Part 1 - AL-Tax

Part 1 - AL-Tax Part 1 - AL-Tax

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Chapter 10AbstractThe deepening globalization and increased capital mobility, facilitated by advancements intechnology and the elimination of exchange controls, have affected countries’ ability to effectivelytax cross-border savings deposits and more generally portfolio investments. Due tothe ready access to foreign financial markets – often located in offshore financial centerslevying no or low tax rates – investors can more easily than before conceal capital incomefrom their domestic tax authorities. While the literature has paid much attention to the institutionalarrangements and practicalities of tax information sharing, the economics of theissue has hardly been analyzed. Many questions arise. Why would source countries (thatis, those in which the savings income arises) voluntarily choose to provide information toresidence countries and thereby make themselves less attractive places to foreign investors?Does self-interest induce countries to provide an appropriate amount of information? Whyis it – as the experience in the European Union has been – that small countries prefer tolevy withholding taxes, whereas (relatively) large countries favor information sharing?This overview article presents what is known about these questions with a view to provideinsights into the economics of tax information exchange.10.1 IntroductionThe increased mobility of capital flows, facilitated by advancements in technologyand the elimination of foreign exchange controls, has negatively affected countries’ability to tax income from cross-border savings. 1 Due to the ready access toforeign financial markets – often located in tax havens, levying little or no tax 2 –private investors can easily conceal capital income from their domestic taxauthorities. As a result, tax authorities of the investor’s country of residence arefaced with an increasing number of ‘disappearing’ taxpayers. No reliable estimatesexist of the scope of international tax evasion. Evidently, if we could measure it, wecould tax it too! Nevertheless, most experts agree that the tax evasion problem issubstantial and growing rapidly. Indeed, external bank deposits of nonbankinvestors for a group of 24 countries 3 have grown on average by 123% during1995–2004. It is likely that part of this sizeable growth is attributable to increasednoncompliance with national tax laws. Consequently, national governments arelosing public revenue at a time when their public finances are already overstretched4 and their banking sectors are suffering from (unfair) foreign competition.One way of helping tax authorities to combat international tax evasion is toimprove the cross-border exchange of taxpayer-specific information, which hasemerged in recent years as one of the key issues in international tax policy discussions(applying a withholding tax is another instrument – see below for a241

International Taxation Handbookdetailed discussion). Information exchange is at the heart of the EU’s savings taxdirective, which has been in effect since July 2005. The EU savings tax directiveprescribes that 22 of 25 Member States share automatically between each othertax information on residents’ cross-border interest income. However, three of thesmaller EU Member States – Austria, Belgium, and Luxembourg – are allowedinstead to levy a withholding tax on the savings income of residents of otherMember States. To prevent capital flight, the European Commission has negotiated‘equivalent measures’ with five non-EU countries and a group of dependent andassociated (DA) territories of EU countries. Information sharing also featuresprominently in the OECD’s controversial ‘Harmful Tax Practices’ project (OECD,1998), which began by identifying, in June 2000, 35 noncooperative tax havens forfurther analysis and dialog. In the policy debate, this country list is often referredto as the ‘OECD blacklist’. Listed jurisdictions were asked to enter into commitmentsto put in place effective information sharing and transparent tax practices.Given the strong focus of recent policy initiatives on tax information sharing,it is of importance to understand its economics. While the literature has paidmuch attention to the institutional arrangements and practicalities of tax informationsharing, the economics of the issue has not been extensively analyzed.The theoretical academic literature – which typically employs two-country, gametheoreticmodels – is relatively small (key contributions are those of Bacchettaand Espinosa, 1995, 2000; Eggert and Kolmar, 2002a, b, 2004; Huizinga andNielsen, 2003; Makris, 2003; Keen and Ligthart, 2005, 2006b). Tanzi and Zee (1999,2001) provide an informal analysis of incentive issues in information sharing,while Keen and Ligthart (2006a) give a comprehensive overview of informationsharing issues on which this paper partly draws. When analyzing the informationsharing issue, many policy-relevant questions arise. Why would source countries(that is, those in which the savings income arises) voluntarily choose to providetax information to residence countries (that is, those in which the private investorresides), thereby making themselves less attractive locations to foreign investors?Does the unbridled pursuit of self-interest induce countries to provide an optimalamount of information? Why is it – as the experience with the EU savings tax hasbeen – that relatively small countries prefer to levy withholding taxes at source,whereas large countries favor information sharing? This chapter presents what isknown about these questions to provide insight into the economics of informationsharing. More specifically, it employs these insights to analyze the workings andeffectiveness of the EU savings tax directive as a case in point.The chapter is organized as follows. Section 10.2 sets out the general principlesunderlying the taxation of cross-border savings income. Section 10.3 discusses the242

International <strong>Tax</strong>ation Handbookdetailed discussion). Information exchange is at the heart of the EU’s savings taxdirective, which has been in effect since July 2005. The EU savings tax directiveprescribes that 22 of 25 Member States share automatically between each othertax information on residents’ cross-border interest income. However, three of thesmaller EU Member States – Austria, Belgium, and Luxembourg – are allowedinstead to levy a withholding tax on the savings income of residents of otherMember States. To prevent capital flight, the European Commission has negotiated‘equivalent measures’ with five non-EU countries and a group of dependent andassociated (DA) territories of EU countries. Information sharing also featuresprominently in the OECD’s controversial ‘Harmful <strong>Tax</strong> Practices’ project (OECD,1998), which began by identifying, in June 2000, 35 noncooperative tax havens forfurther analysis and dialog. In the policy debate, this country list is often referredto as the ‘OECD blacklist’. Listed jurisdictions were asked to enter into commitmentsto put in place effective information sharing and transparent tax practices.Given the strong focus of recent policy initiatives on tax information sharing,it is of importance to understand its economics. While the literature has paidmuch attention to the institutional arrangements and practicalities of tax informationsharing, the economics of the issue has not been extensively analyzed.The theoretical academic literature – which typically employs two-country, gametheoreticmodels – is relatively small (key contributions are those of Bacchettaand Espinosa, 1995, 2000; Eggert and Kolmar, 2002a, b, 2004; Huizinga andNielsen, 2003; Makris, 2003; Keen and Ligthart, 2005, 2006b). Tanzi and Zee (1999,2001) provide an informal analysis of incentive issues in information sharing,while Keen and Ligthart (2006a) give a comprehensive overview of informationsharing issues on which this paper partly draws. When analyzing the informationsharing issue, many policy-relevant questions arise. Why would source countries(that is, those in which the savings income arises) voluntarily choose to providetax information to residence countries (that is, those in which the private investorresides), thereby making themselves less attractive locations to foreign investors?Does the unbridled pursuit of self-interest induce countries to provide an optimalamount of information? Why is it – as the experience with the EU savings tax hasbeen – that relatively small countries prefer to levy withholding taxes at source,whereas large countries favor information sharing? This chapter presents what isknown about these questions to provide insight into the economics of informationsharing. More specifically, it employs these insights to analyze the workings andeffectiveness of the EU savings tax directive as a case in point.The chapter is organized as follows. Section 10.2 sets out the general principlesunderlying the taxation of cross-border savings income. Section 10.3 discusses the242

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