Peripheral Identities - Iberia and Eastern Europe Between the - clepul
Peripheral Identities - Iberia and Eastern Europe Between the - clepul
Peripheral Identities - Iberia and Eastern Europe Between the - clepul
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Teresa Pinheiro<br />
Beata Cieszynska<br />
José Eduardo Franco<br />
(Ed.)<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong><br />
<strong>Identities</strong><br />
<strong>Iberia</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong><br />
<strong>Between</strong> <strong>the</strong> Dictatorial Past<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present<br />
Chemnitz-Warsaw-Glasgow-Madrid-Lisbon<br />
PearlBooks<br />
2011<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 1 31-01-2012 17:24:17
Title: <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> - <strong>Iberia</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>Between</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Dictatorial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present<br />
Review: Pearlbooks<br />
Editors: Beata Cieszynska, Teresa Pinheiro <strong>and</strong> José Eduardo Franco<br />
Layout: Pixelart<br />
Printed in Portugal by Agapex - Impressão e Imagem, Lda.<br />
1st edition: 2011<br />
ISBN: 9789899732803<br />
Legal Deposit: 333255/11<br />
Cover image: Vasco da Gama Bridge, by Jorge Teixeira, Lisbon<br />
Pearlbooks, Limited<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 2 31-01-2012 17:24:17
Acknowledgements<br />
The editors would like to express <strong>the</strong>ir gratitude to Dr Margaret Tejerizo<br />
from <strong>the</strong> University of Glasgow for her advices <strong>and</strong> support in editing <strong>the</strong><br />
presented material.<br />
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<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 4 31-01-2012 17:24:17
Contents<br />
Part I: Theoretical Approach<br />
Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco / Teresa<br />
Pinheiro (University of Lisbon / Chemnitz University of<br />
Technology): “Mapping National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Identities</strong>.<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong> between Centres <strong>and</strong> Peripheries”<br />
11<br />
Annabela Rita (University of Lisbon): “Identity <strong>and</strong><br />
O<strong>the</strong>rness: Coordinates of a Cartography of Identity”<br />
25<br />
Francisco Nazareth (Camões Institute, Sofia): “Occidentalism<br />
<strong>and</strong> Post-Empire(s) in Semi-<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Societies: Balkan <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Cultural Parallels”<br />
35<br />
Part II: Representations of<br />
<strong>Iberia</strong> in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong><br />
Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristóvão ( University of Lisbon): “Polish<br />
Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula” 51<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 5 31-01-2012 17:24:17
Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska (University of Lisbon): “The Myth(s)<br />
of <strong>Iberia</strong> in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Countries of <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Eastern</strong>-<br />
Bloc” 67<br />
Anna Kalewska (University of Warsaw): “Portugal Stereotypes<br />
in Pol<strong>and</strong>, or, The Pictures in our Minds. Long away from <strong>the</strong><br />
Perils of Life” 87<br />
Jörg Seidel (Chemnitz University of Technology): “The<br />
Portuguese Carnation Revolution in East-Germany’s Neues<br />
Deutschl<strong>and</strong>“ 99<br />
Luís Machado de Abreu (University of Aveiro):<br />
“Leszek Kołakowski’s Scepticism in <strong>the</strong> Age of<br />
Suspicion“ 111<br />
Olga Roussinova/ Kirill Titaev (<strong>Europe</strong>an University at St.<br />
Petersburg): “Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions,<br />
Space of Appearances” 123<br />
Part III: Representations of<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula<br />
José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira (University of<br />
Lisbon): “The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> Frontier of<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>. Representations of Slavic Countries in <strong>the</strong> Jesuit<br />
Journal Brotéria” 139<br />
Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián (University of A<br />
Coruña): “Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or, The Fraternity of <strong>the</strong><br />
Enslaved Nations” 219<br />
Maria Isabel Morán Cabanas (University of Santiago<br />
de Compostela): “Approaches to 21 st Century Slavic<br />
Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature:<br />
A Comparative Analysis” 231<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 6 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Part IV: National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Identity<br />
Wolfgang Aschauer (Chemnitz University of Technology):<br />
“<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> in Hungary“ 249<br />
Sonja Koroliov (University of Halle / Wittenberg): “Balkan<br />
Visions: Conceptualisations of <strong>Europe</strong> in Contemporary<br />
Macedonia” 259<br />
Ulrich Best ( York University, Toronto): “Postcolonial<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>? Discourses on Postcolonialism between<br />
Nationalism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western Gaze” 271<br />
Miloš Havelka (Charles University, Prague): “Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Constructions of Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>, or, What is <strong>the</strong> Centre <strong>and</strong> who are <strong>the</strong> Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>ans?” 289<br />
Teresa Pinheiro (Chemnitz University of Technology):<br />
“<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>Identities</strong> between <strong>the</strong> Colonial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Present” 305<br />
Cláucio Serra Domingues (University of Münster): “In <strong>the</strong><br />
Name of April – Building <strong>the</strong> Past around a Political Myth<br />
in Portuguese Democracy” 319<br />
Notes on Contributors 353<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 7 31-01-2012 17:24:18
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 8 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Part I<br />
Theoretical Approach<br />
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Mapping National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Identities</strong>.<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong><br />
between Centres <strong>and</strong> Peripheries<br />
Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco /<br />
Teresa Pinheiro<br />
(University of Lisbon / Chemnitz University of Technology)<br />
The contemporary map of <strong>Europe</strong> – multicultural <strong>and</strong> fluid, with its<br />
extremities moving ever closer <strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union exp<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
to <strong>the</strong> east <strong>and</strong> south-east, – reveals both <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
Peninsula to be at different yet in some ways truly similar stages in adjusting<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir collective memory <strong>and</strong> self-defining identity to <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
experience <strong>and</strong> opening up to <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r (Wagstaff 2004; Zarycki 2007).<br />
Previously represented in ambiguous dialogues, <strong>and</strong> conditioned by<br />
fear-inducing stereotypes, <strong>the</strong>y were recently presented with new opportunities<br />
for experiencing fruitful encounters <strong>and</strong> comparisons. The end of<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc marked <strong>the</strong> beginning of a step-by-step convergence of<br />
<strong>the</strong> “Old <strong>Europe</strong>” <strong>and</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries. In May<br />
2004 this convergence achieved institutional consolidation through <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> enlargement, which was fur<strong>the</strong>r streng<strong>the</strong>ned by Bulgaria <strong>and</strong> Romania<br />
joining <strong>the</strong> EU in 2007. Yet <strong>the</strong> growing integration of <strong>the</strong> former<br />
<strong>Europe</strong> of 15 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> 10 new Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries is<br />
an asymmetric process. For example, economic investment has a tendency<br />
to be directed from west to east, in contrast to migration flows that follow<br />
a distinct westward direction. There is an old centre in <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Europe</strong><br />
that attracts most of <strong>the</strong> attention: <strong>the</strong> triangle of Berlin, Paris <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 11 31-01-2012 17:24:18
12 Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco / Teresa Pinheiro<br />
London, with Brussels at its centre, offers great political <strong>and</strong> economic<br />
attractions to <strong>the</strong> new <strong>and</strong> future members of <strong>the</strong> EU. The new members<br />
furnish <strong>the</strong> EU with new peripheries which communicate first <strong>and</strong> foremost<br />
with <strong>the</strong> centre, but which also have – less carefully attended – contacts<br />
<strong>and</strong> relationships with <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r peripheries. The presence of Central<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries among <strong>the</strong> 15 established members is,<br />
however, not widely recognised <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y are still quite unknown in <strong>the</strong><br />
collective perception of <strong>Europe</strong>an imaginative geography (Said 1978: 49).<br />
Only recently has <strong>the</strong> increasing presence of migrants from Central <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries influenced <strong>the</strong> collective views on <strong>the</strong> new<br />
EU members. The book <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> intends to fill up <strong>the</strong> gap in <strong>the</strong><br />
existing research on mutual readings <strong>and</strong> comparisons between Slavic, <strong>and</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n nations. One cannot<br />
find a similar up to date attempt on <strong>the</strong> proposed scale, although <strong>the</strong>re are<br />
a number of surveys of comparisons on cultural relationships between<br />
both regions. This book will use both monographs <strong>and</strong> comparative approaches<br />
to show <strong>the</strong> changing relationships between centres <strong>and</strong> peripheries.<br />
The book examines also how Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain have constituted an<br />
idea of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries, just as <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries<br />
produced, through <strong>the</strong> centuries, several ideas of <strong>Iberia</strong>. The latest tendencies<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong>an comparative research into contemporary <strong>Europe</strong> reveal<br />
<strong>the</strong> urgent need to bring toge<strong>the</strong>r its opposite points through encounters<br />
<strong>and</strong> knowledge, at <strong>the</strong> same time referring to <strong>the</strong> recent methodologies<br />
concerning <strong>the</strong> Representation of O<strong>the</strong>rness, <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> opening up of<br />
new perspectives by redefining oneself through <strong>the</strong> recognition of <strong>the</strong><br />
point of view of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r. The editors hope that this present debate will<br />
be <strong>the</strong> next step towards a fruitful reassessment (<strong>and</strong> not only for both<br />
parts of <strong>Europe</strong> under consideration) of <strong>the</strong> traditional dualism of Identity<br />
<strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rness. Studies focused upon <strong>the</strong> systematization <strong>and</strong> categorization<br />
of <strong>Iberia</strong>n-Slavic-<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an research issues tend to apply<br />
<strong>the</strong> most recent post-modern comparative methodologies of “Reading<br />
<strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r” (Waldenfels 2007; Arenas 2003). Focusing upon <strong>the</strong> literary,<br />
historical, philosophical, psychological, political <strong>and</strong> linguistic aspects of<br />
Slavic, <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n outlooks, <strong>the</strong> authors of <strong>Peripheral</strong><br />
<strong>Identities</strong> examine <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>and</strong> fluctuation of national <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
myths, ideas, models <strong>and</strong> forms of behaviour that have been prevalent<br />
in different periods, developing in step with interpretations of <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />
complex culture <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> culture of “<strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r”. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> present<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 12 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Mapping National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Identities</strong> 13<br />
volume aims to apply <strong>the</strong> traditional concept of identity to <strong>the</strong> present<br />
social conditions of <strong>the</strong> countries in question, which belong to a heterogeneous<br />
multicultural <strong>Europe</strong>. Our main goal is to achieve a syn<strong>the</strong>sis of <strong>the</strong><br />
perspectives of <strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an cultures, which are situated<br />
at opposite poles of <strong>Europe</strong> but are never<strong>the</strong>less moving ever closer. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> present day postmodern <strong>Europe</strong> it has become strategically important<br />
to research <strong>the</strong> cross-overs, encounters <strong>and</strong> views on those cultures, <strong>the</strong><br />
various interpretations that existed <strong>and</strong> were elaborated in <strong>the</strong> period from<br />
<strong>the</strong> modern (sometimes also <strong>the</strong> early modern) epoch <strong>and</strong> are still evident<br />
in <strong>the</strong> variety of meanings <strong>and</strong> points of reference of post-modernity. The<br />
book limits <strong>the</strong> object of study to modern <strong>and</strong> contemporary History, <strong>and</strong><br />
to what institutions, ideas <strong>and</strong> cultures have generated <strong>and</strong> made permanent,<br />
so as to identify <strong>the</strong> common traits <strong>and</strong> links to what we are today.<br />
The method of studying <strong>the</strong> two regions of <strong>Europe</strong> in question, in<br />
<strong>the</strong> various centre-periphery contexts partakes of a certain tradition with<br />
examples showing more or less successful attempts (Milton / Wiencek<br />
1980; Malowist 1967). The approach of <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> gains its uniqueness<br />
by comparing <strong>the</strong> encounters of two regions, sometimes seen as opposite<br />
but sharing a common <strong>Europe</strong>an experience.<br />
The proposed analytical method has much to offer in three respects:<br />
when focusing upon <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>Europe</strong>an relationship as periphery-periphery<br />
encounters; when analysing <strong>the</strong>ir encounters in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> search<br />
for a particular place in <strong>the</strong> regional, local <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an centre – periphery<br />
dynamics; 1 <strong>and</strong> when analysing <strong>the</strong>ir updating of identity selfdefinitions,<br />
which in a wider sense reveal traces of a struggle with <strong>the</strong> concept<br />
of peripherality.<br />
The proposed approach also allows one to observe some of <strong>the</strong><br />
symbolic identity strategies adopted in order to compensate, or even to<br />
finally overcome, <strong>the</strong> sense of peripherality. This is <strong>the</strong> main focus of<br />
interest of <strong>the</strong> book <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong>: <strong>Iberia</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>Between</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
dictatorial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present.<br />
Whereas <strong>the</strong> relations between <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>and</strong> periphery dominate<br />
politics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> public perception of this historical process, insights into<br />
<strong>the</strong> direct relationships between <strong>the</strong> peripheries allow <strong>the</strong> identification of<br />
a different dimension of <strong>the</strong> dynamics of <strong>Europe</strong>an integration.<br />
1 In this context one of <strong>the</strong> most useful categories to call upon is <strong>the</strong> sociological <strong>the</strong>ory<br />
of capital as set out by Bourdieu, <strong>the</strong> concept of different capitals is one that enables a<br />
description of various self perceptions according to actual capital (Zarycki 2007).<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 13 31-01-2012 17:24:18
14 Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco / Teresa Pinheiro<br />
These inter-peripheral relations are to be discussed with regard to<br />
<strong>the</strong> cultural connections between <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n States <strong>and</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an countries as well as to comparisons of <strong>the</strong> respective development<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir identities.<br />
In defining a place on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an cultural <strong>and</strong> political map, both<br />
<strong>Iberia</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> are constantly facing <strong>the</strong>ir own myths of origin,<br />
dreams of dignity as well as <strong>the</strong>ir complexes <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reappearing consciousness<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir decadency <strong>and</strong> decline (Kalaga / Kubisz 2008; Quental<br />
1871).<br />
There is also a set of external categories belonging to <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />
eighteenth-century legacy of thought that affects <strong>the</strong>ir self-image<br />
<strong>and</strong> dialogues, as <strong>the</strong>y are still struggling with two defining oppositions,<br />
<strong>the</strong> first dividing <strong>Europe</strong> into <strong>the</strong> west <strong>and</strong> east (with a special role for <strong>the</strong><br />
Balkans), <strong>the</strong> second parting our continent into <strong>the</strong> north <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> south.<br />
One may consider both <strong>Europe</strong>an spaces as progressive liberal <strong>and</strong> willing<br />
or unwilling return to such “mythicizing traps” (Todorova 2006; Wolff<br />
2000; Staël 1800).<br />
Both regions respond to <strong>the</strong> necessity to apply <strong>the</strong> post-modern<br />
requirements of identity for <strong>Europe</strong> in <strong>the</strong>ir own ways, approaching <strong>the</strong><br />
dominant determinants of <strong>the</strong>ir present state in terms of <strong>the</strong> historical<br />
past. Both twentieth-century totalitarian experience <strong>and</strong> postcolonial perspectives<br />
are <strong>the</strong> next set of parameters to consider as being still present<br />
in <strong>the</strong>ir collective memory <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir interpretations of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r. One<br />
of <strong>the</strong> most important focuses of <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> is how both <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries experienced totalitarian regimes in <strong>the</strong><br />
twentieth century <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir so called return to <strong>Europe</strong> as <strong>the</strong> one of <strong>the</strong><br />
consequences. 2 Ano<strong>the</strong>r issue is postcolonialism, that has been traditionally<br />
an important issue for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries, but it is significant that<br />
recently it has also affected <strong>the</strong> former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc countries (Kelertas<br />
2006; Kovacevic 2008). Some recent studies point out that in those latter<br />
countries <strong>the</strong> only perspective that exists is that of an ideological choice<br />
between post-communism <strong>and</strong> postmodernism. 3<br />
2 Looking at that terminology one may see that as <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> became a more<br />
ideologically based term, <strong>the</strong> terms related to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries are more geographical<br />
<strong>and</strong> historically based.<br />
3 Some authors illustrate this by stating that in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re is no postmodernism, <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
only post-communism. This choice appears to be most important for <strong>the</strong> Slavic cultures<br />
bringing also <strong>the</strong> possibility of playing a significant role in today’s <strong>Europe</strong> (Zarycki 2005).<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 14 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Mapping National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Identities</strong> 15<br />
In such a context even <strong>the</strong> concept of pathology has been employed<br />
when speaking of <strong>the</strong> roots of national identity in <strong>the</strong> Slavic countries<br />
(Bobrownicka 2006). 4<br />
In <strong>the</strong> interests of <strong>the</strong> present book <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries<br />
are involved in at least three points of cross-over, which also represent<br />
areas of mutual concurrence. From <strong>the</strong> cultural point of view we take <strong>the</strong><br />
majority of <strong>the</strong> Slavic countries; <strong>the</strong>ir cultural heritage dividing <strong>the</strong>m into<br />
two camps – Slavia Latina <strong>and</strong> Slavia Ortodoxa, which also form <strong>the</strong> main<br />
component of <strong>the</strong> former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc; <strong>the</strong> anti <strong>and</strong> pro-Habsburg’s 5<br />
struggle (Germany, Hungary, Serbia, Slovenia, Bosnia) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia.<br />
The points of cross-over in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n region are various peninsular<br />
issues, such as <strong>the</strong> stronger discourse of national identity discourse<br />
in Portugal (definitively based upon its differing from Spain), both autonomist<br />
or, on <strong>the</strong> contrary, unifying perspectives for so called <strong>Iberia</strong> (such<br />
as <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Union), as well as <strong>the</strong> different state of identification<br />
in <strong>the</strong> autonomous provinces of Spain. It explains cross-overs in<br />
<strong>the</strong> terminology <strong>and</strong> concepts that are discussed <strong>and</strong> referred to in course<br />
of <strong>the</strong> mapping that <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> undertakes, which are above all,<br />
in terms of <strong>the</strong> east: <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>and</strong> Central or Central-<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, or<br />
Balkan <strong>Europe</strong>, or <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc; <strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r part of <strong>Europe</strong> we have<br />
questions such as <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula or <strong>Iberia</strong>, with at least three different<br />
perspectives: looking at two <strong>Iberia</strong>n states separately or as complex<br />
regions, which applies to autonomous communities of Spain, recognised<br />
as historical nationalities. One of <strong>the</strong> aspects presented in <strong>the</strong> book’s research<br />
material is that <strong>the</strong> more recent years that coincide with <strong>the</strong> end of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Soviet Union <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> new structure of <strong>Europe</strong>an geography brought<br />
intellectual migration to Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain. Coming from <strong>the</strong> centre of<br />
<strong>Europe</strong> – <strong>and</strong> many Slavonic countries – a cultural elite disseminated in<br />
<strong>the</strong> multicultural milieu, already very diverse, that existed in Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
Spain. From that new reality a set of cultural creations arose, which surely<br />
led to a cultural heritage in <strong>the</strong> medium term <strong>and</strong> must be born in mind,<br />
whose interpretations are now tolerated <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> University reflects as<br />
a meaningful example.<br />
4 In sum crossing transition categories presented in <strong>Europe</strong>: Lives in Transition edited by<br />
Bettina van Hoven in 2004 (Hoven 2004), showing <strong>the</strong> complex ethnic, national <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
issues that prevent <strong>the</strong>m from having <strong>the</strong> easy wave of mapping activity.<br />
5 For countries of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> it was Spain that for centuries was identified with<br />
Habsburgs.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 15 31-01-2012 17:24:18
16 Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco / Teresa Pinheiro<br />
Joining <strong>the</strong> EU, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> subsequent improvement in <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard of<br />
living <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> economic situation, brought about a change from Portugal<br />
being affected by emigration towards a growing influx of immigrants.<br />
The rise in immigration from countries such as Ukraine, Romania<br />
<strong>and</strong> Moldavia, as well as o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Eastern</strong> countries since <strong>the</strong> late 1990s, has<br />
made Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> an every-day reality in Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
Spain. Immigrants from former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc countries confront both<br />
Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish society with social <strong>and</strong> cultural experiences that<br />
had been subsumed incorporated within <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union in Portuguese<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spanish mental mapping. Contemporary reflections upon this encounter<br />
are to be found in <strong>the</strong> literary studies present in this book.<br />
The book will fill a gap in research – our limited knowledge of <strong>the</strong><br />
contemporary perception of <strong>the</strong> East <strong>Europe</strong>an countries (above all those<br />
of <strong>the</strong> former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc) in <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries <strong>and</strong> vice versa, as most<br />
works have been published in <strong>the</strong>ir respective local languages. The current<br />
perception of Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries in Portugal<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spain is also one of <strong>the</strong> important fields of research to be addressed.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, negotiations prior to joining <strong>the</strong> EU, <strong>the</strong> encouraging,<br />
<strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> same time worrying, example of Portuguese development, <strong>and</strong><br />
experiences of Portugal as <strong>the</strong> host country of an emigrant Diaspora have<br />
exercised a great influence on contemporary representations of <strong>Iberia</strong> in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries. Ano<strong>the</strong>r important issue is<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish scientific <strong>and</strong> political discourse on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
Enlargement <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> presence of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an migrants, which<br />
has brought about new experiences in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish everyday<br />
life. It is important to underst<strong>and</strong> how <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n media reflect <strong>the</strong> new<br />
social <strong>and</strong> cultural reality in comparison to <strong>the</strong> traditional Lusophonic <strong>and</strong><br />
Hispanic immigration from Africa <strong>and</strong> South America. However, <strong>the</strong> images<br />
of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r are not only influenced by contemporary interactions,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y also relate to older discourses. Therefore <strong>the</strong> historical perspective is<br />
taken into account as well as <strong>the</strong> present perspective. The 20 th century offers<br />
a particularly large number of mutual representations which still influence<br />
today’s perceptions. Journalistic <strong>and</strong> literary statements from former<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc countries about <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Estado Novo <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonial<br />
policies of Salazar <strong>and</strong> Franco, <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
colonial war offer a good starting point for historiographic explorations,<br />
as does <strong>the</strong> dismissive propag<strong>and</strong>a describing <strong>the</strong> communist East in <strong>the</strong><br />
ideological statements from <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo <strong>and</strong> Franco’s Spain. Of equal<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 16 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Mapping National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Identities</strong> 17<br />
importance are mutual representations in political <strong>and</strong> public discourse<br />
during <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Carnation Revolution in 1974 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> following left<br />
wing revolutionary phase, as well as <strong>the</strong> democratisation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> restauration<br />
of <strong>the</strong> monarchy in Spain that ended <strong>the</strong> Franco’s era.<br />
Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese views of protests <strong>and</strong> reform movements<br />
in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> countries, above in all East Germany, Russia, Pol<strong>and</strong>, Czech<br />
Republic <strong>and</strong> some states of former Yugoslavia, will also be considered.<br />
The issues mentioned above are also important with regard to <strong>the</strong><br />
question of national identity construction. Portugal, Spain <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an countries experienced long-lasting totalitarian regimes <strong>and</strong><br />
only turned to <strong>Europe</strong> after <strong>the</strong> collapse of <strong>the</strong>ir respective dictatorships.<br />
This implies that <strong>the</strong> creation of collective identity needs to address both,<br />
<strong>the</strong> dictatorial past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> supranational, <strong>Europe</strong>an framework. The issue<br />
of collective memory in <strong>Europe</strong> gains more <strong>and</strong> more importance. To<br />
varying degrees <strong>and</strong> mostly related to a scientific discourse, <strong>the</strong> topic of<br />
<strong>the</strong> current treatment of <strong>the</strong> recent past is of great importance in Portugal<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spain, as well as in former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc countries <strong>and</strong> Yugoslavia, as<br />
part of <strong>the</strong>ir respective constructions of national identity. The contributions<br />
of <strong>the</strong> book <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> are to demonstrate <strong>the</strong> importance of<br />
this topic in <strong>the</strong> respective countries <strong>and</strong> will <strong>the</strong>refore enable a discussion<br />
about similarities <strong>and</strong> differences as well as <strong>the</strong> reasons for <strong>the</strong>se. The<br />
creation of identity in all of <strong>the</strong>se countries is strongly influenced by <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
long experience of dictatorships during <strong>the</strong> last century <strong>and</strong> also by <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an integration that followed <strong>the</strong> collapse of <strong>the</strong>se authoritarian regimes.<br />
But a huge difference is <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> revolution in Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> democratic transition in Spain came about out of <strong>the</strong>mselves, whereas<br />
