreover, this would allow small countriesto maintain their bank secrecy legislation or tradition (if any is applicable).As was argued above, by passing some of the additional revenue collected as a250