in Pol<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic <strong>and</strong> Romania <strong>the</strong> advent of democracy<br />
was also <strong>the</strong> advent of political sovereignty. Because of this we may hypo<strong>the</strong>size<br />
that contemporary constructions of national identity in <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an countries are more strongly influenced by disassociation than<br />
in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>Europe</strong> as a focal point for <strong>the</strong><br />
creation of a national identity may be a more important factor, since orientation<br />
towards <strong>Europe</strong> also means a disassociation from <strong>the</strong> East. The<br />
new political, economic <strong>and</strong> social conditions exercise a great influence on<br />
mutual perceptions <strong>and</strong> representations, as well as <strong>the</strong> creation of national<br />
identity, in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain, as well as in <strong>the</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
countries. These foundations of cultural phenomena are analysed in<br />
<strong>the</strong> book. The discovery of a national identity in <strong>the</strong> countries in question<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 17 31-01-2012 17:24:18
18 Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco / Teresa Pinheiro<br />
is based upon <strong>the</strong> perception of <strong>the</strong> self <strong>and</strong> on disassociation from o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
communities. Therefore it is necessary to adopt two analytical perspectives.<br />
On one h<strong>and</strong> mutual representations of <strong>the</strong> countries in question<br />
are analysed. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> a comparative analysis will be undertaken<br />
of relationships with <strong>the</strong> recent past <strong>and</strong> with <strong>Europe</strong>, in regard to<br />
<strong>the</strong> construction of national identity in <strong>the</strong> respective countries. Since <strong>the</strong><br />
process of <strong>Europe</strong>an integration is in its early stages in <strong>the</strong> older <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
member-states <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> new accession countries, <strong>Europe</strong> is an important<br />
test case of national identity. Because <strong>the</strong> dictatorships in <strong>the</strong>se countries<br />
had maintained an isolationist stance towards <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>the</strong> accession to<br />
<strong>the</strong> EU appears to be a re-discovery of or a return to <strong>Europe</strong> which tries<br />
to reconnect to older concepts of <strong>Europe</strong>. How is <strong>Europe</strong> remembered<br />
today in <strong>the</strong> different countries, which traditions of a <strong>the</strong>ory of <strong>Europe</strong> do<br />
such designs relate to, <strong>and</strong> which role do <strong>the</strong>y play in <strong>the</strong> construction of<br />
a national identity? Comparative analyses of memorial culture in Central,<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries hardly exist (to date comparisons<br />
between Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain are almost absent; concerning a Polish-Spanish<br />
comparison see Troebst 2003, 2005). The book <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> provides<br />
new analysis enabling comparisons between <strong>the</strong> respective memorial<br />
cultures. It also serves as an interdisciplinary forum for discussions on <strong>the</strong><br />
topic of <strong>Europe</strong>an peripheral identities; encouraging an exchange across<br />
national borders <strong>and</strong> scientific boundaries. The articles presented contain<br />
cross-over contributions from law studies, political science, religious studies,<br />
cultural <strong>and</strong> historical sciences as well as well as Portuguese, Spanish,<br />
Slavic, Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an literary studies.<br />
The collection starts with two general overviews of <strong>the</strong> basic questions<br />
that are in various ways addressed by <strong>the</strong> subsequent chapters. The<br />
first study from Annabela Rita (University of Lisbon) reflects <strong>the</strong> terminology<br />
connected to Reading <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r: “Identity <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rness: Coordinates<br />
of a Cartography of Identity”. The article by Francisco Nazareth<br />
(Camões Institute, Sofia) provides useful comparisons between <strong>the</strong> two<br />
regions in question, above all referring to <strong>the</strong> cases of Portugal <strong>and</strong> Bulgaria:<br />
“Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> Post-Empire(s) in Semi-<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Societies: Balkan <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Cultural Parallels”. Interpretations following<br />
mutual experiences <strong>and</strong> encounters appear in <strong>the</strong> next two parts of <strong>the</strong><br />
book. Part II: “Representations of <strong>Iberia</strong> in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>” <strong>and</strong> Part III:<br />
“Representations of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula”. The article<br />
by Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristóvão (University of Lisbon): “Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 18 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Mapping National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Identities</strong> 19<br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula” offers an extended review of visions of Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
Spain by <strong>the</strong> Polish visitors in <strong>the</strong> Early Modern period.<br />
The two following chapters try to encapsulate <strong>the</strong> rules of Reading<br />
<strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r, between knowledge <strong>and</strong> myth, taking as an example <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n countries in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r countries of <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
Bloc, referring to <strong>the</strong> cross-over categories of mythologizing <strong>and</strong> stereotyping.<br />
In her study “The Myth(s) of <strong>Iberia</strong> in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Countries<br />
of <strong>the</strong> former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc”, Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska (University<br />
of Lisbon) provides a survey of myths <strong>and</strong> stereotypes toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
cultural impact in <strong>the</strong> countries in question from <strong>the</strong> Renaissance period<br />
onwards, focusing on <strong>the</strong> recognition of contemporary traps <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> potential<br />
to overcome generalising by stereotype. A study by Anna Kalewska<br />
(University of Warsaw): “Portugal Stereotypes in Pol<strong>and</strong>, or, <strong>the</strong> Pictures<br />
in our Minds. Long Away from <strong>the</strong> Perils of Life”, describes <strong>the</strong> typical<br />
<strong>and</strong> individual in <strong>the</strong> reception of Portuguese culture in Pol<strong>and</strong>, including<br />
samples of art. The next case-study appeals to <strong>the</strong> political <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
interpretations of German opinions of <strong>the</strong> collapse of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
Estado Novo. This issue is described by Jörg Seidel (Chemnitz University<br />
of Technology, Germany) in “The Portuguese Carnation Revolution in<br />
East-Germany’s Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong>”. The following analysis by Luís Machado<br />
de Abreu (University of Aveiro) concerns <strong>the</strong> critical reception of <strong>the</strong><br />
epistemological routs of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc philosophy. It focuses upon <strong>the</strong><br />
case of <strong>the</strong> Polish Philosopher, Leszek Kolakowski. The chapter “Leszek<br />
Kolakowski’s Scepticism in <strong>the</strong> Age of Suspicion” demonstrates that <strong>the</strong><br />
philosopher is very relevant to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an experience <strong>and</strong> is<br />
at <strong>the</strong> same time universal, as a guardian of critical reason <strong>and</strong> pedagogical<br />
scepticism in contrast to official unquestioning tendencies. The last<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an point of view is provided by Olga Roussinova’s <strong>and</strong><br />
Kirill Titaev’s (<strong>Europe</strong>an University at St. Petersburg) study: “Portugal in<br />
RuNet: Space of Descriptions, Space of Appearances”. The authors describe<br />
repesentations of Portugal on <strong>the</strong> Russian internet as a place to visit<br />
<strong>and</strong> as a place to live (potentially), including <strong>the</strong> reasons for immigration,<br />
always referring to two quite typical Internet tendencies: fragmenting <strong>and</strong><br />
mythologizing. The third part of <strong>the</strong> book is devoted to <strong>the</strong> mutual experiences<br />
<strong>and</strong> encounters between <strong>Iberia</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, offering insights<br />
into representations of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain. This<br />
section starts with José Eduardo Franco’s <strong>and</strong> Paula Carreira’s (University<br />
of Lisbon) joint study on <strong>the</strong> reception of <strong>the</strong> Slavic countries in <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 19 31-01-2012 17:24:18
20 Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco / Teresa Pinheiro<br />
Portuguese Jesuit Periodical Brotéria (issued since 1902) with special focus<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> communist era. This chapter is entitled “The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong><br />
Horizon <strong>and</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong>. Representations of Slavic Countries in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Jesuit Journal Brotéria”. The study reveals an unexpectedly large reception<br />
of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an issues in Twentieth-Century Portugal.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> next analysis, “Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or, <strong>the</strong> Fraternity of <strong>the</strong><br />
Enslaved Nations”, Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián (University of A<br />
Coruña) refers to <strong>the</strong> roles played by <strong>the</strong> mythologized romantic heroes<br />
in <strong>the</strong> search for liberty <strong>and</strong> independence in Spanish Galicia, above all in<br />
<strong>the</strong> literary attempts of <strong>the</strong> so called group Nós. Maria Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
(University of Santiago de Compostela) remains here in <strong>the</strong> sphere<br />
of literary receptions, however in her article “Approaches to Twentieth-<br />
First Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature: A<br />
Comparative Analysis”, <strong>the</strong> focus is upon contemporary <strong>Iberia</strong>n literature,<br />
looking at Reading <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r incarnated as a Slavic immigrant. The fourth<br />
Part of <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong>, entitled “National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Identity” traces<br />
<strong>the</strong> differing processes of self definition <strong>and</strong> mapping by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries from two perspectives: centre-periphery<br />
dynamics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir ideas about <strong>Europe</strong>. The case of <strong>the</strong> double peripheral<br />
discourse on Hungary is described in <strong>the</strong> chapter by Wolfgang Aschauer<br />
(Chemnitz University of Technology): “<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> in Hungary”.<br />
The Post-Yugoslavian Macedonian Literature is analysed by Sonja Koroliov<br />
(University of Halle/Wittenberg) in “Balkan Visions: Conceptualisations<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong> in Contemporary Macedonia”. In <strong>the</strong> following chapter,<br />
by Ulrich Best (York University, Toronto) “Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? Discourses<br />
on Postcolonialism between Nationalism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western Gaze”,<br />
<strong>the</strong> author reveals <strong>the</strong> interrelationship of categories of <strong>Eastern</strong> nationalism<br />
<strong>and</strong> postcolonialism in literary <strong>and</strong> academic discourses in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
Germany, beginning with <strong>the</strong> nineteenth-century but focusing upon <strong>the</strong><br />
twentieth <strong>and</strong> twentieth-first centuries. A different approach is offered<br />
to <strong>the</strong> readers by Miloš Havelka (Charles University, Prague), who analyses<br />
issues of Central <strong>Europe</strong>, in his contributions he refers to “Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Constructions of Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>”. The <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
way of redefining national identity <strong>and</strong> collective memory between <strong>the</strong><br />
dictatorial past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an present are to be found in <strong>the</strong> last two<br />
chapters of <strong>the</strong> book: Cláucio Serra Domingues (University of Münster)<br />
“In <strong>the</strong> Name of April – Building <strong>the</strong> Past around a Political Myth in<br />
Portuguese Democracy” <strong>and</strong> Teresa Pinheiro’s (Chemnitz University of<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 20 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Mapping National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>Identities</strong> 21<br />
Technology): “<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>Identities</strong> between <strong>the</strong> Colonial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Present”. Thus, with its four parts: “Representations of Portugal<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spain in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>”, “Representations of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> in<br />
Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain” <strong>and</strong> “National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Identity” along with<br />
its “Theoretical Approach”, <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> provides social scientists<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> wider humanistic public new attempts to underst<strong>and</strong> how <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries are striving towards underst<strong>and</strong>ing each<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> how that effort also helps <strong>the</strong>m to make sense of <strong>the</strong>ir place on<br />
<strong>the</strong> new post-modern <strong>Europe</strong>an map.<br />
The book brings toge<strong>the</strong>r researchers from both parts of <strong>Europe</strong><br />
under consideration, who have suggested a set of new approaches to <strong>the</strong><br />
issues of social <strong>and</strong> cultural representation <strong>and</strong> communication, reading<br />
<strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>and</strong> national <strong>and</strong> cultural identity. By enhancing knowledge, it is<br />
possible to overcome <strong>the</strong> old stereotypes <strong>and</strong> demonstrate <strong>the</strong> characteristics<br />
of a new reading of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n O<strong>the</strong>r in its relations with Slavic <strong>and</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r East <strong>Europe</strong>an cultures, which are entering contemporary <strong>Europe</strong><br />
with a considerable strength. In this context <strong>the</strong> book rethinks <strong>the</strong> matter<br />
of <strong>the</strong> evolution of identity <strong>and</strong> places its ideas in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong><br />
multiculturalism <strong>and</strong> with reference to <strong>the</strong> changes that took place in <strong>the</strong><br />
recent decades on both sides.<br />
The book intends to contribute to contemporary comparative studies,<br />
as well as epistemological <strong>and</strong> ethical debates about <strong>the</strong> question of<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rness <strong>and</strong> centre-periphery dynamics, <strong>and</strong> would be of use for educational<br />
<strong>and</strong> research purposes.<br />
With <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> <strong>the</strong> editors send an invitation to a wide readership<br />
to join in this collective effort towards <strong>the</strong> construction of new<br />
conceptions about relationships between “myself <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs” in <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an contexts. They hope that this book can contribute<br />
for an innovative underst<strong>and</strong>ing of various social <strong>and</strong> cultural ideas <strong>and</strong><br />
practices in <strong>the</strong>ir historical context, eventually revealing of <strong>the</strong> potential to<br />
solve problems in today’s fluid <strong>and</strong> multicultural <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
This also applies, if not above all, to <strong>the</strong> role played by <strong>the</strong> two cultures<br />
in question in <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>the</strong>ir mission <strong>and</strong> a reflection of <strong>the</strong>ir values.<br />
With its various perspectives on <strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>and</strong> East <strong>Europe</strong>an countries<br />
in encounters <strong>and</strong> comparisons, <strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> attempts to provide<br />
new ways of looking at contemporary <strong>Europe</strong> through its peripheries. It<br />
aims at contributing for a more central image of <strong>the</strong> analysed nations <strong>and</strong><br />
cultures.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 21 31-01-2012 17:24:18
22 Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska / José Eduardo Franco / Teresa Pinheiro<br />
Bibliography<br />
Arenas, Fern<strong>and</strong>o (2003): Utopias of o<strong>the</strong>rness: nationhood <strong>and</strong> subjectivity in<br />
Portugal <strong>and</strong> Brazil. London.<br />
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<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 24 31-01-2012 17:24:18
Identity <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rness: Coordinates<br />
of a Cartography of Identity<br />
Annabela Rita<br />
(University of Lisbon)<br />
Perception is a result of multiple transformations, <strong>and</strong> is both a<br />
deformed <strong>and</strong> a deforming mirror. Visual images are initially twofold before<br />
undergoing successive inversions <strong>and</strong> processes of recognition <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> mnemonic interpretation of those characteristics that have been recognised.<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r words perception does not guarantee an accurate <strong>and</strong><br />
trustworthy impression of reality, just a close representation.<br />
When two individuals meet, mutual underst<strong>and</strong>ing is subject to <strong>the</strong><br />
preconditions of perception <strong>and</strong> culture experienced in <strong>the</strong> field of interaction.<br />
“Myself <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r” occupy opposite places in <strong>the</strong> communicative<br />
process. I see myself in a certain way <strong>and</strong> I want myself to be seen<br />
in ano<strong>the</strong>r way, believing that I recognise in myself yet ano<strong>the</strong>r individual<br />
whose behaviour often makes me question my opinion of myself. The<br />
same happens with <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r, to whom I am <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r. In addition, each<br />
one of us is several many O<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong> kaleidoscope of alien impressions,<br />
<strong>and</strong> even to ourselves.<br />
Reflections upon identity <strong>and</strong> difference are a challenge that appears<br />
to cross different cultures. The problem of cultural identity has been a<br />
constant over <strong>the</strong> course of time, as societies have questioned <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
systematically <strong>and</strong> obsessively about <strong>the</strong>ir cultural identity.<br />
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26 Annabela Rita<br />
We try to define ourselves, <strong>and</strong> we look to history, ideology <strong>and</strong> language<br />
for <strong>the</strong> answer. As with any o<strong>the</strong>r fundamental question, <strong>the</strong> quest<br />
for identity is open <strong>and</strong> inconclusive due to <strong>the</strong> constant mutation of subject<br />
<strong>and</strong> object. Therefore, I do not intend to solve this collective problem.<br />
Instead, I will attempt to consider <strong>the</strong> motives for such questioning,<br />
<strong>and</strong> will try to explain its wider implications <strong>and</strong> meaning.<br />
We can argue that <strong>the</strong> collective experience shares some parallels<br />
with that of <strong>the</strong> individual: it is through our contact with <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r that we<br />
encounter difference <strong>and</strong> similarity <strong>and</strong> try to define <strong>the</strong>m, defining us <strong>and</strong><br />
defining <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r.The situation occurs naturally when somebody moves<br />
<strong>and</strong> is confronted with somebody else. The experience of displacement, a<br />
characteristic of most archaic nomadic societies, tends to originate in <strong>the</strong><br />
journey itself, <strong>the</strong> place of departure being seen as <strong>the</strong> identifying homel<strong>and</strong><br />
– a reference point. The greater <strong>the</strong> distance (in terms of geography<br />
<strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing), <strong>the</strong> higher <strong>the</strong> expectation tends to be regarding <strong>the</strong><br />
encounter <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> degree of strangeness felt before <strong>and</strong> during it. And if<br />
it is true that expectations decrease with distance, it must also be stressed<br />
that proximity is associated with emotions, which are very often negative:<br />
rivalry, jealousy <strong>and</strong> distrust alter ones relations with <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r. None<strong>the</strong>less,<br />
in general <strong>the</strong> emotional features of close relationships occur due<br />
to a displacement of underst<strong>and</strong>ing: <strong>the</strong> religious or military aims which<br />
underlie <strong>the</strong> conviction of difference originate logically in problematic relationships,<br />
as evidenced by history. The strangeness of one’s original encounter<br />
with <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r is so overwhelming that it deserves to be minded:<br />
it is <strong>the</strong> subject of narratives from <strong>the</strong> most official or public to <strong>the</strong> most<br />
personal <strong>and</strong> autobiographic, from <strong>the</strong> most truthful to <strong>the</strong> most imaginary,<br />
from <strong>the</strong> individual to <strong>the</strong> collective. There is a vast <strong>and</strong> heterogeneous<br />
bibliography on cultural encounters, which results from a belief in <strong>the</strong><br />
original strangeness of an encounter <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> consciousness of its cultural<br />
meaning. Travel writing, ei<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> experiences it describes or <strong>the</strong> style<br />
in which it is presented, is <strong>the</strong> necessary framework for <strong>the</strong> analysis of<br />
cultural encounters. The journey <strong>the</strong>refore places two individuals face to<br />
face with everything that constitutes <strong>the</strong>m culturally, two systems individually<br />
represented. The mutual approach is progressive: from <strong>the</strong> first sight<br />
to <strong>the</strong> attempt to communicate (dialogue, gesture, behaviour) <strong>and</strong> social<br />
intercourse (where <strong>the</strong> application of territoriality 1 conjoins with codes of<br />
conduct <strong>and</strong> values), everything continues to reveal <strong>and</strong> reflect <strong>the</strong> differ-<br />
1 About <strong>the</strong> importance of <strong>the</strong> application of that “hidden dimension” see Hall 1990.<br />
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Identity <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rness 27<br />
ence of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r. This is <strong>the</strong> reason for <strong>the</strong> importance of travel writing<br />
in its broader sense, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that it permeates Western culture entirely.<br />
It is also <strong>the</strong> reason why this kind of literature imitates <strong>the</strong> above<br />
formula in terms of <strong>the</strong> discursive itinerary of each text, leading <strong>the</strong> dialogue<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reader towards <strong>the</strong> object of <strong>the</strong> narrative, a formula that<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r narratives also use: it is a parody in <strong>the</strong> sense proposed by Linda<br />
Hutcheon (Hutcheon 1985), which is strategically at <strong>the</strong> service of <strong>the</strong><br />
enhancement of curiosity <strong>and</strong> of gaining <strong>the</strong> reader’s attention, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> lesson it contains. 2 This is also <strong>the</strong> reason for narratives<br />
of imagined <strong>and</strong> imaginary travels, which are both enhanced by <strong>the</strong><br />
strangeness of <strong>the</strong> original experience. In <strong>the</strong> case of travelling <strong>Europe</strong> has<br />
played a dominant role throughout history. Whe<strong>the</strong>r on official missions<br />
or individual initiatives motivated by military, religious, cultural, economic<br />
or adventurous goals, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>ans attempted to widen <strong>the</strong> horizons<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir world as much as possible. In doing this some nations achieved<br />
political <strong>and</strong> economic hegemony, as in <strong>the</strong> case of Portugal during <strong>the</strong><br />
period of discoveries. I will refer to some examples of situations <strong>and</strong> texts<br />
that include descriptions of cultural encounters. It would be expedient<br />
to analyse both sides of <strong>the</strong> same coin – <strong>the</strong> Self <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r – <strong>and</strong> to<br />
consider <strong>the</strong> circumstances that condition <strong>the</strong>m: how does <strong>the</strong> newcomer<br />
see his interlocutor <strong>and</strong> how does <strong>the</strong> latter approach <strong>the</strong> traveller? It is<br />
this confrontation that matters <strong>and</strong> that will allow us our reflections to<br />
progress. However this method is also <strong>the</strong> most difficult. We find travel<br />
accounts that offer us an image of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>and</strong> possibly <strong>the</strong> image that<br />
<strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r believes he presents of himself – through <strong>the</strong> reactions <strong>and</strong> information<br />
conveyed by witnesses, which will always belong to <strong>the</strong> domain<br />
of interpretation - but we rarely obtain direct access to both sides of <strong>the</strong><br />
same encounter. Despite this limitation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> relative incompleteness<br />
that results, I will not resist <strong>the</strong> opportunity to analyse one point of view<br />
as an example - more specifically <strong>the</strong> Eurocentric point of view when encountering<br />
<strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r - observing its features <strong>and</strong> its wider context.<br />
In its encounters with <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Eurocentric point of view is<br />
initially conditioned by <strong>the</strong> most important models of its own culture,<br />
those which st<strong>and</strong> out as reference points <strong>and</strong> are drawn from <strong>the</strong> most<br />
important texts of its cultural canon. These images shape its own interpretation<br />
of <strong>and</strong> behaviour towards <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
2 I refer to what I said about this phenomenon regarding Júlio Dinis discourse in Os<br />
Fidalgos da Casa Mourisca (1871) in Barreto / Rita 2004: 57-68.<br />
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28 Annabela Rita<br />
Let us begin with <strong>the</strong> initial perception: <strong>the</strong> sight of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r. I call<br />
your attention to <strong>the</strong> Letter from Pero Vaz de Caminha concerning <strong>the</strong> discovery<br />
of Brazil in 1500, highlighting his description of <strong>the</strong> travellers’ arrival,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir initial impressions of <strong>the</strong> unknown l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir first contact with<br />
its inhabitants:<br />
“On that day, at vespers, we sighted l<strong>and</strong>, that is to say, firstly a great<br />
mountain, very high <strong>and</strong> round, <strong>and</strong> southwards o<strong>the</strong>r lower <strong>and</strong> a plain<br />
hill, with larges groves. The admiral named that mountain Easter Mount<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> place <strong>the</strong> L<strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> True Cross. He ordered to drop <strong>the</strong> plumbline<br />
[…], <strong>and</strong> on Thursday, in <strong>the</strong> morning, we set sail <strong>and</strong> made straight<br />
for shore, <strong>the</strong> small ships going ahead for seventeen, sixteen, fifteen, fourteen,<br />
thirteen, twelve, ten <strong>and</strong> nine fathoms up to half league from shore,<br />
where we all cast anchors in <strong>the</strong> threading of a river mouth […]. From<br />
<strong>the</strong>re we saw men that walked along <strong>the</strong> beach, about seven or eight, according<br />
to <strong>the</strong> small ships, for <strong>the</strong>y arrived first. […] As soon as [Nicolau<br />
Coelho] began to approach <strong>the</strong> shore, men appeared on <strong>the</strong> beach, two,<br />
<strong>the</strong>n three, <strong>and</strong> when <strong>the</strong> canoe arrived to <strong>the</strong> mouth of <strong>the</strong> river <strong>the</strong>re<br />
were eighteen or twenty brown men, all naked, without any thing to cover<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir private parts. They carried bows <strong>and</strong> arrows <strong>and</strong> walked determinedly<br />
towards <strong>the</strong> canoe”. 3<br />
As <strong>the</strong> travellers approached <strong>the</strong> discovered l<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y acquired a<br />
greater underst<strong>and</strong>ing of its features <strong>and</strong> details (movement, number, size,<br />
colour, shape, practices, etc.).<br />
The description attains a truly cinematic effect. Continuing to read<br />
<strong>the</strong> letter we discover that <strong>the</strong>y finally leave <strong>the</strong> boats, walk on <strong>the</strong> beach<br />
<strong>and</strong> send scouts to <strong>the</strong> natives, not to mention a description of <strong>the</strong> movements<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Indians towards <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
In short, <strong>the</strong>re is a progression from perception to interaction,<br />
marked in terms of image by a succession of descriptions that demonstrate<br />
this tendency. Interaction occurs when <strong>the</strong> travellers reach a new<br />
territory, a progression that is replicated in <strong>the</strong> cognitive process.<br />
From perception to interaction, two founding images dominate <strong>and</strong><br />
condition <strong>the</strong> interpretations <strong>and</strong> emotions of that process: <strong>the</strong> image of<br />
paradise that is engrained in <strong>the</strong> imagination of collective history, <strong>and</strong> that<br />
of <strong>the</strong> child, which is engrained in <strong>the</strong> experience of every individual.<br />
3 Caminha 1500: 1 v.<br />
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Identity <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rness 29<br />
The spontaneous, exuberant nature <strong>and</strong> nakedness of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r formed a<br />
scene that was considered to be similar to <strong>the</strong> original Eden.<br />
That is <strong>the</strong> reason for <strong>the</strong> fascination <strong>and</strong> enchantment with <strong>the</strong><br />
O<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> conviction that he is an innocent version of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an that<br />
has been lost in time.<br />
As a newly-born child <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r is still unconscious of his acts <strong>and</strong><br />
of reality – affections are <strong>the</strong>n awakened.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> case of such forced encounters <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>the</strong> recognition of<br />
<strong>the</strong> most obvious differences dominates: physical traits, clothing, behaviour<br />
<strong>and</strong> language. Let us now move forward to <strong>the</strong> first communication,<br />
for to a certain degree <strong>the</strong> linguistic barrier is overcome.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> Self <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r manage to communicate, through<br />
translators, <strong>the</strong> newcomer is forced to introduce himself because it is he<br />
who has entered <strong>the</strong> foreign space <strong>and</strong>, being <strong>the</strong> foreigner, is expected to<br />
give an explanation. It is precisely at this point, <strong>and</strong> with a pragmatic aim,<br />
that <strong>the</strong> systematic attempt at self-knowledge begins. To present oneself<br />
is to explain oneself: <strong>the</strong> narrative corresponds to <strong>the</strong> image offered by<br />
<strong>the</strong> reality, subtitles it, interprets it <strong>and</strong> frames it discursively. It configures<br />
it within a common frame that belongs to <strong>the</strong> story, as relative <strong>and</strong><br />
as dynamic as life in <strong>the</strong> opinion of <strong>the</strong> epistemologist Gregory Bateson<br />
(Bateson 1987), for whom <strong>the</strong> story is <strong>the</strong> most basic <strong>and</strong> elementary pattern,<br />
which explains <strong>the</strong> fact of its being so traditional <strong>and</strong> archaic, shaping<br />
<strong>the</strong> culture as a whole. That presentation is also <strong>the</strong> moment at which<br />
<strong>the</strong> need for self-promotion, for <strong>the</strong> construction of a convincing image,<br />
begins to open a gap between <strong>the</strong> I-myself <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> I-o<strong>the</strong>r, hopelessly<br />
separating <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> starting a trajectory of progressive <strong>and</strong> insurmountable<br />
problems.<br />
An example from Camões occurs to me: <strong>the</strong> episode from The Lusiads<br />
(1572) that describes <strong>the</strong> meeting between Vasco da Gama <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
king of Malindi (Canto III). The navigator introduces himself to <strong>the</strong> latter,<br />
announcing that he is <strong>the</strong> envoy of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese whom he introduces<br />
through a historical speech, a collective biography, <strong>and</strong> pointing out<br />
personalities that express <strong>and</strong> symbolise <strong>the</strong> features <strong>and</strong> key experiences<br />
of <strong>the</strong> said people. The effect of this fictional presentation reaches us<br />
through an interpretation of a subjective perspective, that is to say a fiction<br />
of a fiction.<br />
Vasco da Gama provided a historical speech. However, epic involves<br />
<strong>the</strong> transition from chronicle to History, with a wider perspective that is,<br />
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30 Annabela Rita<br />
comprehensive <strong>and</strong> all-embracing, characterising History as <strong>the</strong> pre-eminent<br />
discourse for identity, a change marked by <strong>the</strong> strategic need for <strong>the</strong><br />
construction of a collective identity, as shown in so many texts from <strong>the</strong><br />
fifteenth to <strong>the</strong> seventeenth centuries all over <strong>Europe</strong>. In Portugal it is important<br />
to point out, among many o<strong>the</strong>rs, <strong>the</strong> authors which provided that<br />
mystifying wider perspective such as Fernão de Oliveira (1507-1581), Bernardo<br />
de Brito (1569-1617), Sebastião de Paiva (1600-1659) or António<br />
Vieira (1608-1697) 4 . The Epic provides a unifying image that is comprehensive<br />
(<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore totalitarian, all-absorbing <strong>and</strong> exclusive) <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
having a mystifying tendency. O<strong>the</strong>r texts appear from <strong>the</strong> shadows that<br />
were relegated to <strong>the</strong> periphery of this luminous centre. For example,<br />
in Portuguese culture História Trágico-Marítima (1735-1736) by Bernardo<br />
Gomes de Brito, 5 describes tragedy, loss <strong>and</strong> mourning, <strong>the</strong> dramatic side<br />
that is hidden because of trauma <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> desire for glory. <strong>Between</strong> light<br />
<strong>and</strong> shadow, <strong>the</strong> dialogue between national song <strong>and</strong> counter-song that<br />
crosses Portuguese literature <strong>and</strong> culture is raised <strong>and</strong> developed, though<br />
sometimes disguised by fictional elaboration as in <strong>the</strong> case of Viagens na<br />
Minha Terra (1946) by Almeida Garrett, emblematically codified by <strong>the</strong><br />
sentimental romance between Joaninha <strong>and</strong> Carlos, through <strong>the</strong> evocation<br />
of different aes<strong>the</strong>tic lineages <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rhetorical elaboration of parallelism,<br />
symbol, synecdoche <strong>and</strong> miniaturisation, <strong>the</strong> story of a national<br />
survival following Ksar El Kebir, <strong>the</strong> sunset of a people who wanted to<br />
dominate <strong>the</strong> world. Song <strong>and</strong> counter-song converge in some twentiethcentury<br />
texts. Especially Mensagem (1945) – to which its author, Fern<strong>and</strong>o<br />
Pessoa, initially gave <strong>the</strong> title Portugal – <strong>the</strong> spectral impression of which<br />
may come in part from <strong>the</strong> tormenting amplification of <strong>the</strong> distance between<br />
<strong>the</strong> Self <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r, light <strong>and</strong> shadow, unconnected images that<br />
run from each o<strong>the</strong>r, but are always bound by <strong>the</strong> magnet of identity. In<br />
this context <strong>the</strong> cartography of identity follows a similar itinerary. However,<br />
<strong>the</strong> route must progress according to <strong>the</strong> confrontational situations<br />
caused by <strong>the</strong> convergence of <strong>the</strong> perspectives of both parties.<br />
4 See Brito (1806); Franco (2000); Mourão <strong>and</strong> Franco (2005); Paiva (2006); Vieira (1953)<br />
[1664].<br />
5 História Trágico-Marítima (1735-36) is a collection of narratives known as accounts of<br />
Portuguese shipwrecks that occurred between 1552 <strong>and</strong> 1602. These accounts were usu- usu-<br />
ally published in booklets after <strong>the</strong> shipwrecks by <strong>the</strong> survivors or by <strong>the</strong>ir contemporaries.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> eighteenth century, Bernardo Gomes de Brito collected <strong>the</strong>se accounts in<br />
two books <strong>and</strong>, according to Diogo Barbosa Machado, three more volumes were ready<br />
for publishing but did not appear.<br />
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Identity <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rness 31<br />
This is similar to what happens with our own perception of an image,<br />
which conjoins <strong>and</strong> syn<strong>the</strong>sises <strong>the</strong> double visual image that our eyesight<br />
provides, linking it with <strong>the</strong> information obtained by <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r senses,<br />
but also with mnemonic information that informs it interpretatively.<br />
Firstly, <strong>the</strong> origins – where, how <strong>and</strong> in relation to whom was <strong>the</strong><br />
nation built that is reflected in territorial geography?<br />
What imposed <strong>the</strong> delineation of political frontiers? Geographical<br />
conditions of isolation, specifically human cultural conditions (linguistic<br />
<strong>and</strong> ethnic differences for example) or economic ones? And how did <strong>the</strong><br />
neighbouring nations react to that political situation? Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, how<br />
were <strong>the</strong>se phenomena <strong>and</strong> features viewed by o<strong>the</strong>rs?<br />
Secondly, <strong>the</strong> physical, geographical <strong>and</strong> human image. If <strong>the</strong>re<br />
were territorial changes with <strong>the</strong> dissolution of borders, how did <strong>the</strong>y occur<br />
<strong>and</strong> how were <strong>the</strong>y viewed? Were <strong>the</strong>y abrupt or slow, imposed or<br />
desired, natural or artificial, significant or small? Were <strong>the</strong>y accompanied<br />
by changes in <strong>the</strong> ethnic physiognomy of populations? If <strong>the</strong>re was not<br />
a territorial change were <strong>the</strong>re, on <strong>the</strong> contrary, changes in <strong>the</strong> population<br />
(due to a migratory movement)? In short, was <strong>the</strong> physical change<br />
psychologically internalised, absorbed <strong>and</strong> accepted or not? Similarly, how<br />
were <strong>the</strong>se phenomena <strong>and</strong> features received by <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs? Here we must<br />
introduce an important <strong>and</strong> complicated issue: in <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> countries<br />
that exp<strong>and</strong>ed overseas beyond <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>Europe</strong>an limits, how did <strong>the</strong>y live<br />
in such far away territories <strong>and</strong> how did <strong>the</strong> inhabitants of such territories<br />
receive <strong>the</strong>m in time? It is a two-sided history to ponder.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Portuguese case, in spite of not having information about<br />
<strong>the</strong> perspective of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r, who witnessed <strong>the</strong> Portuguese arrive <strong>and</strong><br />
stay, I must describe <strong>the</strong> phenomenon in Brazil. From its discovery, as<br />
documented by Pero Vaz de Caminha (1500), to its description by Fernão<br />
Cardim in his Tratados da Terra e Gente do Brasil (1585-90), almost a century<br />
had passed, also a time of progress for st<strong>and</strong>ards of living in that territory.<br />
If we take this small corpus as an indicator of <strong>the</strong> historical <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
path taken by <strong>the</strong> Portuguese in Brazil, from <strong>the</strong>ir arrival <strong>and</strong> brief stay on<br />
<strong>the</strong> coast to life in <strong>the</strong> interior, we can observe <strong>the</strong> metamorphoses of <strong>the</strong><br />
traveller’s outlook <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> images of Brazil that it reflects.<br />
A long time passed from <strong>the</strong> arrival to a permanent presence. The<br />
initial fascination of <strong>the</strong> encounter with <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, which was interpreted<br />
as a new version of <strong>the</strong> biblical archetype of Paradise, Adam without sin,<br />
gives way to <strong>the</strong> traumatic experience of hidden <strong>and</strong> confronted fears (<strong>the</strong><br />
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32 Annabela Rita<br />
venoms, fevers <strong>and</strong> cannibalism), which were viewed with surprise <strong>and</strong><br />
awe as manifestations of evil <strong>and</strong> signs of sin, <strong>and</strong> finally to <strong>the</strong> desire for<br />
<strong>and</strong> program of transforming <strong>the</strong> discovered territory into a well settled<br />
new Portugal. This toponymy unmistakably demonstrates <strong>the</strong> shaping of<br />
<strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> service of <strong>the</strong> Self (i.e. of <strong>the</strong> original image that we wish<br />
to transplant over <strong>the</strong>re), just like <strong>the</strong> descriptions of communal organisation<br />
<strong>and</strong> decoration that we find in <strong>the</strong> work of Fernão Cardim.<br />
Contemporary descriptions of <strong>the</strong> Brazilian O<strong>the</strong>r will complete<br />
<strong>the</strong> act of putting in perspective <strong>the</strong> symmetries <strong>and</strong> asymmetries of <strong>the</strong><br />
relationship.<br />
<strong>Between</strong> <strong>the</strong> two opposite sides of <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>the</strong>re is an enormous number of travellers’ reports:<br />
those which observe while passing through <strong>and</strong> those which stay in those<br />
locations for some time.<br />
The latter refers to diplomats whose discourse is influenced by<br />
strategic <strong>the</strong>ories that come from political programs: for example Lucian<br />
Blaga (a philosopher <strong>and</strong> poet), Mihai Zamfir or Gabriel Gafita (critics<br />
<strong>and</strong> writers), Theodor Baconsky (a <strong>the</strong>ologian <strong>and</strong> essayist). This past is<br />
confronted by <strong>the</strong> present experience of immigration from <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
countries to Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain, forming a complex puzzle <strong>and</strong> a<br />
hard daily life, sometimes marked by pain <strong>and</strong> tragedy, which art in general<br />
<strong>and</strong> literature in particular have already analysed in minute detail, for<br />
example in A Sopa (Porto 2004) by Filomena Marona Beja <strong>and</strong> in Ucrania<br />
(Barcelona 2006) by Pablo Ar<strong>and</strong>a. 6 And we must not forget efforts to put<br />
events into perspective from a distance, as developed in Portugal since <strong>the</strong><br />
beginning of <strong>the</strong> 20 th century by a cultural magazine with a Jesuit background<br />
(Brotéria) in relation to Slavic countries <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> USSR, 7 or even <strong>the</strong><br />
efforts made by authors from both sides (Pushkin, Potocky <strong>and</strong> Richard<br />
Ford; George Borrow, Prosper Merimée <strong>and</strong> Theophile Gautier, among<br />
many o<strong>the</strong>rs).<br />
We must not forget <strong>the</strong> work of visual artists, for example <strong>the</strong> 1840s<br />
watercolours painted by two Poles living in Portugal: count Raczyński <strong>the</strong><br />
Prussian ambassador in Lisbon (1842-1848), <strong>and</strong> Napoleon Orda, a Polish<br />
painter <strong>and</strong> composer.<br />
6 See <strong>the</strong> analysis of both novels in <strong>the</strong> article by Maria Isabel Morán Cabanas in <strong>the</strong><br />
present volume.<br />
7 See <strong>the</strong> article on Brotéria by José Eduardo Franco <strong>and</strong> Paula Carreira in <strong>the</strong> present<br />
volume.<br />
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Identity <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rness 33<br />
Thirdly, (an artificial sequence because what we will now mention<br />
influences many of <strong>the</strong> examples previously mentioned) <strong>the</strong> “mental” image<br />
<strong>and</strong> its metamorphoses.<br />
Following <strong>the</strong> movement of ideas, <strong>the</strong> history of mentalities <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> mystification of each one by <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r, or of certain historical events<br />
involving that O<strong>the</strong>r; <strong>the</strong> sense that this evolution is conditioned by <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />
between its different encounters, which are internal or external<br />
catalysts. And confronting <strong>the</strong> image we have of ourselves in <strong>the</strong> present,<br />
configured from O<strong>the</strong>rs: <strong>the</strong> knowledge of <strong>the</strong> lived reality, what <strong>the</strong> mass<br />
media offer us <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> way our rulers depict us.<br />
Finally, facing <strong>the</strong> image that <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rs return of ourselves, a fragmented<br />
mirror of multiple origins <strong>and</strong> diversity, a metamorphic mirror<br />
<strong>and</strong> subject to <strong>the</strong> determining factors that continually change.<br />
It would also be interesting to observe how this was <strong>and</strong> is being<br />
put into perspective by <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rs, an entity that encompasses <strong>the</strong> entire<br />
world by virtue of globalization, which enables us to communicate across<br />
great distances in real time.<br />
However, we must also pay attention to <strong>the</strong> images of <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
<strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> different progenitors that <strong>the</strong>se children of cultural miscegenation<br />
have. The mixed (direct descendent) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> half-breed (more immediate<br />
descendent) broke irrecoverably with <strong>the</strong>ir ascendency <strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong><br />
models that dominated <strong>and</strong> identified it.<br />
It is a work plan that could last years <strong>and</strong> pass through several research<br />
teams. Analysis from both sides of <strong>the</strong> mirror, of its internal space<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> transformations that occur within, considering <strong>the</strong> directions in<br />
<strong>the</strong>se changes, <strong>the</strong> parallels, asymmetries <strong>and</strong> reasons, which are diachronic<br />
in origin.<br />
Allow me not to approach <strong>the</strong>m, instead directing you to <strong>the</strong> following<br />
articles, but also, in my personal case, to o<strong>the</strong>r places offering reflections<br />
upon <strong>the</strong>se matters, pointing out some problematic aspects.<br />
The examples I refer to are notes that concern <strong>the</strong> Portuguese case<br />
in particular, encouraging comparisons, <strong>the</strong> games of mirrors <strong>and</strong> images<br />
with which we try to know ourselves better; ourselves <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>rs. 8<br />
Perhaps this volume will make a valuable contribution to this comparative<br />
project.<br />
8 See some texts in which I reflect on <strong>the</strong> different aspects of <strong>the</strong> problem of identity<br />
that I published in <strong>the</strong> first part of my book Breves & Longas no País das Maravilhas (essays)<br />
(2004: 237ff).<br />
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34 Annabela Rita<br />
Bibliography<br />
Barreto, Luís Filipe, Rita, Annabela (Eds.) (2004): Breves & longas no país das<br />
maravilhas. Lisbon.<br />
Bateson, Gregory (1979): Mind <strong>and</strong> Nature. A necessary unity. Cresskil.<br />
Brito, Bernardo de (1806 [1597-1609]): Monarchia<br />
Lusytana (parts I <strong>and</strong> II). Lisbon.<br />
Caminha, Pero Vaz de (1500): “Carta do Achamento do Brasil” in: Fountoura<br />
da Costa (Ed.), Os sete únicos documentos de 1500. Lisbon.<br />
Franco, José Eduardo (2000): O Mito de Portugal. A Primeira História de Portugal<br />
e a sua função política. Lisbon.<br />
Franco, José Eduardo / Mourão, José Augusto (2005): A Influência de<br />
Joaquim de Flora em Portugal e na Europa. Escritos de Natália Correia sobre a<br />
utopia da Idade Feminina do Espírito Santo. Lisbon.<br />
Garrett, Almeida (2004): Frei Luís de Sousa. Porto.<br />
Hall, Edward T. (1990): The Silent Language. New York.<br />
--- (1990): The Hidden Dimension. New York.<br />
Hutcheon, Linda (2000 [1985]): A Theory of Parody: The Teachings of<br />
Twentieth-Century Art Forms. Urbana.<br />
Paiva, Frei Sebastião de (2006 [1641]): Tratado da Quinta Monarquia. Lisbon.<br />
Rita, Annabela (2007): No fundo dos Espelhos. Em Visita. Porto.<br />
--- (2004): Emergências Estéticas. Lisbon.<br />
Vieira, P. António (1953 [1664]) : História do Futuro. Lisbon.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 34 31-01-2012 17:24:19
Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> Post-Empire(s)<br />
in Semi-<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Societies:<br />
Balkan <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Cultural Parallels<br />
Francisco Nazareth<br />
(Camões Institute, Sofia)<br />
“Can’t you see!? This country has only three types of people: Mafiosi,<br />
prostitutes <strong>and</strong> gipsies; <strong>the</strong>re you have it! ... <strong>the</strong>re’s no way this is<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>!”<br />
(Sofia taxi driver, April 2008)<br />
“Look Mariazinha, one sees so much misery around...! There is so<br />
much hunger, my God! Your son is where he should be: in <strong>the</strong> Germanies,<br />
earning good money!”<br />
(fruit seller, Aveiro, February 2009)<br />
“Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain are, just like Russia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Balkan countries,<br />
(...) one of <strong>the</strong> interfaces that link <strong>Europe</strong> to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r worlds. Thus, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are like borderl<strong>and</strong>s, an area of transition. (...).”<br />
Sérgio Buarque de Hol<strong>and</strong>a, Raízes do Brasil (Hol<strong>and</strong>a 1995: 13-14)<br />
This article discusses Occidentalism as a post-imperial fascination<br />
with a civilisation <strong>Europe</strong>-centred or, in more vague terms, in <strong>the</strong> West.<br />
It is argued that Westernism is a fundamental concept for underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an semi-peripheries, namely <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bal-<br />
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36 Francisco Nazareth<br />
kans. Resorting to <strong>the</strong> concepts of <strong>the</strong> “imagination of <strong>the</strong> centre” (Santos<br />
1993) <strong>and</strong> “self-colonization” (Kiossev 2006), this article re-interprets<br />
<strong>the</strong> cultural references of nineteenth-century elites, which weigh heavily<br />
on <strong>the</strong> formation of contemporary common-sense. It is also argued that<br />
<strong>the</strong>se important notions stem from a legacy that is peculiar to <strong>the</strong> semiperipheries<br />
which emerged in geographical <strong>and</strong> historical contexts that<br />
predate modern ideas of nation <strong>and</strong> nationalism.<br />
Lastly, this article presents a plan for breaking <strong>the</strong>se essentialist prejudices<br />
through <strong>the</strong> heuristic force of miscegenation <strong>and</strong> its power to create<br />
crossroads <strong>and</strong> interfaces, as inspired in <strong>the</strong> work of Gilberto Freyre.<br />
1 – Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> Semi-periphery<br />
In cultural studies, <strong>the</strong> concept of Occidentalism denotes contempt<br />
for <strong>the</strong> alienating <strong>and</strong> increasingly technology-centered, Western civilisation.<br />
Initially only popular with <strong>the</strong> elites, this concept has gained strentgh<br />
with <strong>the</strong> ascent of <strong>the</strong> clash of civilisations paradigm. Ian Buruma <strong>and</strong><br />
Avishai Margalit define it as <strong>the</strong> “dehumanizing image of <strong>the</strong> West painted<br />
by its enemies” (Buruma, Margalit 2005: 13) <strong>and</strong> regard it as a counterpart<br />
to Edward Said’s Orientalism, <strong>the</strong> narratives <strong>and</strong> fantasies that denigrate<br />
<strong>the</strong> East. Following a different path from Buruma <strong>and</strong> Margalit, I will<br />
argue that just like Orientalism <strong>and</strong> its caricature of <strong>the</strong> easterner as a<br />
luscious, cruel <strong>and</strong> lazy savage 1 dominated for centuries <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an imagination<br />
<strong>and</strong> justified its own superiority complex (based upon order, reason,<br />
progress, science, development, efficiency, etc.), Occidentalism is <strong>the</strong><br />
source of what Homi Bhabha calls ambivalence. 2 According to Bhabha,<br />
Orientalist stereotypes were accepted by <strong>Eastern</strong>ers <strong>and</strong> became a stigma;<br />
this stigma results in a misguided attraction for a perfect West, whose absence<br />
is deeply felt <strong>and</strong> regarded as a lacuna. <strong>Europe</strong>an semi-peripheries<br />
suffer from this type of Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> imagine a ra<strong>the</strong>r unreal <strong>Europe</strong><br />
which possesses everything that <strong>the</strong>se countries lack: development,<br />
normality, progress or, to sum up, civilisation.<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>ans – most notably in <strong>the</strong>ir travel accounts – have always<br />
regarded its nearby o<strong>the</strong>rs as an exotic mix of disorder <strong>and</strong> libido, of<br />
backwardness <strong>and</strong> joy beyond its ma<strong>the</strong>matical, enlightened <strong>and</strong> civilised<br />
1 This also applied to <strong>the</strong> South, in <strong>the</strong> context of colonial history (Said 1978).<br />
2 This is taken from Bhabha’s very peculiar interpretation of Franz Fanon (Bhabha 2005:<br />
155-166).<br />
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Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> Post-Empire(s) in Semi-<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Societies 37<br />
order. 3 Through this interplay between stereotype <strong>and</strong> stigma, <strong>the</strong> peoples<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> Balkans imagine <strong>the</strong>mselves as a minor<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>, that is to say, as a <strong>Europe</strong> that is only superficially <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
because it does not truly belong to <strong>the</strong> forefront of <strong>the</strong> continent. 4 Obviously,<br />
for historical reasons, this minimisation is felt differently in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
two semi-peripheries. The countries of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula fell from <strong>the</strong><br />
centre of <strong>the</strong> world system to its semi-periphery, whilst Balkans remained<br />
for centuries an imperial semi-periphery. However, despite this difference,<br />
<strong>the</strong>se two regions display similar forms of resentment that combine Orientalism<br />
(which relates to <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> centre regard <strong>the</strong> periphery) with<br />
Occidentalism (in <strong>the</strong> sense adopted in this article, that is to say, in relation<br />
to <strong>the</strong> stigma caused by <strong>the</strong> seductive image of an absent centre). Thus,<br />
in this Occidentalism, <strong>Europe</strong> is a dream place; it st<strong>and</strong>s for civilisation. It<br />
creates <strong>the</strong> desire of becoming like <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> owning what <strong>the</strong>y own, with<br />
<strong>the</strong> conviction that <strong>the</strong>y are not afflicted by <strong>the</strong> same problems that we are<br />
(as if <strong>the</strong> leading <strong>Europe</strong>an economies were immune to <strong>the</strong> corruption,<br />
nepotism or nouveau-riche mentality that proliferated in <strong>the</strong> semi-peripheries<br />
under <strong>the</strong> guise of entrepreneurship in emerging countries). This is<br />
<strong>the</strong> setting for a game that is nei<strong>the</strong>r completely real nor completely false,<br />
a game in which unruly sensuality, cruel intrigue or profound laziness are<br />
regarded with as much awe as <strong>and</strong> urbane individualism, intellectual cosmopolitanism<br />
or scientifically-based economic competitiveness. 5 In <strong>the</strong><br />
case of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an semi-peripheries, this stereotyping dates back to<br />
<strong>the</strong> prejudices of nineteenth-century elites that re-emerged in <strong>the</strong> present<br />
as common sense. The semi-peripheral common-sense interprets <strong>the</strong> absence<br />
of its country from <strong>the</strong> elite of <strong>the</strong> “great nations” as a synonym for<br />
cultural decay, lack of significance, stagnation <strong>and</strong> backwardness. These<br />
feelings create a crisis of cultural self-esteem built upon provincialism, be<br />
it sectarian or proselyte.<br />
3 Most of <strong>the</strong> times, <strong>the</strong> literature on <strong>the</strong> encounters with “o<strong>the</strong>rs” follows this pattern:<br />
<strong>the</strong> “o<strong>the</strong>rs” are nearly always too sinful, dark, cruel <strong>and</strong> dissolute to resemble with “us”.<br />
4 For our purposes here, time <strong>and</strong> space are regarded not as absolute realities but social<br />
<strong>and</strong> cultural constructs, as demonstrated by Vinay Lal in his study on <strong>the</strong> exportation of<br />
Western categories (Lal, 2002: 50-57).<br />
5 In an apparent paradox, cultural studies notion of Occidentalism as an anti-Western<br />
psychosis is remarkably close to Orientalism. In this article, <strong>the</strong> term Occidentalism<br />
st<strong>and</strong>s for <strong>the</strong> celebration of Western modernity by <strong>the</strong> semi-peripheral countries, even<br />
if this celebration is often limited to <strong>the</strong> ostentatious displaying of <strong>the</strong> iconography of<br />
this world, as suggested by Mia Couto (Couto 2005: 27-31).<br />
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38 Francisco Nazareth<br />
2 – The Concepts Imagining <strong>the</strong> Centre <strong>and</strong> Self-Colonisation<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir Origins<br />
The concept of Occidentalism discussed here owes a great debt to<br />
<strong>the</strong> ideas of imagining <strong>the</strong> centre, coined by Boaventura Sousa Santos, <strong>and</strong><br />
self-colonisation, as defined by Alex<strong>and</strong>er Kiossev. 6 These concepts are<br />
powerful heuristic tools for underst<strong>and</strong>ing how <strong>the</strong> notions of <strong>the</strong> nineteenth-century<br />
cultural elites became embedded in contemporary popular<br />
imagery <strong>and</strong> resulted in a self-denigrating feeling. These ideas match Mark<br />
Mazower’s assessment that <strong>Europe</strong> brought to <strong>the</strong> Balkans <strong>the</strong> categories<br />
with which people define <strong>the</strong>mselves as well as <strong>the</strong> ideological weaponry<br />
(namely, modern <strong>and</strong> romantic nationalism) that would cause such turmoil<br />
in <strong>the</strong> region (Mazower 2002: 17-18).<br />
In Portugal, to Santos, <strong>the</strong> imagining of <strong>the</strong> centre implies a set of<br />
norms created by <strong>the</strong> elites <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> state in order that “Portugal looks just<br />
as yet ano<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>an country on pair with all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r” (Santos 1996:<br />
136). This ends up by creating “an imaginary universe in which Portugal<br />
is a <strong>Europe</strong>an country, with its economic sluggishness deemed a merely<br />
transitory problem, soon to be overcome by state action” (Santos 1993:<br />
51). This concept forgets that:<br />
“Portuguese culture is a frontier culture. It has no content of its<br />
own; it only has a form: <strong>the</strong> frontier. National cultures, regarded as discrete<br />
substances, are a nineteenth-century invention; <strong>the</strong>y stem from <strong>the</strong><br />
tension between universalism <strong>and</strong> state-managed parochialism.” (Santos<br />
2002: 25)<br />
Portugal has always been “semi-peripheral” (Santos 2002: 27), even<br />
when, ambiguously, it took part in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an imperial disputes. In this<br />
specific context, imagining <strong>the</strong> centre is ambivalent: it accepts Portuguese<br />
absence from it but it also implies that somehow Portugal belongs to <strong>the</strong><br />
centre.<br />
The centre is an imaginary place created by <strong>the</strong> nineteenth-century<br />
Western mind <strong>and</strong> by <strong>the</strong> coeval “nation-state”, identified by <strong>the</strong> notions<br />
of a “national history”, a national language, a nationwide education system<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> creation of frontier.<br />
6 Like Occidentalism developed along <strong>the</strong> lines of Orientalism, <strong>the</strong>se concepts fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>the</strong> notion of Balkanism as defined by Maria Todorova (imaginary or imagined Balkans).<br />
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Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> Post-Empire(s) in Semi-<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Societies 39<br />
This recalls <strong>the</strong> insights of Ernest Gellner <strong>and</strong> Eric Hobsbawm on<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation-state. 7 For <strong>the</strong>se authors, <strong>the</strong> nation-state is <strong>the</strong> product of <strong>the</strong><br />
nineteenth-century legal <strong>and</strong> epistemological thought, combining <strong>the</strong> correspondence<br />
<strong>the</strong>ory of truth, <strong>the</strong> notion of a universal civilisation, Herder’s<br />
concept of culture, Kant’s idea of progress <strong>and</strong> Hegelian interpretation of<br />
History. It proclaimed <strong>Europe</strong> as <strong>the</strong> frontrunner in <strong>the</strong> development of<br />
mankind, as <strong>the</strong> dynamic centre of this historical process <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard<br />
through which peripheries (whose peoples lacked history, according to<br />
Hegel) would be assessed. The prevalence of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an st<strong>and</strong>ard led<br />
to stereotyping, to <strong>the</strong> exteriorisation of <strong>the</strong> stigma of inferiority <strong>and</strong> to<br />
an ambivalent process of conflict with local cultures.<br />
The world power of this <strong>Europe</strong>an st<strong>and</strong>ard peaked in <strong>the</strong> Berlin<br />
Conference (1884). This meeting forced Portugal to assert its status as a<br />
colonial power <strong>and</strong>, coincidentally, it also announced <strong>the</strong> dissolution of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ottoman Empire. The Berlin Conference was also important in checking<br />
<strong>the</strong> ambitions of <strong>the</strong> newly-independent Balkan nations, a source for<br />
much trouble throughout <strong>the</strong> twentieth century <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> cause for a resentment<br />
that <strong>the</strong> national elites would carry to <strong>the</strong> whole of <strong>the</strong> Balkan<br />
peoples. Later, <strong>the</strong> 1890 British Ultimatum would cut short <strong>the</strong> African<br />
ambitions of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Empire.<br />
The influential politician <strong>and</strong> writer Almeida Garrett accepted <strong>Europe</strong><br />
as <strong>the</strong> civilisation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard by which Portugal ought to be<br />
considered. He regarded <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Empire as <strong>the</strong> symptom of “<strong>the</strong><br />
drunkenness of decay”, as <strong>the</strong> source of <strong>the</strong> “venality” <strong>and</strong> “debauchery”<br />
that contrived to turn <strong>the</strong> country into a stage for “indecent <strong>Eastern</strong> despotism”<br />
(Garrett 1830: 56). The colonies, a burden imposed by <strong>the</strong> ruling<br />
dynasty, were turning Portugal into a new “sick man of <strong>Europe</strong>”. For Almeida<br />
Garrett, <strong>the</strong> empire was a source of distraction from <strong>the</strong> real centre.<br />
7 For Gellner nationalism created <strong>the</strong> nation <strong>and</strong> not <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r way round. Modern nations<br />
were built mainly through modern means, namely a centralised education systems,<br />
intent on eliminating regional differences. “In spite of its self-representation, nationalism<br />
was not <strong>the</strong> emergence of latent, ancient force. It is instead, <strong>the</strong> consequence of a<br />
new form of social organisation, based upon an elitist culture that became embedded<br />
in <strong>the</strong> societies <strong>and</strong> that was dependent upon a state-run education.” (Gellner 1983, 48).<br />
Hobsbawm has an even more radical approach <strong>and</strong> stresses <strong>the</strong> invention of tradition,<br />
that is to say <strong>the</strong> implementing of certain values <strong>and</strong> norms. This was done through<br />
repetition, through <strong>the</strong> creation of legitimising institutions <strong>and</strong> of interpersonal relations<br />
based in desirable beliefs <strong>and</strong> values <strong>and</strong> through <strong>the</strong> formation of a “community that<br />
instils a sense of identification” (Hobsbawm 1989: 9).<br />
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40 Francisco Nazareth<br />
Portugal, lest it became a “colony of colonies”, should shift “to<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>, whose time has arrived” (Garrett 1830: 56-80). Observing Portuguese<br />
incapacity to respond to <strong>the</strong> 1890 British Ultimatum, Eça de Queiroz<br />
regarded Portugal as a dying empire facing an industrialised <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
When he claims that it was urgent to “rebuild our fa<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>” with <strong>the</strong><br />
apparatus of modern civilisation, Eça de Queiroz is in <strong>the</strong> end “imagining<br />
<strong>the</strong> centre” <strong>and</strong> following <strong>the</strong> Occidentalist paradigm (Queiroz 1973:<br />
233-255). Antero de Quental dreamed of <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages (an idealisation<br />
that is also frequent in <strong>the</strong> Balkan intellectuals) as a time for “<strong>the</strong> expansion<br />
of <strong>the</strong> spirit”, as <strong>the</strong> berth of <strong>the</strong> “wave” that “broke in <strong>the</strong> shores of<br />
<strong>the</strong> New World” followed by a “dark, sluggish <strong>and</strong> poor” world, victim of<br />
“unavoidable decay” (Quental 1973). With his teleological view of history,<br />
Quental regarded his country’s “misery” <strong>and</strong> distance to <strong>the</strong> centre as a<br />
direct consequence of Inquisition, Absolutism <strong>and</strong> Empire. These institutions<br />
contrived to separate us from <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> “while o<strong>the</strong>r nations ascended,<br />
we slumped”; <strong>the</strong> former ascending “by <strong>the</strong> force of <strong>the</strong> modern<br />
virtues”, while <strong>the</strong> latter decaying “by <strong>the</strong> force of old vices” (Quental<br />
1871). In sum, were <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an semi-peripheries needed to catch <strong>the</strong><br />
train of civilisation, <strong>the</strong>y would need <strong>the</strong> noisy machinery that pervades<br />
<strong>the</strong> well-known Ode Triunfal by Álvaro de Campos. These countries needed<br />
to get it of <strong>the</strong>ir own backwardness, as measured by <strong>the</strong> unforgiving<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ards of an elite educated by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an thought. However, this<br />
trend was ambivalent, as much as it was countered by opposite, fervently<br />
traditionalist beliefs, as in <strong>the</strong> movement of Saudosismo, or in <strong>the</strong> notion<br />
of maritime identity by Jorge Dias or <strong>the</strong> appeal of <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>, a subject<br />
that would lead us to ano<strong>the</strong>r essay. In <strong>the</strong> Balkans, as <strong>the</strong> case of Bulgaria<br />
shows, <strong>the</strong> elites were seduced by foreign ideas, namely by <strong>the</strong> intellectual<br />
combination of Enlightenment <strong>and</strong> Romanticism. This acceptance is <strong>the</strong><br />
source for <strong>the</strong> process that Kiossev labelled as self-colonization, a process<br />
that this article equates to imagining <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>and</strong> to Occidentalism. To<br />
Kiossev, self-colonization is manifest when Balkan nations on <strong>the</strong>ir way to<br />
emancipation search for being acknowledged as civilised by <strong>Europe</strong>, believing<br />
that this “constructed ghost” was indeed a “discernible” entity (Kiossev<br />
2006). The <strong>Europe</strong>an answer to this appeal is negative, as shown by<br />
Balkanism, i.e. <strong>the</strong> use of <strong>the</strong> stereotypes of Orientalism for <strong>the</strong> Balkans<br />
that results in preventing a better knowledge <strong>and</strong> in ossifying <strong>the</strong>se ideas<br />
(Todorova 2004: 1-24). For <strong>the</strong> Balkan mindset, <strong>Europe</strong>an rejection is a<br />
powerful stigma that perpetuates self-colonisation, whereby <strong>the</strong>se coun-<br />
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tries feel “deprived” of <strong>Europe</strong>, which <strong>the</strong>y imagine as <strong>the</strong> place which has<br />
all that <strong>the</strong>y lack. Thus, <strong>the</strong>ir identity is inextricably marked by a “sense of<br />
lacuna”, “pain”, <strong>and</strong> “shame” (Kiossev 1999). One form of breaking away<br />
from this mindset is to create a national literature following <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
literary patterns. In this context, <strong>the</strong> very notion of literature as an instrument<br />
for claiming national legitimacy is a symptom of self-colonisation,<br />
as this notion was created by German Romanticism <strong>and</strong> Idealism which<br />
regarded <strong>the</strong> “writers” as <strong>the</strong> “<strong>the</strong> spirit of a people” (Kiossev 2004: 355-<br />
365). Because it was hegemonic <strong>and</strong> based upon a positivist, rationalist, <strong>and</strong><br />
essentialist logic, this unifying nationalist discourse was extremely powerful,<br />
even if it lacked any empirical solidity. Self-colonization replaces <strong>the</strong><br />
complexity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> multifaceted nature of history countries with historical<br />
concepts that are no more than foreign-inspired abstractions assumed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> elites. Semi-peripheries were fertile ground for such misleading representations.<br />
Just like <strong>the</strong> travel writers who spoke of <strong>the</strong> “luscious Turk”<br />
or who described <strong>the</strong> Indians <strong>and</strong> Africans with more or less imaginary<br />
stereotypes carried with <strong>the</strong>m a “pre-textual” discourse on <strong>the</strong> reality <strong>the</strong>y<br />
met, <strong>the</strong> semi-peripheral elites were misled in imagining <strong>the</strong>ir countries<br />
were just like any o<strong>the</strong>r “<strong>Europe</strong>an” country, in spite of <strong>the</strong> abundant evidence<br />
to <strong>the</strong> contrary. This remains true to this day not <strong>the</strong> least because,<br />
in spite of all <strong>the</strong> progress in transport <strong>and</strong> in communication, <strong>Europe</strong> is<br />
more often imagined than experimented. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong>re is a divorce<br />
between <strong>the</strong> concepts <strong>and</strong> discourses produced <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reality. This is<br />
<strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian nineteenth-century writer Aleko Konstantinov,<br />
who treats Bulgaria’s lack of perceived civilisation with self-irony in his<br />
burlesque, anti-mythical travel writings. On his way to <strong>Europe</strong>, he disdains<br />
<strong>the</strong> Balkans (Konstantinov 2004: 21), he mocks <strong>the</strong> Liberty Statue for being<br />
smaller than <strong>the</strong> Eiffel Tower (Konstantinov 2004: 32) <strong>and</strong>, still, he<br />
feels aggrieved by <strong>the</strong> Americans who ignored where Bulgaria was. He is<br />
frightened by <strong>the</strong> existence of black servants in a large American hotel, an<br />
experience he equates with a descent to Hell. (Konstantinov 2004: 36). In<br />
his work, Konstantinov <strong>the</strong> traveller indirectly shows that he is aware that<br />
Bulgaria is lacking <strong>Europe</strong>. He pretends to have a provincial mindset in<br />
order to use his irony towards civilisation, but one clearly can see his will<br />
to be <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>and</strong> to change himself. For <strong>the</strong> novelist <strong>and</strong> playwright<br />
Ivan Vazov, Ottomans are to blame for his country’s perceived distance<br />
from <strong>Europe</strong>. In his work, <strong>the</strong> Ottoman domination appears like a captivity<br />
that set Bulgaria apart from <strong>Europe</strong>an civilisation (of which Bulgaria<br />
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42 Francisco Nazareth<br />
belongs to, that goes without saying) by villains who brought nothing but<br />
suffering, sorrow <strong>and</strong> iniquity cutting short <strong>the</strong> country’s glorious past. As<br />
Donald Quataert shows (Quataert 2000: 202-204), Vazov resorts to <strong>the</strong><br />
discourse of Fa<strong>the</strong>r Paissiy (<strong>the</strong> founder of Bulgarian nationalist historiography)<br />
<strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> poet Khristo Botev, who constantly refer to <strong>the</strong> tyrant<br />
who hangs, tortures, impales <strong>and</strong> curses, to inhuman <strong>and</strong> cruel infidels<br />
<strong>and</strong> to repugnant barbarians. These discourses show how <strong>the</strong> stigmatised<br />
semi-peripheries colonise <strong>the</strong>mselves by imagining a glorious centre of<br />
which <strong>the</strong>y were deprived. One of <strong>the</strong> effects of <strong>the</strong> discourse is that it alienates<br />
<strong>the</strong> elites from <strong>the</strong> real problems of <strong>the</strong> countries <strong>and</strong> perpetuates<br />
<strong>the</strong> stigma <strong>and</strong> a notion of submission. The sense of incompleteness felt<br />
<strong>and</strong> fostered by <strong>the</strong> different national elites became embedded in <strong>the</strong> common<br />
sense fo <strong>the</strong> country. Eventually, <strong>the</strong> paradigm of a country afflicted<br />
by inextricable insufficiency <strong>and</strong> incompleteness vis-à-vis <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
leadership became part of <strong>the</strong> common sense. This entailed <strong>the</strong> voluntary<br />
oblivion of problematic pasts, with <strong>the</strong> Balkans ignoring of <strong>the</strong> Ottoman<br />
period <strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries extolling <strong>the</strong>ir former glories, with<br />
<strong>the</strong> former ignoring <strong>the</strong> more negative aspects <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter omitting <strong>the</strong><br />
more positive side of <strong>the</strong>se imperial experiences.<br />
tier<br />
3 – Paradoxical Legacies: Post-Empire, Crossroads <strong>and</strong> Fron-<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an semi-peripheries have traumatic imperial pasts, whe<strong>the</strong>r<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir own making (as in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain) or inflicted by o<strong>the</strong>rs (as in<br />
Bulgaria). The official discourses on <strong>the</strong> imperial past stress <strong>the</strong> heroism<br />
(in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> victimisation (in <strong>the</strong> Balkans), two idealist<br />
simplifications of two extremely complex processes. While <strong>the</strong> two cases<br />
widely differ, I believe it would not be outl<strong>and</strong>ish to suggest that <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
(like <strong>the</strong> Spanish) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ottoman empires were semi-peripheral<br />
empires. Encounters between different cultures always end up by cultural<br />
exchanges (be it through acceptance or denial). The subconscious sense<br />
of superiority that is manifest in <strong>the</strong> description of <strong>the</strong> first contacts with<br />
<strong>the</strong> Brazilian Amerindians, <strong>the</strong> well-known “Caminha Letter” (Caminha,<br />
2000: 18-34), is very similar to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an accounts of <strong>the</strong>ir travels to<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula or to <strong>the</strong> Levant. By assessing whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Indians<br />
are innocent, sinful or have some sense of modesty, Pero Vaz de Caminha<br />
joins <strong>the</strong> same tradition that would later describe <strong>the</strong> Turks as luscious <strong>and</strong><br />
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cruel <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese as ugly <strong>and</strong> dirty. 8 In this sense, <strong>Europe</strong>an semiperipheries<br />
resemble each o<strong>the</strong>r: while regarding <strong>the</strong> Africans <strong>and</strong> American<br />
Indians as inferior, <strong>the</strong> peoples of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula were eventually<br />
regarded by Central <strong>and</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>Europe</strong>ans as un-civilised. While<br />
<strong>the</strong>y ruled over <strong>the</strong> Balkans, <strong>the</strong> Turks <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir subjects were regarded as<br />
cruel <strong>and</strong> decadent by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>ans. After <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> Ottoman yoke,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Balkan elites imitated <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an disregard for <strong>the</strong> Turks, not realising<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y were not deemed <strong>Europe</strong>an enough to belong to historical<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>. 9 These elites assessed <strong>the</strong>mselves by <strong>Europe</strong>an st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>and</strong> assumed<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y were sufficiently <strong>Europe</strong>an.<br />
In sum, <strong>the</strong>ir self-assessment by <strong>Europe</strong>ans st<strong>and</strong>ards led <strong>the</strong> peoples<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Balkans <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula to, respectively, renounce <strong>the</strong><br />
Ottoman past <strong>and</strong> ignore <strong>the</strong> wounds of a colonial past. This renunciation<br />
ended up by blocking <strong>the</strong> road to explore <strong>the</strong> history of semi-peripheral<br />
ambiguity, “halfway between Prospero <strong>and</strong> Caliban” (Santos 2004: 23). Just<br />
like Ottomans are blamed for <strong>the</strong> Balkans’ deviation from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ard, some racist South-American elites regarded Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish<br />
miscegenation as a symptom of backwardness, “something that would<br />
not have happened if <strong>the</strong> continent had been colonised by o<strong>the</strong>r, more civilised<br />
powers”, as reminded by Demétrio Magnoli (Magnoli 2009: 144-5).<br />
The Catholic, <strong>Iberia</strong>n miscegenation responded most of all<br />
to <strong>the</strong> lack of settlers, although allowance must be made for <strong>the</strong>ological<br />
issues (like <strong>the</strong> question of soul of <strong>the</strong> Indians <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> blacks).<br />
The miscegenation resulted in a colonialism led by mixed-race populations,<br />
regarded as <strong>Europe</strong>an in <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn countries but, on<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, regarded as African in <strong>Europe</strong> (Santos 2004: 54).<br />
As Quataert shows, “bearing in mind <strong>the</strong> contemporary patterns”,<br />
ethnic relations in <strong>the</strong> Ottoman Empire were reasonably good<br />
<strong>and</strong> only “got worse” in <strong>the</strong> eighteenth <strong>and</strong> nineteenth centuries because<br />
of foreign “interference”. This assessment, as claimed by Quataert,<br />
does not intend to “justify” injustices <strong>and</strong> atrocities but simply<br />
to “discredit stereotypes” (Quataert 2000: 202-04). Slavery is<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r important issue: while common to both empires, <strong>the</strong> condition<br />
8 The accounts of travels to <strong>the</strong> peripheries of <strong>Europe</strong> are extremely similar in <strong>the</strong> way<br />
<strong>the</strong>y tell what <strong>the</strong>y see with simultaneous delight <strong>and</strong> derision (Weathcroft 1995: 138-167,<br />
Santos 2004: 50-52).<br />
9 This occultation is visible in <strong>the</strong> work on Thessaloniki by Greek historians who ignore<br />
<strong>the</strong> city’s multifaceted, multi-ethnical <strong>and</strong> heterogeneous past (Mazower 2005: 10).<br />
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44 Francisco Nazareth<br />
of <strong>the</strong> slave in <strong>the</strong> Ottoman Empire was better than within <strong>the</strong> Western<br />
powers, which were extremely concerned by <strong>the</strong> religious conversion, by<br />
<strong>the</strong> existence of <strong>the</strong> soul <strong>and</strong> by <strong>the</strong>ir submission, as shown by Andrew<br />
Weathcroft (Weathcroft 1995: 32-33, 72-83). Ottomans were not so much<br />
focused with unifying as with exploring <strong>the</strong> diversity. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>,<br />
only belatedly did <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, <strong>the</strong> “incompetent coloniser” akin to<br />
<strong>the</strong> Turkish “sick man”, become a systematic coloniser. They were forced<br />
to do so in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth-century scramble for Africa. Beforeh<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong><br />
exploration lacked any coherent planning <strong>and</strong> involved <strong>the</strong> negotiation of<br />
identity, paving <strong>the</strong> way for <strong>the</strong> Brazilian miscegenation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> creation of<br />
fluid identities (just like Ottoman interracial marriages) (Santos 2004: 61).<br />
The acknowledgment of <strong>the</strong> merits of this miscegenation came very late,<br />
if at all, due to <strong>the</strong> divisive doctrines, like <strong>the</strong> notion of <strong>the</strong> “Clash of Civilisations”.<br />
Indeed, <strong>Europe</strong> opted for a rigid distinction between <strong>the</strong> subject<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> object of knowledge, as shown by <strong>the</strong> doubts on <strong>the</strong> humanity<br />
of <strong>the</strong> slave by nineteenth-century secular “scientific racism” (Magnoli,<br />
2009: 22-36).<br />
Frontier cultures, in <strong>the</strong>ir role as cultural interfaces <strong>and</strong> crossroads<br />
of civilisation, have <strong>the</strong> potential for miscegenation (or, in <strong>the</strong> words of<br />
Gilberto Freyre, of miscibilidade, Freyre 1933: 22). They have <strong>the</strong> capacity<br />
for avoiding reductionism <strong>and</strong> simplification. Yet, this capacity is lost<br />
whenever <strong>the</strong>y deny <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>and</strong> accept hierarchical criteria in order to<br />
incur in self-colonisation. Given that <strong>the</strong> celebration of miscegenation is<br />
<strong>the</strong> only antidote to this positivist taxonomy, Freyre pioneered <strong>the</strong> intermediate<br />
identities, despite his blatant idealisation of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese (Santos<br />
2004: 54).<br />
Freyre’s celebration of miscegenation is an extremely powerful example<br />
because it led <strong>the</strong> fight against <strong>the</strong> introduction of racist <strong>the</strong>ories in Brazil<br />
<strong>and</strong> because it surfaced when <strong>the</strong> cultural centre advocated division <strong>and</strong><br />
segregation (even if <strong>the</strong> doctrines of Freyre were used by <strong>the</strong> Salazar regime).<br />
What lessons does Freyre hold for <strong>the</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
semi-peripheries? Most of all, Freyre celebrates miscegenation, without<br />
ignoring slavery <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> inequality that stemmed from it. His perception<br />
of history has <strong>the</strong> virtue of celebrating mixture <strong>and</strong> of resorting to social<br />
<strong>and</strong> cultural factors, ra<strong>the</strong>r than to race. Influenced by German-American<br />
anthropologist Franz Boas (Magnoli 2009: 149-150), Freyre realised that<br />
nineteenth-century <strong>Europe</strong>an anthropology with its complex of superiority<br />
took <strong>the</strong> cultures out of <strong>the</strong>ir context <strong>and</strong> failed to acknowledge <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 44 31-01-2012 17:24:19
specificities, as it happened with <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, “an undefined people<br />
halfway between <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> Africa” (Freyre 1933: 18-19). The hybridism<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> Balkans resulted precisely from<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir condition as cultural crosswords. The acknowledgment that <strong>the</strong>se<br />
places were cultural crossroads areas flies on <strong>the</strong> face of discourses that<br />
are based upon superficial criteria <strong>and</strong> intent on denying <strong>the</strong> semi-peripheral<br />
condition of <strong>the</strong>se places. By denying <strong>the</strong> importance of crossroads<br />
(e. g. by evoking <strong>the</strong> Portuguese imperial heyday or by evoking blissful<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>), national elites deny <strong>the</strong> historical possibilities for <strong>the</strong> creation<br />
of intermediary identities, i.e. half-<strong>Europe</strong>an, half-Afro-Brazilian, halfcentral<br />
<strong>and</strong> also half-Asian, resulting in realities like Afropa <strong>and</strong> Eurasia.<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> creation of a <strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>and</strong> Portuguese world in <strong>the</strong> crossroads<br />
of civilisations mirrors that of <strong>the</strong> Balkan <strong>and</strong>, more specifically,<br />
Bulgarian world insofar as both are based upon intermediary identities<br />
(instead of out-of-date essentialism). By avoiding exclusivist identities, this<br />
interpretation opens <strong>the</strong> way for a positive perception of mixture <strong>and</strong> for a<br />
U-turn on <strong>the</strong> processes of self-colonisation <strong>and</strong> of imagining <strong>the</strong> centre.<br />
It forces nations <strong>and</strong> space-based entities to acknowledge <strong>the</strong> value of hybridism,<br />
of mixture <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> interaction that occurred in time (history).<br />
Ultimately, <strong>the</strong> essentialist interpretations of Occidentalism end up<br />
by being parochial <strong>and</strong> limited insomuch as <strong>the</strong>y reject <strong>the</strong> positives of<br />
heterogeneity, of diversity <strong>and</strong> of features like Portuguese ethnical indecision,<br />
to quote from Freyre (Freyre 1933:18-19).<br />
To see <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula or <strong>the</strong> Balkans through purely <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
lenses is akin to reductionism: in <strong>the</strong> former, one risks ignoring <strong>the</strong><br />
features of a very peculiar sort of imperialism, while in <strong>the</strong> latter, one<br />
risks ignoring <strong>the</strong> specificities of a very complex empire. Thus, we should<br />
take from Freyre his critique of divisionism. This is a dangerous creed as<br />
it assigns identities purely based upon difference (thus creating a global<br />
hierarchy) <strong>and</strong> rejects <strong>the</strong> non-possibility of non-hierarchical encounters.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> Post-Empire(s) in Semi-<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Societies 45<br />
A/V (1980): Anthology of Bulgarian Poetry. Sófia.<br />
Bhabha, Homi K. (2005): “A Questão Outra” in: Manuela Ribeiro Sanches<br />
(Ed.), Deslocalizar a Europa. Lisbon, 143-166.<br />
Buruma Ian, Avishai Margalit (2005): Ocidentalismo: Uma Breve História da<br />
Aversão ao Ocidente. Mem Martins.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 45 31-01-2012 17:24:19
46 Francisco Nazareth<br />
Caminha, Pêro Vaz de (2000): “Carta de Pêro Vaz de Caminha para D.<br />
Manuel” in: José Manuel Garcia (Ed.), O Descobrimento do Brasil nos Textos de<br />
1500 a 1571. Lisbon, 18-34.<br />
Couto, Mia (2005): Pensatempos. Lisbon.<br />
Freyre, Gilberto (1933): Casa Gr<strong>and</strong>e e Senzala. Lisbon.<br />
Garrett, Almeida (1830): Portugal na Balança da Europa. Lisbon.<br />
Gellner, Ernest (1983): Nations <strong>and</strong> Nationalism. London.<br />
Hobsbawm, Eric (1989): “Introduction: Inventing Traditions”, in: E.<br />
Hobsbawm, Ranger Terence (Eds.): The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge,<br />
1-14.<br />
Hol<strong>and</strong>a, Sérgio Buarque de (1995): Raízes do Brasil. Lisbon.<br />
Kiossev, Alex<strong>and</strong>er (1999): “Notes On Self-Colonising Cultures”, in: Pejic,<br />
Bojana, Elliot, David (Eds.), After <strong>the</strong> Wall: Art <strong>and</strong> Culture in Post-Communist<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>. Stockholm, 114-117.<br />
Kiossev, Alex<strong>and</strong>er (2004): “Bulgarian Textbooks of Literary History <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Construction of National Identity” (355-365), in Todorova, Maria<br />
(Ed.) Balkan <strong>Identities</strong>. London.<br />
Kiossev, Alex<strong>and</strong>er (2006): “Gaze <strong>and</strong> Acknowledgement”, in: Eurozine.<br />
Konstantinov, Aleko (2004): To Chicago <strong>and</strong> Back. Sófia.<br />
Lal, Vinay (2002): Empire of Knowledge. London.<br />
Magnoli, Demétrio (2009): Uma Gota de Sangue, São Paulo.<br />
Mazower, Mark (2002): The Balkans, New York.<br />
Mazower, Mark (2005): Salonica, City of Ghosts, London.<br />
Quataert, Donald (2000): O Império Otomano, Lisbon.<br />
Queiroz, Eça de (1973): Cartas Inéditas de Fradique Mendes, Porto.<br />
Quental, Antero de (1871): “Causas da Decadência dos Povos Peninsulares”.<br />
Porto.<br />
Said, Edward W. (1978): Orientalism, New York.<br />
Santos, Boaventura de Sousa (1993): “O estado, as relações salariais e o<br />
bem-estar social na semiperiferia: o caso português”, in: Santos, Boaventura<br />
de Sousa (Ed.), Portugal: Um Retrato Singular, Porto, 17-56.<br />
Santos, Boaventura de Sousa (1996): Pela Mão de Alice: o Social e o Político na<br />
Pós-Modernidade, Porto.<br />
Santos, Boaventura de Sousa (2002): “Entre Próspero e Caliban: Colonialismo,<br />
pós-colonialismo e inter-identidade”, in: Ramalho, Maria Irene,<br />
Ribeiro, António Sousa, Entre Ser e Estar: Raízes, Percursos e Discursos da<br />
Identidade, Porto, 23-85.<br />
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Occidentalism <strong>and</strong> Post-Empire(s) in Semi-<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Societies 47<br />
Todorova, Maria (2004): “Learning Memory, Remembering Identity”, in:<br />
Todorova, Maria (Ed..), Balkan <strong>Identities</strong>, London, 1-24.<br />
Weathcroft, Andrew (1995): The Ottomans: Dissolving Images, London.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 47 31-01-2012 17:24:20
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 48 31-01-2012 17:24:20
Part II<br />
Representations of <strong>Iberia</strong><br />
in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong><br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 49 31-01-2012 17:24:20
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 50 31-01-2012 17:24:20
Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula<br />
Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristóvão<br />
(University of Lisbon)<br />
In western societies travelling has always been considered a fundamental<br />
requirement for an intellectual <strong>and</strong> political education. If we<br />
give credit to <strong>the</strong> comments of Jacob Sobieski, in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> tradition of<br />
a Gr<strong>and</strong> Tour was also a condition sine qua non for <strong>the</strong> education of <strong>the</strong><br />
social <strong>and</strong> economic elites:<br />
“The old tycoons of <strong>the</strong> republic of Pol<strong>and</strong> had <strong>the</strong> habit of travelling<br />
frequently. One of <strong>the</strong> conditions for a good education required <strong>the</strong>m<br />
to travel abroad to make it complete. After having enriched <strong>the</strong>ir knowledge,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y would return to <strong>the</strong>ir mo<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> dedicate <strong>the</strong>mselves exclusively<br />
to its service.” (Sobieski in Liske.1996: 233)<br />
However, those journeys not only had consequences for <strong>the</strong> character<br />
development of <strong>the</strong> individuals concerned. In fact, <strong>the</strong>y may even have<br />
been responsible for profound changes in politics, religion <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
custom, as Paul Hazard demonstrates in La Crise de la Conscience Européenne<br />
1680-1715 (Hazard 1935). Politicians <strong>and</strong> intellectuals had good reasons<br />
to visit o<strong>the</strong>r countries, especially from <strong>the</strong> fifteenth to <strong>the</strong> seventeeth<br />
century, because great changes were underway in <strong>Europe</strong> at that time.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> Renaissance, especially in <strong>the</strong> fifteenth <strong>and</strong> sixteenth centuries,<br />
major changes were taking place in terms of lifestyle, culture, <strong>the</strong> arts, sci-<br />
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52 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
ence <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> social order, largely due to travel reports which had helped<br />
to overcome political, social <strong>and</strong> religious barriers, through comparison<br />
<strong>and</strong> contrast. From a political perspective <strong>the</strong> conquest of Byzantium by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ottoman Turks in 1453, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrasting episodes of <strong>the</strong> conquest<br />
of Granada in 1492 by <strong>the</strong> Catholic Kings, <strong>the</strong> establishment of <strong>the</strong> Inquisition<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> expulsion of <strong>the</strong> Jews <strong>and</strong> Muslims, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong><br />
new perspectives created in <strong>the</strong> centre as well as <strong>the</strong> west <strong>and</strong> east by <strong>the</strong><br />
Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, everything appeared to have been reshaped.<br />
With <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an voyages of discovery, which began in 1415 with <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese taking of Ceuta, it became increasingly necessary to observe<br />
in order to underst<strong>and</strong>. In this context <strong>the</strong> traditionally ignored <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
Peninsula began to attract attention. Largelly due to prejudice, few Central<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>ans had ventured to travel to <strong>the</strong> far west. If one did<br />
so <strong>the</strong>n it was only to visit <strong>the</strong> tomb of St. James in Compostela. Martinus<br />
Zeillerus complains about such prejudice <strong>and</strong> ignorance in his work<br />
entitled Hispaniae et Lusitaniae Itinerarium (Zeillerus 1656). According to<br />
Zeillerus, who expressed himself in Latin, people from nor<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong> would not travel to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula because <strong>the</strong> former<br />
were said to be “vulgari mores, habitus, cibus, potus, officia et similia”<br />
(Zeillerus 1656), all of which was not conducive to good doctrine.<br />
According to Zeillerus not only prejudice but <strong>the</strong> danger <strong>and</strong> disease<br />
to which travellers were exposed, alongside <strong>the</strong> absence of noteworthy<br />
monuments, hindered travel. 1<br />
In spite of <strong>the</strong>se obstacles, he concludes, <strong>the</strong>re were good reasons<br />
to visit this peninsula. 2<br />
Among <strong>the</strong> travellers of that epoch who ventured to Portugal three<br />
famous Poles deserve our attention, especially for what <strong>the</strong>y wrote in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
travel accounts.<br />
1 “Hispaniae regnorum peragrationibus, earumque descriptionibus et operam et tempus frustra impendi<br />
arbintrantur haud pauci, quos sequentibus rationibus moveri audimus. Prima oritur ex singularibus<br />
periculis et molestiis, quibus ejusmodi itinera Hispaniam pervadentia obnoxia sunt. Alteram suggerunt<br />
mores, consuetudines ac ratio vivendi Hispaniorum, quae ad doctrinam parum aut nihil conferunt. Ter- Ter-<br />
tiam, pauca in iis regionibus visu subjiciunt” (Zeillerus 1656).<br />
2 The opposite situation was also true, although to a smaller degree: <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Spanish did not know much of <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>Europe</strong>, although some honourable exceptions<br />
had much to say, for example Álvaro Vaz de Almada, a Portuguese knight, or <strong>the</strong><br />
Infante Pedro, who had been in several countries in <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> east, <strong>and</strong> had served<br />
<strong>the</strong> Emperor Sigismund in <strong>the</strong> first quarter of <strong>the</strong> fifteenth century.<br />
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Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula 53<br />
They are Nicolaus Popielovo (1484), Eric Lassota of Steblovo<br />
(1580), <strong>and</strong> Jacob Sobieski (1611). The reports of <strong>the</strong> three travellers were<br />
translated from Polish into Spanish by someone identified by <strong>the</strong> letters<br />
F.R. <strong>and</strong> were collected <strong>and</strong> published by Xavier Liske of Lemberg University<br />
<strong>and</strong> a member of <strong>the</strong> Academy of Sciences of Krakow.<br />
The translation was entitled España y Portugal en los Siglos XV, XVI<br />
y XVII, <strong>and</strong> was published in Madrid by Casa Editorial de Medina (Liske<br />
1996). In <strong>the</strong> present paper I will quote all three authors from this source.<br />
Although separated by time <strong>and</strong> in spite of <strong>the</strong>ir differences, <strong>the</strong> three<br />
reports reveal <strong>the</strong> Germanised Polish culture that influenced <strong>the</strong> observations<br />
made – whoever discovers is also discovered. Assuming <strong>the</strong> risk of<br />
an over-simplified interpretation, it is possible to identify an epistemological<br />
shift in <strong>the</strong>se works. Popielovo’s account represents a medieval point of<br />
view – formulaic, orthodox <strong>and</strong> of pretentious nobility, being very much<br />
aware of his status <strong>and</strong> personal habits. Almost a century later Steblovo<br />
demonstrates <strong>the</strong> characteristics of a humanist point of view. As a strict<br />
<strong>and</strong> disciplined soldier he is an unbiased observer, <strong>and</strong> is his descriptions<br />
are very objective. Finally Sobieski is more concerned with observing <strong>the</strong><br />
activities of <strong>the</strong> court <strong>and</strong> enriches his account with <strong>the</strong> critical spirit of<br />
modernity, which is missing from <strong>the</strong> previous accounts.<br />
Popielovo: A Clash of Cultures or of Conceptions <strong>and</strong> Preconceptions?<br />
Of <strong>the</strong> three travellers mentioned above <strong>the</strong> most enthusiastic, who<br />
refrains least from comment, is Popielovo. The added value of his text<br />
arises from <strong>the</strong> contrast between his chivalric culture <strong>and</strong> that of <strong>the</strong> people<br />
he encounters. Nicolaus Popielovo, or Popplau, was a Germanised<br />
Polish knight from Silesia who had served under Frederic III, emperor<br />
of Austria, who came here from Engl<strong>and</strong> via a stay in Santiago de Compostela,<br />
as did many who visited us (Liske 1996: 9). Although exaggerated,<br />
Popielovo’s text has great historical <strong>and</strong> anthropological value. Never<strong>the</strong>less,<br />
it seems to have fallen into oblivion, for it is not mentioned by<br />
Manuel Bernardes Branco in his systematic <strong>and</strong> informed work Portugal e os<br />
Estrangeiros (Branco 1879), <strong>and</strong> if Costa Lobo mentions it in História da Sociedade<br />
em Portugal no século XV (Lobo 1903), it is only to criticise <strong>the</strong> point<br />
of view of this presumptuous “German”. However, it is worth paying<br />
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54 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
attention to <strong>the</strong> pompous knight decorated with several titles <strong>and</strong> medals,<br />
who came to Portugal accompanied by a small entourage <strong>and</strong> above all<br />
by a long <strong>and</strong> heavy spear, so heavy that he was <strong>the</strong> only one who could<br />
use it, which he used to exhibit at tournaments to general astonishment.<br />
Popielovo remained in Portugal for approximately two <strong>and</strong> a half months<br />
(from July 21 st to October 8 th , 1484) before leaving for Spain. He later<br />
devoted himself to recording his impressions of his journey through <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n countries. Nicolau Popielovo’s account is of great interest for its<br />
study of fifteenth-century Portuguese society. Toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> letters of<br />
Clenardus, published half a century later, it offers a form of articulated<br />
diptych, for <strong>the</strong> impressions of <strong>the</strong> humanist scholar complete those of<br />
<strong>the</strong> knight.<br />
According to his confessions <strong>the</strong> aim of <strong>the</strong> voyage was to visit<br />
<strong>and</strong> pay homage to some monarchs, mentioning nothing of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
intentions that he clearly had. He brought with him letters of recommendation<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Emperor to all of <strong>the</strong> kings he was to visit, <strong>and</strong> also to<br />
princes <strong>and</strong> eminent personalities. Safe-conduct <strong>and</strong> boarding rights were<br />
required, because at that time it was necessary to pay tribute in return for<br />
rights of passage as well as <strong>the</strong> taxes <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> licences one had to acquire.<br />
In Portugal, after overcoming several obstacles, he managed to be<br />
admitted into <strong>the</strong> court of John II, <strong>the</strong>n residing in Setúbal, <strong>and</strong> obtained<br />
from <strong>the</strong> king some support <strong>and</strong> privileges.<br />
In regard to <strong>Iberia</strong>n customs <strong>and</strong> practices, Popielovo did not make<br />
much distinction between <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> people from o<strong>the</strong>r regions,<br />
considering <strong>the</strong>m equally rude, lacking in character, ignorant <strong>and</strong> ugly.<br />
Only a small number of characteristics made a positive difference in some<br />
cases.<br />
Beginning with men from several <strong>Iberia</strong>n regions, he is adamant:<br />
Galicians (usually considered alongside <strong>the</strong> Portuguese): “rude, silly, incapable<br />
of good manners, ignorant”; 3 Natives of Lozia Province: “rude, stupid,<br />
miserly <strong>and</strong> of little virtue”; 4 Sevillians: “I can say, truthfully, that I have<br />
never seen, anywhere else, people as ignorant <strong>and</strong> stupid as <strong>the</strong>se”; 5 Andalucian:<br />
“<strong>the</strong>y are even ruder than <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Galicians, <strong>and</strong> any-<br />
3 Original: “groseros, tontos, incapaces de buenas costumbres e ignorantes“ (Liske 1996).<br />
4 Original: “grosera, necia, avara y poco dotada de verdaderas virtudes” (Liske 1996: 43).<br />
5 Original: “Puedo decir en honor de la verdad que no he visto o encontrado nunca en<br />
ninguna parte gente tan necia e impertinente como aquí” (Liske 1996: 48).<br />
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Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula 55<br />
where in <strong>the</strong> world one will hardly find o<strong>the</strong>rs ruder”; 6 Barcelonese: “such<br />
rustics <strong>and</strong> Jews who, instead of valuing honour <strong>and</strong> delicacy, put all <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
efforts into ga<strong>the</strong>ring wealth <strong>and</strong> treasures”; 7 Catalans in general: “noblemen<br />
have <strong>the</strong> right to spend <strong>the</strong> first night with peasants’ brides, <strong>and</strong> in<br />
numerous families of ten, one of <strong>the</strong> offspring was given to <strong>the</strong>m as a<br />
slave.” 8 In this context, <strong>the</strong> portrait he provides of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese is not<br />
<strong>the</strong> worst, <strong>and</strong> could be paraphrased as follows: As with Galicians, noblemen<br />
<strong>and</strong> plebeians alike, Portuguese are rude, silly, incapable of good<br />
maners <strong>and</strong> ignorant, although <strong>the</strong>y pretend to be wise. Not being as cruel<br />
<strong>and</strong> unwise as <strong>the</strong> English, <strong>the</strong>y are more loyal amongst <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>and</strong> to<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir king, if we exclude <strong>the</strong> noblemen, who are always conspiring. However,<br />
being dark-skinned <strong>and</strong> dark-haired <strong>the</strong>y are uglier than <strong>the</strong> English.<br />
Lazy, <strong>the</strong>y do not like working. For this reason <strong>the</strong>y do not know how<br />
to make money by giving lodgings to <strong>the</strong>ir fellow citizens or travellers.<br />
Lacking kindness, <strong>the</strong>se people have no compassion (Liske 1996: 31-32).<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, women were not to Popielovo’s liking:<br />
“Few women are beautiful. They resemble men, ra<strong>the</strong>r than women,<br />
but usually having black <strong>and</strong> pretty eyes; in love <strong>the</strong>y are as fierce as English<br />
women when in need of intimate confidence; <strong>the</strong>y comb <strong>the</strong>ir hair<br />
without exaggerated adornments; <strong>the</strong> neck is covered with a small woollen<br />
ribbon or silk scarf. Their faces are uncovered <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y wear dresses <strong>and</strong><br />
blouses so low-cut that one can see half <strong>the</strong> breast. From top to bottom,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y wear too many skirts: that is why <strong>the</strong> rear side of <strong>the</strong>ir bodies appears<br />
large <strong>and</strong> appealing, as in a Martinsgans party, <strong>and</strong> too voluminous.<br />
I swear, I have never seen anything so big. They are generally sensual <strong>and</strong><br />
silly, just like men, <strong>and</strong> greed is <strong>the</strong>ir sole concern, day <strong>and</strong> night, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are not as kind as <strong>the</strong> Lombards or <strong>the</strong> French.” 9<br />
6 Original: “La verdad es que los gallegos son groseros, los portugueses casi lo mismo;<br />
pero los habitantes de campo en Andalucía son aún más groseros, que dificilmente se<br />
encontraria en todo mundo” (Liske 1996: 56-57).<br />
7 Original: “rústicos y judíos, porque en lugar de apreciar el honor y la delicadeza, ponen<br />
únicamente todo so cuidado en amasar gr<strong>and</strong>es bienes y tesoros” (Liske 1996).<br />
8 Original: “los nobles duermen la primera noche con las novias de sus campesinos; si la<br />
mujer de un campesino tiene diez criaturas, entónces entrega una de ellas en esclavitud à<br />
su señor” (Liske 1996: 65).<br />
9 Original: “Pocas mujeres tienen bellas, que parecen mas hombres que mujeres, pero con<br />
ojos generalmente negros y hermosos; en amores son ardientes como las inglesas cu<strong>and</strong>o<br />
necesitan íntima confianza; peinan sus cabezas sin exagerados adornos; el cuello cubren<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 55 31-01-2012 17:24:20
56 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
He does not say much more about <strong>the</strong> women from <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong><br />
Peninsula, aside from his explanation for <strong>the</strong>re being so much corruption<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Peninsula, which was due to <strong>the</strong> fact of <strong>the</strong>ir inhabitants living<br />
“[…] with <strong>the</strong> rude Saracens, trading with <strong>the</strong>m, thus breathing <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
hea<strong>the</strong>n <strong>and</strong> savage air, following at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>ir own customs (…)<br />
<strong>the</strong> fair sex having untidy customs; we can rarely find a virtuous <strong>and</strong> gifted<br />
young woman.” 10<br />
In short, Andalucia, Portugal <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Algarve seem to resemble<br />
each o<strong>the</strong>r. The main difference is observed between Saracens <strong>and</strong> Christians,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Christians being seen as poor followers of <strong>the</strong>ir faith. The only<br />
exception to this judgment appears to be <strong>the</strong> king. Indeed, our knight offers<br />
no complaints regarding John II, despite knowing that he had cruelly<br />
ordered <strong>the</strong> strangling of <strong>the</strong> Duke of Viseu <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bishop of Évora <strong>and</strong><br />
had imprisoned o<strong>the</strong>r noblemen.<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, Popielovo does not only pay attention to customs. He<br />
was attired in <strong>the</strong> splendour of all his noble <strong>and</strong> knightly apparel, from<br />
flamboyant garments to weaponry, which included a long spear <strong>and</strong> glittering<br />
medals of commendation, which made people laugh ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />
gaining <strong>the</strong>ir respect, resulting in <strong>the</strong> conclusion that <strong>the</strong>y were ignorant<br />
of chivalry <strong>and</strong> of courteous manners, especially as he was visiting King<br />
John II.<br />
He was also very concerned to write about everything he saw, especially<br />
in what concerned <strong>the</strong> military at that stage of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese expansion.<br />
The account of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese discoveries is long in comparison<br />
to o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>mes.<br />
con un pañuelo de seda. Dejan mirar libremente su cara, y llevan sus vestidos y camisas<br />
escotados de manera que se puede ver la mitad de sus pechos descubiertos. Desde el talle<br />
hasta abajo, llevan muchas faldas; por eso la parte de detras de sus cuerpos parece hermosa<br />
y gr<strong>and</strong>e, como à una Martinsgans, y tan voluminosa que, de veras lo digo, no he visto<br />
jamas en el mundo cosa más gr<strong>and</strong>e. Son, generalmente sensuales y tontas, lo mismo que<br />
los hombres, torpes para todo. La avaricia es la única preocupación que las persigue de dia<br />
y de noche: no son tan bondadosas como las lombardas ó francesas.” (Liske 1996: 26-27).<br />
10 Original:’’con los brutos sarracenos, se relacionan y comercian con ellos, respiran su<br />
aire pagano, salvaje y rudo, y en muchas cosas siguen sus costumbres y hacen à su modo<br />
sus negocios y tratos (...); el bello sexo es de costumbres muy relajadas, raramente se<br />
puede encontrar una jóven adornada de virtudes” (Liske 1996: 57).<br />
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Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula 57<br />
In one section <strong>the</strong> author informs his readers of <strong>the</strong> conquest of<br />
Ceuta, <strong>the</strong> wars against <strong>the</strong> king of Fez, <strong>the</strong> castles <strong>and</strong> strongholds that<br />
were built in Africa, <strong>the</strong> gold <strong>and</strong> slaves coming from Guinea <strong>and</strong> Mina<br />
(present-day Elmina in Ghana), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> discovery <strong>and</strong> colonisation of <strong>the</strong><br />
Atlantic isl<strong>and</strong>s. Popielovo’s narrative of discovery ends with <strong>the</strong> following<br />
remark:<br />
“These are <strong>the</strong> reasons why <strong>the</strong> King of Portugal is having many<br />
large ships made – I had <strong>the</strong> opportunity to see some of <strong>the</strong>m in Lisbon.<br />
He intends shipping thous<strong>and</strong>s of men <strong>and</strong> horses, sending <strong>the</strong>m to some<br />
points of <strong>the</strong> Barbary Coast where, along with his ally’s people, he wishes<br />
to drive out <strong>the</strong> usurper of Fez, in order to conquer Africa […]. The King’s<br />
uncle also travelled <strong>the</strong> seas in search of isl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s, <strong>and</strong> he was in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Moorish countries fighting <strong>the</strong> infidels; this is why, nowadays, <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
partly subjects of <strong>the</strong> King of Portugal. So, one can travel across Africa<br />
<strong>and</strong> through <strong>the</strong> properties of <strong>the</strong> king of Fez to Moorish countries.” 11<br />
He <strong>the</strong>n enumerates <strong>the</strong> many castles built in Africa, nearby <strong>the</strong><br />
goldmines, <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> Atlantic isl<strong>and</strong>s that <strong>the</strong> king became <strong>the</strong> owner of:<br />
Madeira, Porto Santo, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Azores. He also mentions agricultural production<br />
<strong>and</strong> comes to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that: “[…] <strong>the</strong> king has his people<br />
constantly at sea looking for more isl<strong>and</strong>s; if he finds any […], he sends<br />
prisoners <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r convicts <strong>the</strong>re, where <strong>the</strong>y stay for <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
lives”. 12<br />
If it is true that Popielovo’s narrative depicts some of <strong>the</strong> realities<br />
of fifteenth-century Portugal <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n regions (<strong>the</strong> latter in a more<br />
11 Original: ‘‘Estos son los motivos porque el Rey de Portugal m<strong>and</strong>a la construccion de<br />
muchos gr<strong>and</strong>es navíos de los cuales yo he visto algunos en Lisboa. Se propone embarcar<br />
muchos miles de hombres con otro tanto de caballos, trasladarlos à ciertos puntos de<br />
Berbería, y reunidos con la gente de su aliado, expulsar al usurpador de Fez, y apoderarse<br />
así de África. El tio del Rey de Portugal se fué tambien à viajar por mar, en busca de islas<br />
y tierras, y estuvo en mis tiempos en los países de los moros, luch<strong>and</strong>o contra ellos; de<br />
modo que hoy dia son en parte sujetos al Rey de Portugal. Se puede pasar tambien de<br />
África, y por las tierras de Rey de Fez, à los países de los moros.” (Liske 1996: 29).<br />
12 Original: “El Rey tiene constantemente su gente en el mar para buscar más islas, y si<br />
se encuentra alguna de provecho [...], entónces se embarca à los presos detenidos en el<br />
país, ó condenados por robos, que trasladan allí, donde quedan por toda su vida” (Liske<br />
1996: 31).<br />
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58 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
general narrative with little detail), he also reveals something of his mentality.<br />
His depictons make clear <strong>the</strong> cultural frontier separating <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
Peninsula from o<strong>the</strong>r nations. The <strong>Iberia</strong>n peoples are already mixed with<br />
Jews, Moors <strong>and</strong> pagans, who have different customs from o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>ans.<br />
That fundamental difference influences Popielovo’s interpretation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n mentality, which he regards as corrupt <strong>and</strong> degenerate. To<br />
his judgment of a degenerate society Popielovo also adds what he calls <strong>the</strong><br />
false conversion of new Christians who “have accepted <strong>the</strong> holy Christian<br />
faith, in order to keep <strong>the</strong>ir belongings <strong>and</strong> wealth; but among one hundred,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is only one who truly professes it”. 13 However he also takes<br />
<strong>the</strong> opportunity to criticise not only <strong>the</strong> false conversion, but also <strong>the</strong><br />
methods of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Inquisition, reporting that if <strong>the</strong> new Christians<br />
are caught practicing non Christian rituals “<strong>the</strong>y are arrested <strong>and</strong><br />
burned horrifically”. 14 Regarding <strong>the</strong> Portuguese-Castilian relationship, he<br />
remarks cleverly that both kings <strong>and</strong> peoples hate each o<strong>the</strong>r rancorously.<br />
Erich Lassota de Steblovo, an Objective but Naïve War Correspondent<br />
If Popielovo’s account reveals an extravagant character ready to<br />
proclaim a clear <strong>and</strong> simplicistic judgment on people <strong>and</strong> society, Steblovo,<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r Germanised Pole, has <strong>the</strong> opposite temperament. A noble, discreet<br />
<strong>and</strong> disciplined officier, who is an appreciator of wealth <strong>and</strong> may<br />
even be a little naïve, is revealed in Steblovo account of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula.<br />
These characteristics are reflected in <strong>the</strong> form of his narrative, which<br />
is arranged as a journal or a roadbook, with a precise record of <strong>the</strong> year,<br />
month <strong>and</strong> day, <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> distances between localities; all of this is done<br />
without any commentary <strong>and</strong> in an objective style. He came to Portugal in<br />
July 1580, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> Castilian invasion forces that were<br />
attempting reclaim <strong>the</strong> crown for Felipe II. The invasion forces ga<strong>the</strong>red<br />
in Badajoz <strong>and</strong> conquered Elvas on <strong>the</strong> 21 st of that month. In successive<br />
campaigns, usually lasting two days each, <strong>the</strong> troops moved forward to<br />
Lisbon <strong>and</strong> afterwards marched to <strong>the</strong> north. In two or three lines he describes<br />
soberly <strong>the</strong> many occupations, noting that towns surrendered <strong>and</strong><br />
13 Original: “para conservar sus haberes y fortunas, aceptaron la Santa Fe cristiana; mas<br />
entre ciento, apénas se halla uno que la practique verdaderamente.” (Liske 1996: 55).<br />
14 Original: “los cogen presos y los queman miserablemente“ (Liske 1996: 55).<br />
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Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula 59<br />
accepted <strong>the</strong> situation without resistance. Progression was swift: Elvas,<br />
Estremoz, Setúbal <strong>and</strong> Palmela surrended without resistance.<br />
The troops encountered some resistance in Sesimbra, Cascais <strong>and</strong><br />
Oeiras, <strong>and</strong> faced strong opposition in Lisbon.<br />
In 1581 Steblovo travelled by boat through Sacavém, Santarém, Almeirim,<br />
Tomar <strong>and</strong> Coimbra up to Braga, having visited Porto <strong>and</strong> entered<br />
Spain as far as Compostela. He limited himself to describing l<strong>and</strong>scapes<br />
<strong>and</strong> monuments, as any tourist of our time would do. A heavy silence appears<br />
to permeate his whole itinerary; <strong>the</strong>re are few comments, just several<br />
occasional lines, which mention resistance by <strong>the</strong> population. For example,<br />
he writes that on 11th September “country folk insulted <strong>the</strong> soldiers<br />
who had stayed behind, <strong>and</strong> even hanged some of <strong>the</strong>m”. 15 Occasionally,<br />
he would report news that he had been told about <strong>the</strong> whereabouts of<br />
Dom António Prior do Crato <strong>and</strong> his allies, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir attempts to resist.<br />
His objective style is most noticeable in his descriptions of <strong>the</strong> several attempts<br />
to occupy <strong>the</strong> Azores isl<strong>and</strong>s, which did not capitulate until 1583.<br />
Some of <strong>the</strong>se were successful, o<strong>the</strong>rs failed, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> author does not omit<br />
a risible episode of <strong>the</strong> Azorean resistance: <strong>the</strong>y unleashed bulls upon <strong>the</strong><br />
Castilian troops, which caused mayhem. Likewise Steblovo – being scholarly<br />
<strong>and</strong> keen on transcribing written documents <strong>and</strong> tombstones, which<br />
he did in several places – wrote down King Philip’s decree of forgiveness<br />
for those who had laid down <strong>the</strong>ir weapons, <strong>and</strong> recorded <strong>the</strong> dignified<br />
<strong>and</strong> proud response of <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> of Terceira’s governor.<br />
To <strong>the</strong> royal proposal, “I <strong>the</strong> King […] not only forgive past guilt<br />
[…], but also will be glad to compensate you for <strong>the</strong> services that I expect<br />
from you, so that great damage to <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> its inhabitants can be<br />
spared”. 16 Cipião de Figueiredo de Vasconcelos answers: “This isl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
those living here are <strong>the</strong> King Dom Antonio’s, whom <strong>the</strong>y have paid hommage<br />
as <strong>the</strong>ir king <strong>and</strong> natural master.” 17<br />
Afterwards, having already threatened <strong>the</strong> king with God’s punishment<br />
on Judgement Day, he adds:<br />
15 Original: “La gente del campo insultaba à los soldados que se quedaron atras, y hasta<br />
ahorcó à algunos.” (Liske 1996: 126-127).<br />
16 Original: “Eu el Rey (…) nao soamente perdoo as culpas passadas, mas que folguerei<br />
de uos fazer merce, pelo seruizo que de uos nisto espero, para que se escusen os gr<strong>and</strong>es<br />
damnos dessa Ilha e dos moradores e pouo della” (Liske 1996: 167).<br />
17 Original: “Esta Ilha e moradores della, sao de el Rey Dom Antonio, a quem juraron por<br />
seu Rey e natural Senhor.“ (Liske 1996: 168).<br />
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60 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
“Let our Lord take your Majesty back to His kingdom <strong>and</strong> give<br />
Portugal back to its beloved king <strong>and</strong> lord Dom Antonio, as we truthful<br />
<strong>and</strong> loyal Portuguese desire so much, from this noble <strong>and</strong> forever faithful<br />
city of Angra, on <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> Terceira of Jesus Christ”. 18 The outcome was<br />
<strong>the</strong> predictable one: after a pledge of allegiance in <strong>the</strong> courts of Tomar,<br />
on 16 th April 1580, a “List of <strong>the</strong> most notable individuals excluded from<br />
<strong>the</strong> general amnesty that <strong>the</strong> King Felipe II had published in Tomar” 19<br />
was released. It included 32 laymen, headed by <strong>the</strong> Prior do Crato, <strong>and</strong> 16<br />
clergymen, headed by D. João de Portugal, Bishop of Guarda.<br />
Steblovo was an educated man who, in contrast to <strong>the</strong> sobriety of<br />
his war reports, describes a great number of monuments meticulously,<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Jerónimos Monastery in Lisbon to <strong>the</strong> Ca<strong>the</strong>dral of Santiago de<br />
Compostela. He gives details on form <strong>and</strong> function, even to <strong>the</strong> point of<br />
carefully marking tombstone positions <strong>and</strong> Latin inscriptions.<br />
He was not only a sensitive man, but also a devout Christian, reporting<br />
miracles <strong>and</strong> simple mirabilia without adding personal comments, like<br />
someone who piously believes in legends.<br />
Therefore it is symptomatic that in describing <strong>the</strong> Ca<strong>the</strong>dral of Santiago<br />
de Compostela he reports, with <strong>the</strong> greatest c<strong>and</strong>our, all <strong>the</strong> legends<br />
that have been told, especially those connected with <strong>the</strong> large stones<br />
that had been used by <strong>the</strong> apostle: <strong>the</strong> bed of Saint James in Padron, <strong>the</strong><br />
preaching stone, <strong>the</strong> altar stone, <strong>the</strong> shield of <strong>the</strong> saint, <strong>the</strong> well stone, <strong>the</strong><br />
famous stone boat that he used several times to cross <strong>the</strong> river, <strong>the</strong> pillar<br />
stone, <strong>the</strong> hole in <strong>the</strong> stone wall; not to mention <strong>the</strong> countless relics, such<br />
as <strong>the</strong> head of Saint James <strong>the</strong> Lesser, <strong>the</strong> head of Paulina, a thorn from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Saviour’s crown, three pieces of <strong>the</strong> Holy Cross, Saint Paul’s tooth,<br />
<strong>and</strong> one arm of Saint Christopher, etc. All of <strong>the</strong>se are recounted with<br />
<strong>the</strong> same level of credibility, making no distinctions or attempts at au<strong>the</strong>ntication.<br />
Aside from his description of Jerónimos Monastery in Lisbon,<br />
Steblovo reproduces <strong>the</strong> Latin inscription on King Manuel I’s tombstone,<br />
<strong>and</strong> does <strong>the</strong> same for that of King John III, without omitting <strong>the</strong> line<br />
honouring D. Manuel’s memory that was enscribed on <strong>the</strong> monastery’s<br />
18 Original: “Nosso Senhor leue a Vossa M. pera o seu Reyno, e restituya a o de Portugal<br />
o seu amado Rey e Senhor Don Antonio, como os seus verdadeiros e leiais portugueses<br />
desejamos. Desta muy nobre e sempre leal Citade de Angra na Ilha Terceira de Jesu Cristo”.<br />
(Liske 1996: 171).<br />
19 Original: “Lista de los más notables individuos excluidos del indulto general que el Rey<br />
(Felipe II) m<strong>and</strong>ó publicar en Tomar” (Liske 1996: 144).<br />
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Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula 61<br />
tower (Liske 1996: 115). His scholarly taste for Latin is taken even fur<strong>the</strong>r,<br />
because he also notes <strong>the</strong> curious document given to him at Compostela<br />
when he went to confession: A letter or passport from <strong>the</strong> superior Cardinal,<br />
printed on parchment with printed insignias, for which one must pay<br />
two reales, <strong>and</strong> on which a small paper for confession is attached, costing<br />
one quarter. 20 The letter read as follows:<br />
“Universis et singulis praesentes litteras, inspecturis Bonifacius de Almonacir<br />
Cardinalis Major ac Penitensiarius almae Ecclesiae Compostellaneae […] cum itaque<br />
sicut accepimus devotus Ericus Lassota Diocesis Alemonensis Ecclesiam beati Jacobi<br />
personaliter visitavit, confessusque et absolutus fuit, Dominicum que corpus receipt.”<br />
(Liske 1996: 138)<br />
These two pages in Latin were dated 25 th January 1581, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> document<br />
also mentions that he has paid a Deo bonis elemosinas. This surprising<br />
revelation of personal sacrament would certainly have been used for safepassage<br />
on special <strong>and</strong> difficult occasions. His taste for latin, which was<br />
a characteristic of Polish travellers (Popielovo censured <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
nobles for not knowing Latin, complimented his own knowledge of <strong>the</strong><br />
language, <strong>and</strong> also reproached Sevillian clergymen for <strong>the</strong>ir ignorance latin<br />
in <strong>the</strong> liturgy.) to <strong>the</strong> point that this travel narrative dedicates eleven closely<br />
written pages transcribing <strong>the</strong> report sent from Lisbon to King Stefan<br />
Batory by <strong>the</strong> Polish ambassador, describing <strong>the</strong> campaign of <strong>the</strong> Azores,<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> Latin excerts already quoted.<br />
This aristocratic taste for Latin was quite common at <strong>the</strong> time, <strong>and</strong> as<br />
Costa Ramalho’s studies demonstrate (Ramalho 1994), it was also popular<br />
among <strong>the</strong> Portuguese nobility at <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> sixteenth century.<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> few examples in Steblovo’s report of a more personal<br />
<strong>and</strong> subjective nature is worthy of note, as it is so precise, sober <strong>and</strong> erudite,<br />
describes a weakness: his taste for food.<br />
It is surprising that within such formal prose, which neglects many<br />
details of war, he includes <strong>the</strong> expression “where we ate”, in <strong>the</strong> singular<br />
or in <strong>the</strong> plural “where I ate”, on at least 13 occasions; without describing<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r natural situations of military campaigns, for instance camps.<br />
20 Original: “Una carta ó pasaporte impreso en pergamino, con insignias atadas del cardenal<br />
superior, por la cual se pagan dos reales; añaden tambien una pequeña papeleta de<br />
confesion, por la cual se paga un cuarto“ (Liske 1996: 138).<br />
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62 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
This subject is absent from <strong>the</strong> narratives of <strong>the</strong> Polish accounts<br />
of Popielovo <strong>and</strong> Sobieski. He does not give any fur<strong>the</strong>r details of his<br />
gastronomic experiences. With one exception when he soberly, but irresistibly,<br />
praises in Latin <strong>the</strong> oysters <strong>and</strong> clams he had eaten somewhere on<br />
<strong>the</strong> outskirts of Pontevedra: locus abundans ostreis et conchis, Steblovo does<br />
not reveal what he had to eat. Food was clearly his aristocratic petit plaisir!<br />
Jacob Sobieski: Culture between Criticism <strong>and</strong> Ingenuity<br />
In <strong>the</strong> typology we have established for a better underst<strong>and</strong>ing of<br />
<strong>the</strong> different motivations for travelling, I now draw attention to a particular<br />
kind of travel that is scholarly <strong>and</strong> educational. Sobieski’s travels are<br />
included in this category. As Sobieski demonstrates, this kind of travel is<br />
defined by <strong>the</strong> acquisition of scientific <strong>and</strong> artistic knowledge, for practising<br />
<strong>and</strong> perfecting <strong>the</strong> arts of diplomacy <strong>and</strong> leadership, <strong>and</strong> for taking<br />
place within <strong>Europe</strong>. During such travels one would get to know <strong>and</strong> establish<br />
friendships with great masters, artists <strong>and</strong> princes.<br />
This is how Sobieski, King John III’s fa<strong>the</strong>r, travelled around France,<br />
Italy <strong>and</strong> Engl<strong>and</strong>. He <strong>the</strong>n ventured onto <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula, taking<br />
special care in his descriptions of <strong>the</strong> wealth <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>eur of <strong>the</strong> courts,<br />
monasteries <strong>and</strong> churches.<br />
He was especially interested in everything to do with culture. He<br />
referred to <strong>and</strong> described Navarra, which he found a sad place, <strong>and</strong> Pamplona,<br />
where he remarked upon <strong>the</strong> ca<strong>the</strong>dral’s beauty <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> admirable<br />
riches <strong>and</strong> art that it possessed.<br />
He notes that Logroño was built in a high place as a way of avoiding<br />
<strong>the</strong> heat. He also visited Burgos, Valladolid <strong>and</strong> Léon, <strong>the</strong> latter being in a<br />
bare <strong>and</strong> dry region, <strong>and</strong> Oviedo <strong>and</strong> Compostela, about which strangely<br />
he does not provide any fur<strong>the</strong>r comment. He held a generally positive<br />
opinion of Portugal: “This kingdom is different from those I have just<br />
visited: it is fertile <strong>and</strong> better populated”. 21 He thought that <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
were witty, while <strong>the</strong> Spanish were severe. The former were also blessed<br />
with “a good disposition for commerce <strong>and</strong> navigation”. 22<br />
21 Original: “Este reino varía de los que acabo de atravesar: es fértil y mejor poblado”<br />
(Liske 1996: 248).<br />
22 Original: “muy buenas disposiciones para el comercio y la navegacion“ (Liske 1996:<br />
248).<br />
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Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula 63<br />
Of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese towns he describes he says of Ponte de Lima:<br />
“Here <strong>the</strong>re is a stone bridge so wide <strong>and</strong> large, <strong>and</strong> so beautiful, that<br />
I think <strong>the</strong>re is none like it in all of Christendom in magnificence <strong>and</strong><br />
beauty”. 23 Lisbon is regarded as<br />
“[…] famous in all of Christendom. Expeditions to <strong>the</strong> East Indies<br />
depart from here, <strong>and</strong> here <strong>Europe</strong>’s frontiers cease. A highly populated<br />
city, rich, commercial, with many streets <strong>and</strong> buildings reach to <strong>the</strong><br />
mountains.” 24<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> author Lisbon has pleasant surroundings, gardens<br />
<strong>and</strong> orchards. This description extends to three pages <strong>and</strong> is only surpassed<br />
by that of Madrid.<br />
It is possible that this preference for Lisbon also resulted from <strong>the</strong><br />
hospitality of wealthy Portuguese tradesmen, “[…] who prepared me such<br />
precious quarters, carpeted <strong>and</strong> scented by <strong>the</strong> most pleasing perfumes,<br />
<strong>and</strong> fit for <strong>the</strong> king himself, besides all <strong>the</strong> attention <strong>and</strong> care that not even<br />
my own parents could have devoted to me.” 25<br />
Despite being so well accommodated he lost no time <strong>and</strong> walked<br />
around <strong>the</strong> city, writing down all he saw: “[…] a countless number of<br />
rare <strong>and</strong> precious things from <strong>the</strong> Indies. In all truth I say, <strong>the</strong> shops <strong>and</strong><br />
houses of commerce were so abundant in such objects that anyone entering<br />
<strong>the</strong>m would swear to be in those foreign countries”. 26<br />
This great appreciation of wealth <strong>and</strong> precious objects is reinforced<br />
by Sobieski’s remarks on <strong>the</strong> state of <strong>the</strong> monasteries <strong>and</strong> churches.<br />
23 Original: “Tiene un puente de piedra, bastante largo y ancho, y de tan gr<strong>and</strong>e hermosura,<br />
que, segun mi parecer, no se encontraria otro en la cristi<strong>and</strong>ad de igual obra, beldad<br />
y magnificiencia“ (Liske 1996: 248).<br />
24 Original: “[…] celebre en en la cristi<strong>and</strong>ad. de aquí se hacen expediciones à las Indias<br />
Orientales. Aquí termina sus fronteras la Europa. La ciudad es populosísima, rica, comercial;<br />
sus calles y edificios numerosos se extienden hasta las montañas” (Liske 1996:<br />
249-250).<br />
25 Original: “...me preparó un aposento tan precioso, tapizado, aromatizado de agradabilísimos<br />
perfumes, que el mismo Rey de Portugal hubiera podido ocupar. Tanta aficion me<br />
manifestaron, tanto cariño y cuidado, que ni siquiera mis propios padres hubieran podido<br />
hacer más por mí” (Liske 1996: 251).<br />
26 Original: “[…] un sinnúmero de preciosidades y cosas raras de las Indias. En verdad lo<br />
digo, las tiendas y casas de comercio estaban llenas de semejantes objetos, y al entrar uno<br />
dentro se figuraba vivir enmedio de aquellos países” (Liske 1996: 251-252).<br />
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64 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
According to him, <strong>the</strong>re were many churches in Lisbon of great<br />
value <strong>and</strong> monasteries gifted with opulence (Liske 1996: 251) <strong>and</strong> among<br />
<strong>the</strong> merchants one could find overwhelming fortunes. He was surprised by<br />
<strong>the</strong> richness of <strong>the</strong> tapestries <strong>and</strong> silverware in <strong>the</strong> interior of <strong>the</strong> houses.<br />
He also found <strong>the</strong> same amount of wealth in <strong>the</strong> churches of Spain: “[…]<br />
<strong>the</strong> inner <strong>and</strong> outer dome of <strong>the</strong> Ca<strong>the</strong>dral of Burgos is extremely precious,<br />
<strong>the</strong> main altar exceeding all possible thought”. 27 The Archbishop<br />
of Toledo’s income amounts to some 300.000 gold ducatti. The treasury<br />
of his Ca<strong>the</strong>dral is also worthy of note, especially <strong>the</strong> golden reliquaries,<br />
precious gems <strong>and</strong> garments (Liske 1996: 245). This detailed account<br />
of <strong>the</strong> wealth he encounters contrasts with <strong>the</strong> moderation, so unlike his<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r reports, with which he describes <strong>the</strong> Ca<strong>the</strong>dral of Santiago de Compostela.<br />
He did not fill a whole page, <strong>and</strong> what he praises most is a very<br />
expensive <strong>and</strong> typical pharmacy, with doctors <strong>and</strong> surgeons, even rivalling<br />
<strong>the</strong> better city hospitals (Liske 1996: 248). Sobieski adds his fondness <strong>and</strong><br />
acknowledgement of culture <strong>and</strong> cultural objects to his appreciation of<br />
fine arts <strong>and</strong> riches, <strong>the</strong>reby setting himself apart from o<strong>the</strong>r travellers.<br />
His journey is <strong>the</strong> journey of a cultivated man, <strong>and</strong> he <strong>the</strong>refore highlights<br />
his visits to universities <strong>and</strong> libraries. He observes students <strong>and</strong> communicates<br />
with <strong>the</strong> gr<strong>and</strong> masters that he encounters, showing a preference for<br />
Philosophy. In Coimbra he enjoyed <strong>the</strong> Academy <strong>and</strong> Jesuit College above<br />
all, which he named Conimbricense <strong>and</strong> refered especially to its Philosophy<br />
course, valuing <strong>the</strong> Aristotelian body of philosophical doctrine, which was<br />
published up to 1600 <strong>and</strong> would become known as Conimbricensis, or more<br />
specifically Comentarii Collegii Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu (Liske 1996: 249).<br />
He also noted in his journal that <strong>the</strong>re were two libraries in Escorial.<br />
One of which was located in a large room with many books on <strong>the</strong> sciences<br />
<strong>and</strong> containing portraits of literary celebrities, besides many o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
good books.<br />
He laments that “my short amount of time was insufficient to<br />
see <strong>the</strong>m. It would have been necessary for me to stay <strong>the</strong>re at least one<br />
week”. 28 The o<strong>the</strong>r library, smaller <strong>and</strong> more reserved, contains many<br />
manuscripts with famous fea<strong>the</strong>r-painted illustrations (Liske 1996: 264).<br />
27 Original: “La catedral es gr<strong>and</strong>e y majestuosa, con una cúpula exterior e interior preciosísima,<br />
y el altar mayor excede a toda ponderación posible” (Liske 1996: 245).<br />
28 Original: “mi corto tiempo fué insuficiente para consignarlos; hubiera sido preciso<br />
quedarme allí a lo ménos el espacio de una semana.” (Liske 1996: 266).<br />
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Polish Travellers on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula 65<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r matter that attracted his attention must have been a great<br />
novelty at that time. In <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> room <strong>the</strong>re was a large sphere<br />
<strong>and</strong> two globes, one celestial <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r terrestrial. The representation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> earth by globes <strong>and</strong> celestial orbs had been recently created by Mercator.<br />
Often during this kind of scholarly travel, besides visits to students,<br />
universities <strong>and</strong> libraries, <strong>the</strong>re were encounters with fellow scholars <strong>and</strong><br />
academics. In his account of Coimbra, he says:<br />
“There I met a famous knight, hair as white as a dove, <strong>the</strong> elder<br />
Soares, whom I visited in his own cell; despite his advanced age his spirits<br />
were high <strong>and</strong> it was worth talking with him”. 29<br />
No doubt, this was a meeting with <strong>the</strong> philosopher <strong>and</strong> Jesuit <strong>the</strong>ologian<br />
Francisco Suarez, who lived in Coimbra from 1611 on, because his<br />
Superior had forced him to take <strong>the</strong> Theology chair at <strong>the</strong> University. This<br />
had been of great benefit to Suarez’s health, which had been quite shaken<br />
by <strong>the</strong> attacks of his opponents <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> charges made by <strong>the</strong> Inquisition.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r important meeting took place at <strong>the</strong> Jesuit Church in Toledo<br />
with <strong>the</strong> historian Juan de Mariana whose books, according to Ravaillac,<br />
King Henry IV’s murderer, were being burned in France (Liske 1996:<br />
255). He had been imprisoned because of what he had written about <strong>the</strong><br />
crown, involving a reproach to <strong>the</strong> king, but Sobieski considers him a great<br />
<strong>and</strong> illustrious man who wrote, among many things, a history of Spain<br />
(Liske 1996: 256). Sobieski <strong>the</strong>refore refers to <strong>the</strong> accusations being made<br />
against Mariana, surely those about his book De Rege et Regis Institutione<br />
(1599), which were interpreted in France especially as an appeal to tyrannicide,<br />
<strong>and</strong> was eventually answered by Ravaillac.<br />
This educational journey required a personality blessed with an instinctive<br />
critical spirit, <strong>and</strong> was adverse to superstition <strong>and</strong> mirabilia, which<br />
Sobieski noted but distanced himself from, unlike Steblovo, a naïve traveller<br />
who seemed to believe everything he saw or heard. This attitude can be<br />
seen in <strong>the</strong> well-known episode of Sobieski’s pilgrimage to Compostela,<br />
where people told him about <strong>the</strong> miracle of <strong>the</strong> chicken that says “give at<br />
<strong>the</strong> church door”.<br />
29 Original: “Me encontré allí con un célebre caron, de canas, como una paloma, el anciano<br />
Soares, que he visto en su propia celda; apesar de su avanzada edad, estudo todavía<br />
bastante animado, y ciertamente valia la pena entretenerse con él.” (Liske 1996: 249).<br />
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66 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Cristovão<br />
On Sundays, pilgrims waited <strong>the</strong>re to feed it, o<strong>the</strong>rwise <strong>the</strong>y would<br />
die before completing <strong>the</strong> pilgrimage. Sobieski’s commented that he<br />
couldn’t even bear looking at such superstition.<br />
The same reaction can be found regarding <strong>the</strong> miraculous crucifix in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Ca<strong>the</strong>dral of Burgos, which was said to perspire <strong>and</strong> to grow nails <strong>and</strong><br />
hair, which according to tradition was <strong>the</strong> work of Saint Nicholas. Sobieski<br />
comments: “I confess that I have seen nothing like it in all my travels<br />
across <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>s, France <strong>and</strong> Germany”. 30 According to <strong>the</strong> compiler<br />
of <strong>the</strong>se texts, Xavier Liske, Sobieski’s account of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula<br />
is indifferent to <strong>the</strong> psychology of human life, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> characteristics<br />
<strong>and</strong> customs of nations do not particularly interest him (Lieke 1996: 236).<br />
I do not think that this statement is fair, because Sobieski is interested<br />
in a different kind of conceptual <strong>and</strong> social plan. He holds deeper critical<br />
opinions, as opposed to <strong>the</strong> superficial or picturesque. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<br />
he sometimes risks political <strong>and</strong> religious animosity, ei<strong>the</strong>r by reproaches<br />
or by doubtful comments regarding miracles <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> tensions between<br />
peoples. For instance, he reveals that <strong>the</strong>re was a quiet revolt across Portugal<br />
against <strong>the</strong> Spanish occupation after <strong>the</strong> Philippians (i.e. Phillipine)<br />
invasion, also insisting that “between <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
is a deep hatred: <strong>the</strong> foremer dislike <strong>the</strong> latter” (Liske 1996: 248). It is not<br />
difficult to conclude that <strong>the</strong> various observations of <strong>the</strong>se Polish travellers,<br />
of different styles <strong>and</strong> cultures, contributed to a greater knowledge,<br />
<strong>and</strong> surely following <strong>the</strong>ir publication, to a more fruitful underst<strong>and</strong>ing in<br />
<strong>the</strong> future years.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Branco, Manuel Bernardes (1879): Portugal e os Estrangeiros. Lisbon.<br />
Hazard, Paul (1935): La Crise de la Conscience Européenne 1680-1715. Paris.<br />
Lobo, A. De Sousa Silva Costa (1903): História da Sociedade em Portugal no<br />
século XV. Lisbon.<br />
Liske, Javier (1996): Viajes de Extranjeros por España y Portugal. Madrid.<br />
Ramalho, António da Costa (1994): Latim Renascentista em Portugal. Lisbon.<br />
Zeillerus, Martinus (1656): Hispaniae et Lusitaniae Itinerarium. Amstelodam.<br />
30 Original: “Confieso no haber visto cosas parecidas en todos mis viajes de los Países<br />
Bajos, de Francia y Alemania” (Liske 1996: 245).<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 66 31-01-2012 17:24:20
The Myth(s) of <strong>Iberia</strong> in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
Countries of <strong>the</strong> former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc<br />
Beata Elzbieta Cieszynska<br />
(University of Lisbon)<br />
The following review of <strong>the</strong> main ways to mythologize <strong>and</strong> stereotype<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n peoples in post-Soviet countries – now mostly on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
way to reassessing <strong>the</strong>ir relationships with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union – responds<br />
to recent appeals to create <strong>the</strong> necessary conditions for overcoming traditional<br />
views of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n peoples. 1 The multiculturalism <strong>and</strong> mobility of<br />
contemporary <strong>Europe</strong> considerably increases <strong>the</strong> need for a self-reflective<br />
<strong>and</strong> discerning attitude towards cultural o<strong>the</strong>rness. Although it would be<br />
wrong to claim <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> era of mythologizing <strong>and</strong> stereotyping, <strong>the</strong><br />
consciousness of being “all multicultural now” (Glazer 1997) enhances<br />
opportunities for a better underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> historical ways of applying<br />
myths <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong>ir limitations. It may create more favorable conditions<br />
than ever for <strong>the</strong> general acceptance of both <strong>the</strong> fragmentation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
merging of <strong>the</strong> epistemological, improving <strong>the</strong> post-modern (meaning:<br />
open, constant <strong>and</strong> locally negotiable) reconstruction of o<strong>the</strong>rness, in this<br />
case of <strong>Iberia</strong>n culture.<br />
With this in mind <strong>the</strong> following review of <strong>the</strong> basis for <strong>the</strong> myths<br />
<strong>and</strong> stereotypes of <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries that have appeared throughout <strong>the</strong><br />
1 See <strong>the</strong> activity of CompaRes – The International Society for <strong>Iberia</strong>n-Slavonic Studies<br />
is <strong>the</strong> direct response to that need, manifest in all Slavonic <strong>and</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries. Refer<br />
to: www.iberian-slavonic.org.<br />
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68 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
centuries may prove useful, despite its emphasis upon <strong>the</strong> 20 th <strong>and</strong> 21 st<br />
centuries. Mythologizing <strong>and</strong> stereotyping, two essential categories/processes<br />
that are complementary <strong>and</strong> overlap, have already been referred to.<br />
Alluding to <strong>the</strong> former in his Mythologies, Rol<strong>and</strong> Bar<strong>the</strong>s describes myth<br />
as a language; a form of speech with a historical foundation. He underlines<br />
insistence <strong>and</strong> repetition as <strong>the</strong> links between its different diachronic<br />
stages. Bar<strong>the</strong>s provides a relatively wide cultural perspective, in particular<br />
his surprising yet pleasing belief in <strong>the</strong> significance of thoughts that are<br />
repeated (Bar<strong>the</strong>s 1989).<br />
When speaking of what is repeated, <strong>the</strong> phrase ‘making into myth’<br />
also refers to <strong>the</strong> mythical dimensions of historical facts <strong>and</strong> events, regarding<br />
<strong>the</strong>m as stories which have an important explanatory <strong>and</strong> symbolic<br />
role for a culture. The phrase ‘making into myth’ is mostly used<br />
pejoratively in reference to <strong>the</strong> common knowledge <strong>and</strong> opinions of one<br />
culture towards ano<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
There is a frequent overlap between <strong>the</strong> mythologizing <strong>and</strong> stereotyping<br />
processes – particularly in regard to ethnicity <strong>and</strong> nationality; a<br />
generalised, over-simplified, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore false, representation of <strong>the</strong><br />
typical features of a particular group.<br />
Even when <strong>the</strong> features are considered positive, <strong>the</strong> use of ethnic<br />
stereotypes usually carries <strong>the</strong> risk of diminishing <strong>the</strong>m, because <strong>the</strong>y tend<br />
to discount <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>and</strong> uniqueness of <strong>the</strong> individual. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore<br />
it is tempting, psychologically <strong>and</strong> socially, to feel satisfied with limited<br />
knowledge in response to <strong>the</strong> question: What do <strong>the</strong> Portuguese /<br />
Spanish / <strong>Iberia</strong>ns look like?; even though <strong>the</strong> answers should be applied<br />
to <strong>the</strong> new circumstances of today’s multicultural <strong>Europe</strong>, perspectives of<br />
which are conditioned ever more by mobility <strong>and</strong> migration. 2<br />
In terms of <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>and</strong> evaluation of myth, <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />
between <strong>Iberia</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc countries is marked by <strong>the</strong><br />
geographical distance between <strong>the</strong>m; enabling stereotypes to become easily<br />
<strong>and</strong> strongly embedded, as <strong>the</strong> lack of sufficient direct experience results<br />
in fewer opportunities to obtain up-to-date impressions.<br />
One must acknowledge that <strong>the</strong> tendency to turn a story heard<br />
about <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries into cliché is stronger in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> than<br />
2 For <strong>the</strong> newest approach to <strong>the</strong> stereotype see: Tyler / Petersson 2008; Fuligni 2007;<br />
see also e.g.: Belova 2005; Ambrosewicz-Jacobs 2003; Maison 1997; on <strong>the</strong> strengh of<br />
sterotypes see <strong>the</strong> excellent essays of Leszek Kołakowski 2002.<br />
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The Myth(s) of <strong>Iberia</strong> in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Countries of <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc 69<br />
in countries that are geographically closer, <strong>and</strong> ‘<strong>the</strong>refore’ have more opportunities<br />
for interaction. 3<br />
One also has to take into account <strong>the</strong> complexity - ethnic, national,<br />
religious, linguistic <strong>and</strong> cultural – of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries when seeking<br />
<strong>the</strong> reasons for <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>and</strong> permanence of <strong>the</strong> historical myths from<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc. The complexity referred to is connected to <strong>the</strong> different<br />
ideological backgrounds of <strong>the</strong> two countries.<br />
Some myths or stereotypes refer to both, Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain, although<br />
one myth often serves only to construct a clearer contrast between<br />
<strong>the</strong> two countries (for example <strong>the</strong> corrida 4 ). This first group of myths<br />
consists mostly of those based upon <strong>the</strong> shared responsibility of Portugal<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spain for <strong>the</strong> achievements <strong>and</strong> transgressions of <strong>the</strong> Black Legend,<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong>ir membership of <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn countries. O<strong>the</strong>r myths<br />
have been created that concern <strong>the</strong> two countries individually, being devoted<br />
to particular aspects of <strong>the</strong>ir history or character.<br />
For example, <strong>the</strong> frequent references to Portuguese melancholy, or<br />
<strong>the</strong> coutry’s tendency to re-live its imperial past instead of focusing on<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an present. Spanish examples include <strong>the</strong> excess of conflicts<br />
inspired by <strong>the</strong>ir code of honor, 5 romantic exoticism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> myths of <strong>the</strong><br />
Spanish Civil War that surfaced after <strong>the</strong> fall of <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union. One<br />
should also bear in mind that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an myth creation often<br />
mirrored <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n process of self-mythologizing, for instance Sebastianism<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reductionist but famous concept of <strong>the</strong> ‘Three Fs’ (Fado,<br />
Fátima <strong>and</strong> Football) in <strong>the</strong> case of Portugal, or Don Juanism <strong>and</strong> Don<br />
Quijotism in Spain. 6 This also includes images of a decadent Spain <strong>and</strong><br />
Portugal that have been created by <strong>the</strong>mselves, beginning with elements<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Black Legend, but particularly evident from <strong>the</strong> romantic period,<br />
culminating in <strong>the</strong> announcement of <strong>the</strong>ir decline by Antero de Quental’s<br />
3 For more on how <strong>the</strong> rules of stereotyping work for distant countries see Klienberg<br />
(1951: 505).<br />
4 The corrida came to be seen as characterising <strong>the</strong> very nature of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Spanish. In his recent play Portugal (1997) <strong>the</strong> Hungarian author Zoltan Egressy introduces<br />
<strong>the</strong> difference between <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese corrida as an ontological one.<br />
5 For instance, <strong>the</strong> Polish book based on that stereotype is <strong>the</strong> Pamietnik znaleziony w Saragossie<br />
[Memoir found in Saragossa] by Jan Potocki, Paris 1815, (originally written in French<br />
<strong>and</strong> widely known).<br />
6 A quick search of <strong>the</strong> official websites on Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese cultures confirms<br />
that this kind of stereotyping is offered to tourists.<br />
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70 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
Causes of <strong>the</strong> Decline of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peoples (Quental 1871; see also Sawicki<br />
1995: 19-27; Posadzy 2003: 13-25).<br />
This perspective should also be seen in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> various<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an peoples’ 19 th century search for a role <strong>and</strong> destiny. 7<br />
There are two main reasons for Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an stereotypes<br />
of <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n peoples.<br />
One of <strong>the</strong>m concerns political or ideological matters, treating <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n countries as a point of reference for <strong>the</strong>ir own historical changes.<br />
The o<strong>the</strong>r refers to <strong>the</strong> traditional <strong>Europe</strong>an division between <strong>the</strong> North<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> South (Staël 1800).<br />
<strong>Between</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> White Legend<br />
Historically, for <strong>the</strong> countries of <strong>the</strong> former ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
countries shared <strong>the</strong> image of Imperial excess based on overseas conquest.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> early modern period a particular mixture between affirmation,<br />
towards <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n discoveries in <strong>the</strong> New World, <strong>and</strong> accusation<br />
based upon <strong>the</strong> leyenda negra, was noticeable in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
The Black Legend became stronger in regard to Spain following <strong>the</strong><br />
wide dissemination of Las Casas’ famous report, that became <strong>the</strong> main basis<br />
for dogmatic responses to <strong>the</strong> situation of <strong>the</strong> Spanish American colonies.<br />
Mythical tendencies appeared when for different reasons, political or<br />
religious, <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish achievements came to be perceived<br />
without any objectivity as ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> vanguards of Christian civilized <strong>Europe</strong>,<br />
or as absolute proof of <strong>the</strong> destructive <strong>and</strong> inhuman characteristics<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese, regarded in general as conquistadores.<br />
Even in <strong>the</strong> Catholic countries of Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>the</strong><br />
idea became popular that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n religious missions were just a pretext<br />
to undertake merciless conquest. 8 Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain shared <strong>the</strong> image,<br />
7 Following Herder´s initial opinion, <strong>the</strong> Slavs began to consider <strong>the</strong>mselves Messiahs of<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>, who should take <strong>the</strong> place of <strong>the</strong> so called western cultures, whose time of greatness<br />
<strong>and</strong> productivity had already passed. The first strong manifestation of this opinion<br />
appeared in <strong>the</strong> 19 th century, when all Slavic countries with <strong>the</strong> exception of Russia <strong>and</strong><br />
Montenegro had already been deprived of <strong>the</strong>ir independence. The first instance of <strong>the</strong><br />
Slavic messianic concept being derived from Herder`s ideas is <strong>the</strong> work of <strong>the</strong> Slovak<br />
poet Jan Kóllar. See Herder 1962; Kollar 1830.<br />
8 For more details on <strong>the</strong> reception of <strong>the</strong> Black Legend <strong>and</strong> its implications in <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> Central <strong>Europe</strong>, see Tazbir 2001.<br />
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brought upon <strong>the</strong>mselves by <strong>the</strong> Black Legend, of Catholic monarchies<br />
filled with invasive <strong>and</strong> senseless conquistadores. 9<br />
Throughout Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> identification with <strong>the</strong> colonisers<br />
as <strong>the</strong> vanguards of <strong>Europe</strong> usually coexisted with a critical view<br />
of <strong>the</strong> cruelty <strong>and</strong> devastating politics of <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese;<br />
revealed by <strong>the</strong> moving descriptions that had been translated or were read<br />
in <strong>the</strong> original, that were increasingly available from <strong>the</strong> Enlightenment<br />
period onwards. Orthodox Russia provided a good example of a country<br />
where descriptions of <strong>the</strong> colonisation of <strong>the</strong> Americas were very unwelcome<br />
<strong>and</strong> highly inconvenient, as <strong>the</strong>y could be read as a critique of <strong>the</strong><br />
authoritative Russian state, whose cruel methods were regarded as analogous<br />
to those used in <strong>the</strong> New World. It is significant that a country as<br />
despotic as 18 th century Russia should receive so poorly Raynal’s Histoire<br />
philosophique et politique des etablissements (1770); a moving description of <strong>the</strong><br />
colonial system in <strong>the</strong> New World that was also popular in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
The Russian edition of that book was prohibited, because <strong>the</strong> censor<br />
felt that it showed too many similarities with <strong>the</strong> tyrannical <strong>and</strong> feudal<br />
Russian system, which almost treated villagers as slaves. Finally published<br />
between 1805 <strong>and</strong> 1811, its length was cut by a half <strong>and</strong> its ideological<br />
content reduced (Tazbir 2001: 24-25; Sur 1960).<br />
Hence <strong>the</strong> partial threat posed by <strong>the</strong> closeness of <strong>the</strong> Spanish Black<br />
Legend to <strong>the</strong> Russian experience was neutralized. Some political <strong>and</strong> religious<br />
factors that affected <strong>the</strong> opinions of <strong>the</strong> former ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’<br />
countries should be noted.<br />
The proximity of <strong>the</strong> Spanish Habsburg Dynasty to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an countries was one of <strong>the</strong> most influential factors from <strong>the</strong> early<br />
modern period up to <strong>the</strong> 18 th century.<br />
The experience of countries such as Bohemia <strong>and</strong> Hungary, defeated<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Habsburgs in <strong>the</strong> 17 th century, played a considerable role. This<br />
was soon followed by <strong>the</strong> struggle for independence of o<strong>the</strong>r countries,<br />
for example Pol<strong>and</strong>, in <strong>the</strong> 18 th <strong>and</strong> 19 th centuries.<br />
Such historical routs made <strong>the</strong> inhabitants of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
countries act with some reserve <strong>and</strong> skepticism towards <strong>the</strong> methods<br />
used by Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese to impose <strong>the</strong>ir dominance over <strong>the</strong> New<br />
World (Tazbir 2001: 31).<br />
9 Las Casas became very well known in Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> through western<br />
sources.<br />
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However, Spain’s involvement with <strong>the</strong> Habsburg Dynasty also had<br />
<strong>the</strong> potential to draw <strong>the</strong> Spanish closer to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries,<br />
particularly during <strong>the</strong> political, religious <strong>and</strong> ideological struggle of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Counter-Reformation period, which caused very serious divisions in<br />
that region. The marks left by <strong>the</strong> Spanish origin of <strong>the</strong> Habsburgs should<br />
be seen in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> complicated national interrealtionships of<br />
<strong>the</strong> 17 th <strong>and</strong> 18 th centuries, when alliances frequently referred to both <strong>the</strong><br />
religious as well as <strong>the</strong> political affiliations of <strong>the</strong> monarchies in question.<br />
The rise of <strong>the</strong> Habsburg Empire also influenced <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
opinions of <strong>the</strong> relationship between Spain <strong>and</strong> Portugal. Often regarded<br />
as one, Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain were now represented as being fundamentally<br />
different. A ‘making into a myth’ attempt to separate Portugal from Spain<br />
exploited <strong>the</strong> hostile attitude towards <strong>the</strong> Habsburgs in order to differentiate<br />
between <strong>the</strong> two countries.<br />
In 1705, a famous debate was organised in Gdansk by <strong>the</strong> Protestant<br />
College Professor Pawel Pater (Kubik 1964: 159-162). In Pater’s view<br />
Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain were not just two countries of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula<br />
that had colonised <strong>the</strong> New World.<br />
The debate was clearly designed from <strong>the</strong> point of view of Protestant<br />
doctrine, <strong>and</strong> was arranged in order to celebrate <strong>the</strong> 65 th anniversary<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Restoration. It consisted of a highly detailed analysis as<br />
to whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong> Portuguese were right to seek independence from<br />
Spain in 1640.<br />
It would appear that its participants were trying to represent <strong>the</strong><br />
different historical opinions of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese attempt to regain <strong>the</strong>ir independence,<br />
to <strong>the</strong> extent that <strong>the</strong>ir debates were analysed very carefully.<br />
However, from <strong>the</strong> outset <strong>the</strong>re was an underlying belief that all factors –<br />
moral, economic, political <strong>and</strong> military – not only justified <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
secession, but also singled that country out as a perfect example to o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
in <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> New World who sought to regain <strong>the</strong>ir independence<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Habsburgs.<br />
The above contributed to <strong>the</strong> long-lasting belief that <strong>the</strong> case of<br />
Portugal was never as grave as that of Spain in regard to <strong>the</strong> Black Legend<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir imperial actions, supporting <strong>the</strong> Portuguese self-mythologizingprocess<br />
that was based upon <strong>the</strong> famous Letter of Pero Vaz de Caminha, 10<br />
10 Written in 1500 <strong>and</strong> sent to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese King, but only discovered as a literary <strong>and</strong><br />
cultural text in <strong>the</strong> Romantic period of Brazil.<br />
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which described <strong>the</strong> first contacts between Portuguese <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> natives of<br />
Brazil as truly exceptional – both peaceful <strong>and</strong> productive. 11<br />
Gold of India vs. Polish Golden Virtue <strong>and</strong> Liberty<br />
Critical interpretations of <strong>the</strong> Black Legend`s motifs from <strong>the</strong> 16 th<br />
to <strong>the</strong> 18 th centuries served well within <strong>the</strong> context of Christian virtues,<br />
such as modesty or increasing sympathy with <strong>the</strong> colonised native Americans.<br />
In that respect <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries did not offer much<br />
that was new, instead following <strong>Iberia</strong>n self-criticism <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
works.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong>re was also more specific cultural perspective, linked<br />
to <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>the</strong> perfect existence. Since <strong>the</strong> Renaissance <strong>and</strong> Baroque<br />
times <strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese risking <strong>the</strong>ir lives in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
search for gold <strong>and</strong> fame, in contrast to <strong>the</strong> ideal of a peaceful agrarian<br />
existence, became a topos in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries, which remained<br />
largely rural.<br />
This image was strongest in <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth<br />
in particular, where from <strong>the</strong> 16 th century onwards <strong>the</strong> middleranking<br />
l<strong>and</strong>ed gentry became <strong>the</strong> most important social group.<br />
The group´s ideological program - presented in a separate genre<br />
named <strong>the</strong> ‘literature of <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>ed gentry`s ideals’ - initiated an ideological<br />
struggle between <strong>the</strong> treasures of Lusitanian India <strong>and</strong> Polish golden<br />
virtue.<br />
These works compared <strong>the</strong> situation of <strong>the</strong> conquistadores with <strong>the</strong><br />
l<strong>and</strong>ed gentry’s own underlying ideals, which valued a stable <strong>and</strong> modest<br />
existence on <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>. To judge from <strong>the</strong>ir literary works, this existence<br />
provided <strong>the</strong> gentry with <strong>the</strong> opportunity to avoid <strong>the</strong> unstable conditions<br />
encountered by adventurers <strong>and</strong> mariners, who were considered to be ‘led<br />
by <strong>the</strong> wind’. 12<br />
The <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries <strong>the</strong>refore became a component of <strong>the</strong> strong<br />
social <strong>and</strong> ideological response.<br />
11 For more on <strong>the</strong> early modern impressions of Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong><br />
see Rok (1995: 177-192).<br />
12 That terminology was created by <strong>the</strong> Renaissance poet Jan Kochanowski, one of <strong>the</strong><br />
first of <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>ed gentry`s idealists, in his XII Song of <strong>the</strong> series Pieśń Świętojańska o Sobótce<br />
(Krzyżanowski 1978).<br />
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74 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
The authors in question – Waclaw Potocki, Kasper Miaskowski,<br />
Wespazjan Kochowski <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs – were systematically highlighting <strong>the</strong><br />
cultural <strong>and</strong> existential gap between <strong>the</strong>ir own ideals <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> way of life<br />
for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n conquistadors, praising <strong>the</strong> peaceful <strong>and</strong> natural life as an<br />
existence that provided <strong>the</strong> opportunity to avoid <strong>the</strong> condition of soldiers,<br />
merchants <strong>and</strong> above all sailors.<br />
This clearly influenced <strong>the</strong>ir opinion of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish<br />
as sailors, discoverers <strong>and</strong> conquerors of <strong>the</strong> New World (Tazbir 1967).<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> mythical image of <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese entered<br />
Polish national opinion as an anti<strong>the</strong>sis, <strong>the</strong> opposite of <strong>the</strong>ir own ideal<br />
life. The l<strong>and</strong>ed gentry had to disassociate <strong>the</strong>ir ideals from those of <strong>the</strong><br />
leaders of <strong>the</strong> New World, who had been successful in obtaining money<br />
<strong>and</strong> status. 13<br />
This clearly influenced Polish attitudes, particularly in <strong>the</strong> Baroque<br />
period when <strong>the</strong>y felt that <strong>the</strong>y were loosing political status <strong>and</strong> becoming<br />
impoverished. The poorer <strong>the</strong>y became <strong>the</strong> louder <strong>the</strong>y praised <strong>the</strong>ir modesty<br />
<strong>and</strong> ‘golden liberty’, <strong>the</strong> last bastion of <strong>the</strong>ir pride. As <strong>the</strong> 17 th century<br />
progressed <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> new century began, some elements of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spanish way of life could be regarded as controversial <strong>and</strong> inconvenient.<br />
Baroque literature contains various examples of that process, but that<br />
attitude may already be found in 16 th century Polish texts, as in <strong>the</strong> following<br />
opinion of Joachim Bielski on <strong>the</strong> superiority of <strong>the</strong> Polish way of<br />
life over <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese ‘hunting for gold’: “Pol<strong>and</strong> possesses<br />
<strong>the</strong> superior liberties, above <strong>the</strong>ir [Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese] gold waters.” 14<br />
That rejection of <strong>the</strong> Lusitanian or Spanish ‘way of life’, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
accumulated treasurers, was encapsulated by <strong>the</strong> word fraszka, meaning<br />
less <strong>the</strong>n ‘meaningless’ in Polish. The favourite genre of <strong>the</strong> middle-ranking<br />
Polish gentry, a paradigm for various noble poets, was called Votum<br />
<strong>and</strong> soon became a literary cliché. It was based upon <strong>the</strong> belief that Polish<br />
golden liberty made <strong>the</strong>m richer <strong>and</strong> luckier <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese<br />
overseas treasures could ever make <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
13 ‘Reading <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r’ in <strong>the</strong> attitudes of <strong>the</strong> nobility <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature of Pol<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong><br />
period from <strong>the</strong> first free election (1573) up to <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> Baroque period is a very<br />
complex issue. The best introduction is a chapter by Janusz Tazbir: “Początki polskiej<br />
ksenofobii” (Tazbir 2001: 384-406).<br />
14 Original: „Ma Polska nad nie, ma nad złote wody, Droższe swobody” (Sokolowska<br />
1959: 154).<br />
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The Spanish Civil War <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Dual Colonial Discourse<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 20 th century some elements of <strong>the</strong> ‘Black Legend’ supported<br />
<strong>the</strong> official socialist interpretation of <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War, which was<br />
also mythologized in <strong>the</strong> manner of <strong>the</strong> crusades <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> colonial period.<br />
Two images of Spain were presented. The forces of rebellion on<br />
one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> Franco`s crusade on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, which corresponded to<br />
stereotypical aggressive attitude of that nation. Later, during <strong>the</strong> period<br />
of dictatorship, Spanish stereotypical aggressiveness was opposed <strong>the</strong><br />
so-called proletariat, which communist propag<strong>and</strong>a regarded as cosmopolitan,<br />
respectful, open <strong>and</strong> progressive. That mythical image has a long<br />
tradition <strong>and</strong>, as Wojciech Tomasik recently proved (Tomasik 2007: 131),<br />
has never been truly de-mythologized within <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet bloc. That<br />
tempting ‘black <strong>and</strong> white’ image, shaped by <strong>the</strong> exoticism of Spanish culture,<br />
is a historical myth that continues to permeate ideology. Of course<br />
this is not only <strong>the</strong> case for <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War, but also for general attitudes<br />
towards <strong>Iberia</strong>n dictatorships, which have been labelled fascist on<br />
occasion, including <strong>the</strong> Portuguese New State of Oliveira Salazar, though<br />
never to <strong>the</strong> same extent, as Wojciech Tomasik argues:<br />
“It should be emphasised that studies of colonialialism have only<br />
recently exp<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>ir approach, embracing <strong>the</strong> more subtle kinds of<br />
domination. The most promising studies, which concern <strong>the</strong> less discernible<br />
forms of hegemony, analyse <strong>the</strong> influence of Russia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet<br />
Union commonly labelled russification or sovietization. Therefore <strong>the</strong><br />
myth of <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War enters into colonial discourse in two senses:<br />
<strong>the</strong> imperial legacy of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries, especially Spain; <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> interpretative<br />
framework dictated by <strong>the</strong> Soviet empire. In <strong>the</strong> wider sense<br />
that has been applied more recently, <strong>the</strong> latter could be also regarded as<br />
colonisation by <strong>the</strong> dominating Soviet Union” (Tomasik 2007).<br />
It is significant that <strong>the</strong> propag<strong>and</strong>a campaign of <strong>the</strong> communist<br />
ideologues was so successful, <strong>and</strong> that for decades scholars wrote books<br />
<strong>and</strong> articles depicting <strong>the</strong> Spanish War as <strong>the</strong> culmination of <strong>the</strong> struggle<br />
between <strong>the</strong> progressive forces of social reform <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘dark’ reactionary<br />
forces of ignorance <strong>and</strong> backwardness. Paul Johnston’s opinion, that<br />
no episode of <strong>the</strong> 1930s has been lied about more than <strong>the</strong> Spanish War<br />
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76 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
(Johnson 1983: 326), is wholly applicable to <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> Polish analysis. In <strong>the</strong><br />
common view of <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet bloc, <strong>the</strong> conflict in Spain from 1936<br />
to 1939 was a simple war between good <strong>and</strong> evil: progressive, democratic<br />
forces vs. stagnating <strong>and</strong> limited nationalism.<br />
Film <strong>and</strong> literature cultivate a corresponding ‘photographic image’,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> famous Spanish phrase No pasarán! still awakens feelings of romanticism,<br />
heroism <strong>and</strong> solidarity. A brief look at <strong>the</strong> recent anniversary<br />
publications on both versions of <strong>the</strong> myth of ‘The two Spains’ still shows<br />
that this view of <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War has never been truly de-mythologized.<br />
However, it is at least <strong>the</strong> possibile to follow <strong>the</strong> different lines of<br />
argument that are now being offered to <strong>the</strong> wider public.<br />
These recent publications repeat <strong>and</strong> refer to <strong>the</strong> original myths of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Spanish of <strong>the</strong> Civil War, <strong>and</strong> we even find attempts to re-define myth<br />
through analogies with <strong>the</strong> author’s own mythic national background, although<br />
<strong>the</strong>se are mostly translated works.<br />
A good example in <strong>the</strong> case of Pol<strong>and</strong> is <strong>the</strong> recently translated Last<br />
crusade of Warrel Carrel, which identifies a parallel between <strong>the</strong> heroic defense<br />
of Alcázar <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> defense of <strong>the</strong> Catholic Czestochowa Convent<br />
300 years earlier, during <strong>the</strong> Swedish Deluge (1655-60).<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r example is Mity Wojny Domowej [The Myths of <strong>the</strong> Civil War]<br />
by Pio Moa, who uses <strong>the</strong> myth of <strong>the</strong> ‘revolutionary butchers’ in order to<br />
defend <strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong> communists.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> new studies that highlight <strong>the</strong> complexity of <strong>the</strong> Spanish<br />
Civil War <strong>and</strong> its mythical heritage, <strong>the</strong> myth of ‘The two Spains’ is<br />
still present in <strong>the</strong> former ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’ countries. It is significant that<br />
<strong>the</strong> propag<strong>and</strong>a campaign of <strong>the</strong> communists was so successful that for<br />
decades scholars wrote books <strong>and</strong> articles depicting <strong>the</strong> Spanish War as<br />
<strong>the</strong> culmination of <strong>the</strong> struggle between <strong>the</strong> progressive forces of social<br />
reform <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reactionary forces of ignorance <strong>and</strong> backwardness. An<br />
objective analysis of <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War, which would enable us to overcome<br />
simplistic <strong>and</strong> mythical interpretations, remains a work in progress.<br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n Parallels <strong>and</strong> Examples to Follow<br />
The rejection <strong>and</strong> condemnation of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries, based<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> disgraces of <strong>the</strong> Black Legend, was never absolute despite <strong>the</strong><br />
official religious interpretation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ideals of <strong>the</strong> Polish gentry, as it<br />
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always had to work against a number of opposing factors. There were always<br />
two sides to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n coin. In <strong>the</strong> early modern period <strong>the</strong>re were<br />
undeniable instances of jealousy <strong>and</strong> admiration towards <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spanish determination, courage <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> goods obtained by <strong>the</strong>m as<br />
<strong>the</strong>y sought to dominate <strong>the</strong> New World. The most open declaration of<br />
<strong>the</strong> desire to share in <strong>the</strong> “Spanish gold <strong>and</strong> pearls” was not to be found<br />
in <strong>the</strong> literature of Polish gentry, but in <strong>the</strong> Baroque court literature of <strong>the</strong><br />
poet Jan Andrzej Morsztyn. He felt freer to express his thoughts, <strong>and</strong> less<br />
limited by <strong>the</strong> need to praise <strong>the</strong> mediocre middle-ranking gentry of his<br />
own country (Morsztyn 1971). What seems to become more important is<br />
that <strong>the</strong> ‘Black Legend’ was often st<strong>and</strong>ing next to <strong>the</strong> ‘White legend’. The<br />
process of mythologizing <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries became different when,<br />
for example, <strong>the</strong> idea of a Christian <strong>Europe</strong> was considered, united by its<br />
greatness <strong>and</strong> superiority. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> creators of <strong>the</strong> ‘Black Legend’<br />
never stoped using both <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries as an example to follow<br />
in <strong>the</strong>ir own colonial expansion towards <strong>the</strong> ‘barbarian’ eastern regions<br />
(Tazbir 2001: 532). Considerable efforts were made to treat <strong>the</strong> Spanish<br />
<strong>and</strong> Portuguese as exemplars for <strong>the</strong>ir own exploration <strong>and</strong> domination<br />
of new l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir inferior inhabitants, regarded as barbarous, pagan<br />
<strong>and</strong> fundamentally different. A number of Central <strong>and</strong> East <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
sources proves that <strong>the</strong> nobility found <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n example very attractive<br />
<strong>and</strong> worth following. It would appear that in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Spanish elements<br />
of <strong>the</strong> ‘Black Legend’ influenced <strong>the</strong> nobility more than those of Portugal,<br />
to whom less blame was attached because <strong>the</strong> Polish expansion towards<br />
<strong>the</strong> East had more in common with Vasco da Gama’s missions, <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
acquisition of <strong>the</strong> inhabited Pacific isl<strong>and</strong>s, <strong>and</strong> was not only concerned<br />
with colonisation of South America. At <strong>the</strong> advent of humanist<br />
movement <strong>the</strong> first account appeared of early Polish history, written by<br />
Marcin Miechowita in his Tractatus de duabus Sarmatiis Asiana et Europiana et<br />
de continentis in eis. 15 It was later overtaken by Baroque interpretations, for<br />
example <strong>the</strong> satires on Polish attitudes towards <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s situated towards<br />
<strong>the</strong> east. Those texts abundantly provided examples of excellent Lusitanian<br />
economic <strong>and</strong> migration policies, which was demonstrated by with<br />
<strong>the</strong> successful colonisation of every l<strong>and</strong> met on <strong>the</strong>ir expansionist travels<br />
(Krzysztof Opaliński). These authors encouraged <strong>the</strong> nobility to follow<br />
15 See Miechowita: Tractatus de duabus Sarmatiis Asiana et Europiana et de continentis in eis<br />
(1517).<br />
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78 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese example <strong>and</strong> settle <strong>the</strong> ‘Wild Fields’, <strong>the</strong> huge <strong>and</strong> almost<br />
uninhabited steppe to <strong>the</strong> south-east of Pol<strong>and</strong>. 16<br />
In ano<strong>the</strong>r example <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n colinisation inspired<br />
<strong>and</strong> encouraged <strong>the</strong> Polish nobility to challenge Russian Orthodox Church,<br />
particularly at <strong>the</strong> time of <strong>the</strong> Dymitriads (1602-1614), when <strong>the</strong>y entered<br />
into <strong>the</strong> competition for <strong>the</strong> Muscovite throne (Andrusiewicz 1990).<br />
This is described by <strong>the</strong> nobleman Pawel Palczowski in his poem<br />
Koleda moskiewska of 1609. Palczowski includes an account of <strong>the</strong> spectacular<br />
success of <strong>the</strong> few Spanish conquistadors in ‘West India’, his heroic<br />
<strong>and</strong> prophetic description revealing his belief in <strong>the</strong> future success of<br />
<strong>the</strong> renowned Polish ‘hussaria’ in Russia. Two main reasons underlay <strong>the</strong><br />
construction <strong>the</strong>se convenient parallels <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> treatment of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
countries as exemplars: religion <strong>and</strong> culture. The former was most apparent<br />
in Christian <strong>and</strong> particularly in Catholic countries (Pol<strong>and</strong>, Hungary),<br />
who believed <strong>the</strong>mselves to be <strong>the</strong> ante murales of Christianity, <strong>and</strong> who<br />
frequently combined <strong>the</strong> roles of missionaries <strong>and</strong> colonisers. The colonisation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> barbarous east was regarded as a having God’s blessing. This<br />
common belief created such analogies that as <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese<br />
gained <strong>the</strong>ir reward for <strong>the</strong>ir fight with Moors, <strong>the</strong> eastern ante murales,<br />
who were fighting with Tatars <strong>and</strong> Turks, believed that <strong>the</strong>y were to be<br />
rewarded with <strong>the</strong> conquest of those eastern ‘barbarians’. In Pol<strong>and</strong> it<br />
was applied to <strong>the</strong> ‘Wild Fields’ <strong>and</strong> to Russia, <strong>and</strong> for example in Russia it<br />
influenced <strong>the</strong> expansion into Siberia. The Catholics of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>,<br />
who regarded <strong>the</strong>mselves as missionaries in <strong>the</strong> face of <strong>the</strong> paganism of<br />
<strong>the</strong> countries which lay fur<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong> east, also believed that <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
following <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n example. In <strong>the</strong> second half of <strong>the</strong> 16 th century <strong>the</strong><br />
Polish King, Stefan Batory emphasised that analogy in his speech to <strong>the</strong><br />
Jesuits: “Do not envy <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish <strong>the</strong> strange worlds of<br />
Asia <strong>and</strong> America... There are Indians <strong>and</strong> Japanese nearby in <strong>the</strong> Russian<br />
nation”. 17<br />
These historical parallels were not restricted to specific use in <strong>the</strong><br />
Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> countries, but also inspired more general comparisons.<br />
16 The extended comparison of <strong>the</strong> colonization made by Spain <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong> (<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong><br />
wider perspective by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an) was prepared by<br />
Malowist (1965).<br />
17 Kronika z czasów króla Stefana Batorego (1575-1582), [The Chronicle from <strong>the</strong> days<br />
of king Stephen Batory-1575-1582] (Barycz 1939).<br />
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The Myth(s) of <strong>Iberia</strong> in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Countries of <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc 79<br />
For example, one may take <strong>the</strong> Historical parallels between Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
Spain in XVI, XVII <strong>and</strong> XVIII centuries (Lelewel 2006), that was edited by<br />
<strong>the</strong> famous Polish historian Joachim Lelewel.<br />
Written in <strong>the</strong> romantic period (in 1820, but published only in 1831),<br />
at a time when Pol<strong>and</strong> did not exist on <strong>Europe</strong>an maps, <strong>the</strong> Historical parallels<br />
identified some elements of <strong>the</strong> Spanish ‘Black Legend’ in support of<br />
his belief that Pol<strong>and</strong> would overcome <strong>the</strong> loss of its independence.<br />
For <strong>the</strong> above reasons Spanish history had to be mythologized.<br />
Over-simplifications were used in support of <strong>the</strong> general <strong>the</strong>sis that <strong>the</strong><br />
bad condition of <strong>the</strong> Spanish state should be a warning to <strong>the</strong> Polish <strong>and</strong><br />
encourage <strong>the</strong>m to avoid its errors <strong>and</strong> bad habits.<br />
That is why Lelewel is today known as an exponent of <strong>the</strong> negative<br />
stereotyping of <strong>the</strong> Spanish in Polish culture (Sawicki 1995).<br />
The Recent Process of Democratisation<br />
Parallels between <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries, in particular<br />
between Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Spain, have also appeared in contemporary<br />
Soviet <strong>and</strong> post-Soviet studies (Zamojski 2004).<br />
Spain <strong>and</strong> Portugal have come to be considered as exemplars, particularly<br />
in some of <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet Bloc countries that joined <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Union in 2004.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> interest of <strong>the</strong> democratic <strong>Iberia</strong>n states in <strong>the</strong> ‘<strong>Eastern</strong><br />
Bloc’ countries goes back to <strong>the</strong> 1970s, when <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Carnation<br />
Revolution took place, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> peaceful transition to democracy<br />
in Spain. Spanish acknowledgement of its links to Pol<strong>and</strong> occured in two<br />
phases. The first was full of optimism, but lacked genuine parallels after<br />
<strong>the</strong> arrival of <strong>the</strong> new Polish socialist regime of <strong>the</strong> 1970s.<br />
The second began after <strong>the</strong> breakthrough year of 1989, when round<br />
<strong>the</strong> table talks began <strong>the</strong> democratization process in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
countries of <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet Bloc (Kieniewicz 2001: 8).<br />
However, in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> consequence of such attractive but often<br />
mythical parallelism <strong>and</strong> simplification – on occasions <strong>the</strong> analogies were<br />
imposed, despite <strong>the</strong> significant differences between both countries – was<br />
<strong>the</strong> appearance of protests from politicians <strong>and</strong> researchers in <strong>the</strong> field. 18<br />
18 The huge <strong>and</strong> informative efforts of Stefan Kieniewicz (Spain) <strong>and</strong> Maria Danilewicz<br />
Zielinska (Portugal) are worth mentioning.<br />
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80 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
In <strong>the</strong> latter case Dariusz Filar insisted that “Pol<strong>and</strong> is different”, <strong>and</strong><br />
Jan Kieniewicz concluded that “[…] more than an analogy, Spain became a<br />
challenge for Pol<strong>and</strong>” (Kieniewicz 1986: 36-49). With <strong>the</strong> aforementioned<br />
accession of some states to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union both <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries<br />
became an important point of reference. In Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union<br />
inspired a new wave of detailed studies on Spanish <strong>and</strong> Portuguese economic<br />
progress, focusing more on agriculture in <strong>the</strong> case of Portugal, <strong>and</strong><br />
on <strong>the</strong> modernisation process in <strong>the</strong> case of Spain. 19 However, at <strong>the</strong> same<br />
time <strong>the</strong> general opinion, expressed in mass media`s debates on <strong>the</strong> common<br />
currency, held that Spain <strong>and</strong> Portugal had had it much easier.<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>rn “O<strong>the</strong>rs”<br />
The post-Soviet Bloc countries of <strong>the</strong> today made various attempts<br />
through <strong>the</strong> centuries to create myths of Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain, which were<br />
also inspired by <strong>the</strong> division of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an cultures into north <strong>and</strong><br />
south, which began in <strong>the</strong> romantic period. Their view followed Madame<br />
de Staël`s interpretation. Her essay On Literature, written in 1800, analysed<br />
newly-born romanticism, <strong>and</strong> identified a clear division between <strong>the</strong><br />
North <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> South. Madame de Staël described <strong>the</strong> South as based on<br />
classical ideas – static, harmonious, affirmative, closed <strong>and</strong> finite,declining<br />
after past greatness, sunny <strong>and</strong> pleasure-seeking. In contrast, <strong>the</strong> North<br />
is presented by Madame de Staël as being focused on infinity <strong>and</strong> disharmonious,<br />
dark, <strong>and</strong> filled with existential suffering. To an extent this<br />
interpretation contributed to <strong>the</strong> process of stereotyping <strong>the</strong> qualities of<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n peoples. Almost all of <strong>the</strong> characteristics ga<strong>the</strong>red above became<br />
<strong>the</strong> subject of various interpretations, depending on <strong>the</strong> context of<br />
<strong>the</strong> country in question, <strong>and</strong> according to its relationship with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
states or with <strong>the</strong> religious <strong>and</strong> political groups to which <strong>the</strong>y belonged.<br />
The following list outlines <strong>the</strong> main positive <strong>and</strong> negative characteristics<br />
found in <strong>the</strong> literary <strong>and</strong> cultural thought of <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet<br />
countries. Positive qualities included: 1) romantic, heroic <strong>and</strong> honorable<br />
knights, who ‘fought until <strong>the</strong> end’ 2) optimistism <strong>and</strong> happiness 3) representatives<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong> in colonising <strong>and</strong> converting <strong>the</strong> ‘barbarous’ 4)<br />
bulwark (ante-murale) of Christianity 5) peaceful builders of democracy <strong>and</strong><br />
economic success.<br />
19 See Misala (1992); Müller (2005); Taracha (2001).<br />
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The Myth(s) of <strong>Iberia</strong> in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Countries of <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc 81<br />
The negative qualities included: 1) bound within <strong>the</strong> paradox of<br />
an archaic codex of honor 2) imperialist, agressive <strong>and</strong> destructive 3)<br />
unsuccessful <strong>and</strong> decadent 4) lazy <strong>and</strong> greedy, fool of vanity 5) fanathic<br />
Catholics 6) melancholic 7) divided anarchists (<strong>the</strong> ‘Carlist war’ in Lelewel<br />
perspective <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> awaken polemics) 8) representatives of <strong>the</strong> new aggressive<br />
capitalism.<br />
These different stereotypes have been operating in various combinations,<br />
inspiring new interpretations of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> early modern period Spain appears to have been <strong>the</strong> more<br />
influential of <strong>the</strong> two, as a result of its Habsburg connections, which<br />
have also proved useful for contemporary searches for political <strong>and</strong> social<br />
points of reference. Today, Portugal has become more visible in literature<br />
<strong>and</strong> reality, in <strong>the</strong> context of lifestyle <strong>and</strong> economics in particular.<br />
Portugal has become an inspiring new topos for <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet bloc<br />
countries. The new ‘existential’ myth of <strong>the</strong> ‘distant-close Portugal’ is<br />
worth noticing.<br />
The clearest example of this myth is <strong>the</strong> play Portugal by <strong>the</strong> Hungarian<br />
author Zoltan Egressy. Written in <strong>the</strong> year 1997, <strong>the</strong> play soon became<br />
widely known <strong>and</strong> was staged <strong>and</strong> filmed in almost all of <strong>the</strong> countries of<br />
<strong>the</strong> post-Soviet Bloc. In <strong>the</strong> play Portugal is presented as peripheral, poor<br />
<strong>and</strong> antiquated, a place where people still follow <strong>the</strong>ir dream, happy to<br />
live in a state of natural sadness <strong>and</strong> melancholy, leading <strong>the</strong>ir simple life,<br />
free of <strong>the</strong> inconveniences of capitalism, <strong>and</strong> appears to be <strong>the</strong> last such<br />
country in <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
Portuguese melancholy was mythologized as a way of life for all of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese. The play basically describes all of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese inhabitants<br />
as fishermen, who spend every sunset on <strong>the</strong> seashore, ‘where <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
no l<strong>and</strong> to follow, staring at <strong>the</strong> ocean, always very sad, like when one says<br />
‘goodbye’ to his beloved, as <strong>the</strong> main protagonist says. 20<br />
The play`s main protagonists are Czarus (Charming), an intelectual<br />
in his early thirties who sets out for Portugal <strong>and</strong> visits a small village on<br />
his way, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> villager Myszka (Mousy), filled with love <strong>and</strong> sensuality, a<br />
barmaid in her fa<strong>the</strong>r’s pub who dreams of changing in her life.<br />
The protagonists meet in a fictional village in a desolate, a recent<br />
consequence of capitalism in <strong>the</strong> former ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’ countries. What<br />
does Portugal mean to <strong>the</strong>m?<br />
20 The Polish version of <strong>the</strong> play in question was printed in <strong>the</strong> magazine Dialog 4, 2004.<br />
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82 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
Portugal represents <strong>the</strong> ideal of <strong>the</strong> lost au<strong>the</strong>ntic life that was free<br />
from civilisation, rural <strong>and</strong>, more significantly, always associated with<br />
dreams. In <strong>the</strong> play ‘being on <strong>the</strong>ir way to Portugal’ means searching for<br />
<strong>the</strong> au<strong>the</strong>ntic life <strong>and</strong> following one’s dreams instead of being involved in<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘rat race’, which had emerged with <strong>the</strong> introduction of capitalism causing<br />
many inhabitants of <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet bloc countries to feel adrift, <strong>and</strong><br />
this did not just apply to intellectuals.<br />
On reaching Portugal, Czarus loses his chance <strong>and</strong> is forced to return<br />
to his old life in <strong>the</strong> capital, however this introduces ano<strong>the</strong>r interpretation<br />
of Portugal: a metaphor for <strong>the</strong> persistent pursuit of dreams <strong>and</strong><br />
imagination.<br />
Thus, Portugal is not a country but a form of life that can be reenacted<br />
in <strong>the</strong> hopeless village where <strong>the</strong> protagonists meet. Curiously,<br />
this idealistic view of Portugal, mostly Salazarian in origin, promoted by<br />
Egressy’s play, a poor, rural <strong>and</strong> melancholic paradise, has finally been<br />
confronted with its opposite, <strong>the</strong> idea of a modern capitalist Portugal that<br />
invests in <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet Bloc countries. On this occasion <strong>the</strong> source of<br />
<strong>the</strong> stereotype is real life. Above all, this new interpretation affects Pol<strong>and</strong>,<br />
<strong>the</strong> post-Soviet Bloc country with <strong>the</strong> largest Portuguese investment. The<br />
new opposing stereotype of Portugal presents it as a symbol of aggressive<br />
capitalism; a country that in Pol<strong>and</strong> became known as a symbol of<br />
<strong>the</strong> new capitalistic treatment of workers. This new image appeared with<br />
<strong>the</strong> arrival of <strong>the</strong> Jerónimo Martins Group, known in Pol<strong>and</strong> as Jeronimo<br />
Martins Distrybucja, which owns a large number of discount supermarkets<br />
named Biedronka (Ladybird). 21 In Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> stereotype emerged in 2004,<br />
when a number of some tribunals were initiated <strong>and</strong> won by a group of<br />
poorly paid <strong>and</strong> badly treated workers. Therefore, ano<strong>the</strong>r stereotype was<br />
established. The Americans initially introduced <strong>the</strong> ‘capitalistic style’, but<br />
Portugal has become a master of aggressive employment policies. However,<br />
it seems that this aspect of Portuguese capitalism has been overcome<br />
recently. The employees situation has improved considerably in <strong>the</strong><br />
last four years, without affecting <strong>the</strong> profits gained by <strong>the</strong> group from its<br />
Polish business. 22<br />
21 As a result of <strong>the</strong> large profit made every year in Pol<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> group is considering its<br />
exp<strong>and</strong>ing towards <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r post-Soviet countries, such as Ukraine <strong>and</strong> Romania.<br />
22 The mass media discourse relating to this topic since 2004, may be found at: http://<br />
szukaj.gazeta.pl/portalSearch.do?&s.si(navigation).navigationEnabled=true&s.<br />
sm.query=biedronka (in Polish). Concerning <strong>the</strong> relationship between Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Por-<br />
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The Myth(s) of <strong>Iberia</strong> in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Countries of <strong>the</strong> Former <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc 83<br />
Potentially <strong>the</strong>re are two determining factors behind interpretations<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries in <strong>the</strong> former ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’ countries, alongside<br />
<strong>the</strong> former’s tendency to compare <strong>the</strong>mselves with o<strong>the</strong>rs. Firstly, <strong>the</strong> Iberain<br />
region is referred to in a political <strong>and</strong> ideological sense, being treated<br />
as a point of reference for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’s own historical changes. The<br />
second factor relates to <strong>the</strong> reservoir of traditional <strong>Europe</strong>an stereotypes<br />
of <strong>the</strong> divisions between <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn countries. In each<br />
case it is clear that <strong>the</strong> simplified images of both <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries are<br />
carefully orchestrated, building freely upon critical or positive analogies<br />
<strong>and</strong> opinions, depending on <strong>the</strong> changing perspectives of <strong>the</strong> country in<br />
question. This was particularly true of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> countries, which circulated<br />
historically between <strong>the</strong> ‘Black Legends’ <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘White Legends’<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries. From medieval times to <strong>the</strong> present day both<br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n countries served as a basis for political, religious, cultural <strong>and</strong> economic<br />
parallels <strong>and</strong> analogies. For some post-Soviet countries particular<br />
historical periods <strong>and</strong> circumstances resulted in a greater need for <strong>the</strong> mythologizing<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries, which acted as a clear point of reference<br />
for <strong>the</strong>ir own actions <strong>and</strong> ideas. On entering post-Soviet <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
former ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’ countries had to endure a democratic shock, toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
with new globalising <strong>and</strong> liberal reforms. This encouraged <strong>the</strong>m to<br />
paint older myths <strong>and</strong> stereotypes in a new light, <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>y<br />
created <strong>the</strong> conditions for new myths to emerge. The revived myths of old<br />
have gained <strong>the</strong>ir own lives, <strong>and</strong> today coexist with an increasing number<br />
of direct observations, although sometimes <strong>the</strong>y are ‘myths in-progress’<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves, <strong>and</strong> are also at risk of generalisation, creating a melting pot of<br />
different ideas of what is to be <strong>Iberia</strong>n or Portuguese / Spanish.<br />
These mythical interpretations of Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain coexist with<br />
interpretations of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula as a whole, exist toge<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>and</strong> are<br />
called upon when required. Up to <strong>the</strong> 18 th century <strong>the</strong> Habsburg dynasty<br />
drew <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an countries closer to Spain.<br />
Today Portugal has become more influential, especially in <strong>the</strong> fields<br />
of business <strong>and</strong> literature, inspiring some new paradigms in <strong>the</strong> countries<br />
of <strong>the</strong> post Soviet Bloc.<br />
tugal, <strong>the</strong> last official visit of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese delegation to Pol<strong>and</strong> (at <strong>the</strong> beginning of<br />
September, 2008) seemed to mark a new phase that was wider, more complex <strong>and</strong> dedicated<br />
to encouraging progress in <strong>the</strong> following fields: economic <strong>and</strong> cultural exchange<br />
<strong>and</strong> cooperation.<br />
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84 Beata Elzebieta Cieszynska<br />
The present study reveals <strong>the</strong> particular position of Pol<strong>and</strong>, a country<br />
that has created negative <strong>and</strong> positive analogies with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n countries,<br />
especially Spain, throughout history.<br />
Today Pol<strong>and</strong> also appears to be <strong>the</strong> cradle for modern myths of<br />
Portugal – devoid of its Salazarian scars <strong>and</strong> seen as a capitalistic investor<br />
from EU.<br />
The final question of this study relates to <strong>the</strong> possible relationship<br />
between myths <strong>and</strong> knowledge in <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Europe</strong>: what are <strong>the</strong> best <strong>and</strong><br />
most natural ways of substituting myth with experience <strong>and</strong> knowledge?<br />
It seems that <strong>the</strong> new <strong>Europe</strong>an mobility policy, <strong>and</strong> growing tourism<br />
in <strong>the</strong> countries of <strong>the</strong> former ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc’, contributed to <strong>the</strong> substitution<br />
of myth <strong>and</strong> stereotype by informed opinion.<br />
The new phase started with <strong>the</strong> most recent pieces of <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
integration policy, but <strong>the</strong>se new perspectives have not yet entered into <strong>the</strong><br />
general discourses or even stereotypes. This will be easier for <strong>the</strong> younger<br />
generation, which has been granted <strong>the</strong> opportunity to experience Portugal<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spain at first h<strong>and</strong>. The recent reawaking of research, particularly<br />
in <strong>the</strong> field of <strong>Iberia</strong>n-Slavonic comparative study, leaves some hope for<br />
<strong>the</strong> continuation of <strong>the</strong> de-mythologizing <strong>and</strong> de-stereotyping processes.<br />
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Portugal Stereotypes in Pol<strong>and</strong>, or, The Pictures in<br />
our Mind. Long away from <strong>the</strong> Perils of Life<br />
Anna Kalewska<br />
(University of Warsaw)<br />
To Professor Halina Janaszek-Ivaničkova<br />
The pictures inside <strong>the</strong> heads of this human being [o<strong>the</strong>r human beings],<br />
<strong>the</strong> pictures of <strong>the</strong>mselves, of o<strong>the</strong>rs, of <strong>the</strong>ir needs, purposes <strong>and</strong><br />
relationships, are <strong>the</strong>ir public opinions (Lippmann 1965: 18).<br />
How do <strong>the</strong> Poles construct <strong>the</strong>ir image of Portugal? How do <strong>the</strong>y<br />
perceive Lusophone culture in general? In answer, through institutional<br />
<strong>and</strong> unofficial interactions, university courses, films, plays <strong>and</strong> azulejo exhibitions,<br />
books <strong>and</strong> (mis)readings of history. The Polish stereotype of<br />
Portugal is constructed from vague images of a country that is a long way<br />
away from <strong>the</strong> perils of life, a fabulous ‘Oceania’ or a (regained) paradise<br />
of wines <strong>and</strong> fine beaches. In <strong>the</strong> past <strong>the</strong> images of Portugal in our heads<br />
praised fearless sailors, explorers <strong>and</strong> missionaries; in <strong>the</strong> present day <strong>the</strong>y<br />
establish a link between elite culture <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> phenomena of mass culture,<br />
which boil down to <strong>the</strong> ‘Three Fs’: Fado, Fátima <strong>and</strong> football. Gilbert Dur<strong>and</strong>’s<br />
mythocritical approach <strong>and</strong> his scrutiny of basic anthropological<br />
structures (<strong>the</strong> maritime ethos, religion, messianic <strong>and</strong> irrational beliefs,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> stereotyped notion of ‘paradise on earth’) have enabled us to identify<br />
a Portuguese image in Pol<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> to reassess <strong>the</strong> myths that surround<br />
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88 Anna Kalewska<br />
Lusitania. However, <strong>the</strong> images of Portugal in <strong>the</strong> Polish minds still fall<br />
half-way between myth <strong>and</strong> reality <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y remain a long way from attaining<br />
<strong>the</strong> objectivity that Poles yearn for.<br />
The Sources<br />
In <strong>the</strong> early 1990s one of <strong>the</strong> eye-catching titles among <strong>the</strong> books of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Warsaw street bookstalls was Porto – Sardines – Fado by Janina Pałęcka<br />
<strong>and</strong> Oskar Sobański (Pałęcka / Sobański 1990). Do <strong>the</strong> Poles really construct<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir image of Portugal from <strong>the</strong>se three stereotypes alone? Atlantica<br />
h<strong>and</strong>les <strong>the</strong> distribution of Portuguese wines in Pol<strong>and</strong>; sardines,<br />
cod <strong>and</strong> Portuguese delicacies are served at <strong>the</strong> restaurant Portucale; Misia,<br />
Mariza <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Madredeus ensemble also give frequent concerts in<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>. The Portuguese language is increasingly popular in <strong>the</strong> academic<br />
circles of Warsaw, Lublin, Kraków <strong>and</strong> Poznań, where <strong>the</strong> universities offer<br />
courses in language <strong>and</strong> literature as well as in Lusophone culture. The<br />
largest of <strong>the</strong> institutions that promote <strong>the</strong> Portuguese language is <strong>the</strong><br />
Camões Institute for Portuguese Language at <strong>the</strong> Maria Curie-Skłodowska<br />
University (UMCS) in Lublin. The cityscapes of Lisbon inspired a young<br />
Polish painter, Agnieszka Kicińska, who between 2003 <strong>and</strong> 2004 produced<br />
thirteen oil paintings based upon <strong>the</strong> world exhibition Expo ‘98. The first<br />
of her series of paintings, Lisbon, depicts <strong>the</strong> red bridge ‘25 de Abril’, a<br />
monument to geographical exploration. The last painting of <strong>the</strong> series also<br />
depicts a bridge: <strong>the</strong> seventeen-kilometre Ponte Vasco da Gama, which<br />
winds like a snake. Kicińska’s canvases constitute a form of travelogue.<br />
As she says:<br />
“The majority of visitors to Portugal associate Lisbon with Alfama,<br />
<strong>the</strong> mystery of its street corners, <strong>the</strong> sight of washing hanging on lines<br />
outside windows, unique churches <strong>and</strong> scenic views”. 1<br />
A bird’s eye view of Portugal is depicted on tourism posters in Pol<strong>and</strong>,<br />
particularly <strong>the</strong> popular region of <strong>the</strong> Algarve <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> of Madeira,<br />
which is advertised as a ‘Portuguese Wine Paradise’.<br />
1 Agnieszka Kicińska’s Lisbon paintings (thirteen oil-paintings on canvas), toge<strong>the</strong>r with<br />
commentaries, are available on <strong>the</strong> painter’s website: http://www.agnieszkakicinska.com<br />
(25.01.2008).<br />
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Portugal Stereotypes in Pol<strong>and</strong> 89<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> mid-1990s Polish tourists have been frequent visitors to<br />
Portugal.What of Polish stereotypes of Portugal in <strong>the</strong> wider fields of<br />
history, society, politics <strong>and</strong> culture? Images of Portugal <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
have resulted from individual acts ra<strong>the</strong>r than officially backed<br />
collective action.<br />
Various obstacles have affected <strong>the</strong> image of Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong>: <strong>the</strong><br />
large distance between <strong>the</strong> two countries, limited commercial <strong>and</strong> political<br />
contact, <strong>the</strong> language barrier <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> shadow of powerful Spain, which is<br />
identified erroneously with Portugal.<br />
Following <strong>the</strong> accession of Portugal (1986) <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong> (2004) to<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union both countries have undergone <strong>the</strong> effects of civil<br />
progress <strong>and</strong> mutual stereotyping between regions situated at <strong>the</strong> opposite<br />
ends of united <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
The goal of mutual relations <strong>and</strong> contacts is tangible. However, it<br />
lacks focus <strong>and</strong> is incomplete, consisting of national <strong>and</strong> international<br />
travel agencies (Triada, Neckermann, TUI), supermarkets (Biedronka/<br />
Jerónimo Martins), banks (Milennium), fado <strong>and</strong> Portuguese guitar concerts,<br />
language courses <strong>and</strong> university classes.<br />
In consequence, general notions of Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong> are limited<br />
to a small number of terms <strong>and</strong> concepts that are stereotypical 2 : fado <strong>and</strong><br />
saudade (Portuguese yearning for <strong>the</strong> past or nostalgia), football, Fátima,<br />
folk religion, Port, grilled sardines <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> many varieties of cod.<br />
Older images <strong>and</strong> descriptions of Portugal – an unfamiliar country<br />
to nineteenth-century Polish writers, travellers <strong>and</strong> artists – did not produce<br />
a clear-cut paradigm or definition of Portuguese national characteristics<br />
that could be reagarded as a stereotype. 3<br />
However, towards <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> twentieth century some films <strong>and</strong><br />
plays on Portugal (such as Wim Wenders’s Lisbon Story), <strong>and</strong> literary works<br />
2 “Stereotypes Stereotypes are images that characterize groups. They do not usually refer to individu- individuals,<br />
but describe members of collective bodies instead. Therefore we have <strong>the</strong> stereotype<br />
of a Pole, <strong>the</strong> stereotype of a Jew, stereotypes of a teacher or a barrister [...]. Stereotypes<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore have characteristics that are social in two respects: (1) because <strong>the</strong>y are created<br />
<strong>and</strong> accepted by a particular community <strong>and</strong> (2) because <strong>the</strong>y refer to a community” (Ossowski<br />
1967: 39).<br />
3 “The fact that such texts exist proves how widespread <strong>the</strong> popular schematic visions of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation are [...]. It seems that all expressions such as ‘French charm’, ‘English phlegm’<br />
or ‘thinking German’ follow <strong>the</strong>se patterns, <strong>the</strong> power of which resists <strong>the</strong> pressure of<br />
historical events <strong>and</strong> individual experience.” (Mitosek 1974: 57-59).<br />
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90 Anna Kalewska<br />
translated from Portuguese, created a distinct picture of Portugal that became<br />
established in Polish circles of <strong>the</strong> educated <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> worldly wise.<br />
They discovered <strong>the</strong> history of Portugal from Polish translations<br />
of books 4 by Henry Hersch Hart (Sea Road to <strong>the</strong> Indies. An Account of <strong>the</strong><br />
Voyages <strong>and</strong> Exploits of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Navigators, Toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> Life <strong>and</strong> Times<br />
of Dom Vasco da Gama, Capitão-Mor, Viceroy of India <strong>and</strong> Count of Vidigueira,<br />
1958), José Gentil da Silva (Histoire Maritime des Portugais – Maritime History<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, 1987), Damião de Góis (Crónica do Felicíssimo Rei D. Manuel<br />
– The Chronicle of Manuel I’st Reign, 1989), Alvise da Ca’ da Mosto (Le navigazioni<br />
di Alvise da Ca’ da Mosto e Pietro de Sintra – The Voyage to Africa, 1994),<br />
Álvaro Velho (Roteiro da Primeira Viagem de Vasco da Gama – An Account of<br />
Vasco da Gama’s First Voyage to India, 1996) <strong>and</strong> works by a number of eminent<br />
Polish historians, literary historians <strong>and</strong> diplomats, including Marian<br />
Małowist, Jan Kieniewicz, Tomasz Wituch, Ewa Łukaszyk <strong>and</strong> Wojciech<br />
Chabasiński. 5<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> descriptions in <strong>the</strong>se texts (<strong>the</strong> canon of Portuguese<br />
studies in Pol<strong>and</strong>), Portugal is a country <strong>and</strong> a people with a turbulent<br />
but exemplary Christian past that has been acknowledged as unique<br />
due to its fearless sailors <strong>and</strong> explorers, who are rarely described as conquerors<br />
6 but are associated instead with <strong>the</strong> historic mission to emancipate<br />
from neighbouring Castile (Fernão Lopes, Crónica dos Reis de Portugal<br />
– Chronicle of <strong>the</strong> Kings of Portugal, 1983), <strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong> subsequent discovery<br />
<strong>and</strong> conversion of <strong>the</strong> New World (<strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me of <strong>the</strong> national epic Os<br />
Lusíadas, published in Portugal in 1572, <strong>and</strong> known in Pol<strong>and</strong> during <strong>the</strong><br />
ages of classicism <strong>and</strong> romanticism).<br />
Therefore, historiography has been a major influence on <strong>the</strong> development<br />
of <strong>the</strong> first clear-cut stereotype of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese as sailors <strong>and</strong><br />
explorers. To a lesser extent literature has been responsible for fostering<br />
<strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese frame of mind: ‘a sad Portuguese’ pondering<br />
<strong>the</strong> loss of <strong>the</strong> East Indies <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> overseas empire <strong>and</strong> immersed in<br />
saudade. Fern<strong>and</strong>o Pessoa’s The Book of Disquietude is a modernist example<br />
4 The dates following <strong>the</strong> English titles are those of <strong>the</strong> first publication of <strong>the</strong> Polish<br />
translations.<br />
5 I discuss <strong>the</strong>se works <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> translations mentioned above in my introduction to Historia<br />
kultury Portugalii (Kalewska 2007: I-IX).<br />
6 For an exception to this rule see: Marian Małowist, Konkwistadorzy portugalscy [Portuguese<br />
Conquistadors], 1976.<br />
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Portugal Stereotypes in Pol<strong>and</strong> 91<br />
of such melancholy, which has been published in two Polish translations<br />
(1995 <strong>and</strong> 2007).<br />
During <strong>the</strong> last decade eight of José Saramago’s novels have been<br />
translated into Polish. Let’s stress that Polish translators of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
Nobel laureate (1998) are often young academics or elder scholars.<br />
However, it would be far-fetched to claim that Portuguese literature<br />
is well-known in Pol<strong>and</strong>.<br />
The Stereotypes<br />
In order to analyse <strong>the</strong> stereotypes of Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong> we will<br />
adopt <strong>the</strong> methodology that Gilbert Dur<strong>and</strong> proposed in his Imagens e<br />
Reflexos do Imaginário Português (2000). Dur<strong>and</strong> uses his ‘mythocriticism’ to<br />
identify <strong>the</strong> anthropological structures in Portugal that could be applied<br />
to similar ‘imported’ issues which relate to developments in Polish culture.<br />
We should <strong>the</strong>refore be able to identify a Portuguese imaginarium in<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>. We will attempt to identify <strong>and</strong> classify <strong>the</strong> cultural trends (historical,<br />
sociological, geographical <strong>and</strong> mythological) coming from Portugal<br />
– Lusitanian mythologemes – which <strong>the</strong> Polish collective consciousness<br />
has accepted, assimilated <strong>and</strong> treated as its own. Is <strong>the</strong> stereotype of <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> precise opposite of <strong>the</strong> stereotype of <strong>the</strong> Polish<br />
in Portugal? Whereas <strong>the</strong> former emerged in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, <strong>the</strong><br />
latter remains in statu nascendi. While images of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese are being<br />
constructed in Pol<strong>and</strong> a stereotype of <strong>the</strong> Polish hardly exists in Portugal.<br />
The Portuguese still regard Pol<strong>and</strong> as a former state of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong>, i.e.<br />
soviet political system, as do most Western <strong>Europe</strong>ans, <strong>and</strong> it will require<br />
a long period of positive mutual relations in order to change that situation.<br />
Toge<strong>the</strong>r with o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>an countries, prior to 1800 Pol<strong>and</strong>’s intellectual<br />
discourse on Portugal was regarded as ancillary to that on Spain.<br />
It was viewed as a region without a specific culture or language (Atlantic,<br />
Celtic or Romance). In her Związki kulturalne i literackie polsko-portugalskie w<br />
XVI-XIX wieku [Cultural <strong>and</strong> Literary Relations between Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Portugal in<br />
<strong>the</strong> 16 th -19 th centuries], Elżbieta Milewska reveals that our contacts with Portugal<br />
were much less extensive than those with o<strong>the</strong>r Romance countries:<br />
“It was <strong>the</strong> linguistic barrier <strong>and</strong> ‘<strong>the</strong> stigma of <strong>Iberia</strong>nism’ that reflected<br />
negatively on <strong>the</strong> dissemination of Portuguese culture in <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
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92 Anna Kalewska<br />
Loose political ties <strong>and</strong> limited diplomatic relations rendered commercial,<br />
or indeed any o<strong>the</strong>r kind of travel, difficult” (Milewska 1991: 153).<br />
In his diary Portugalia. Listy z podróży [Portugal. Letters from a Journey,<br />
1881], Adolf Pawiński hoped that his reminiscing would dispel <strong>the</strong> thick<br />
fog that he saw enveloping Portugal, especially at <strong>the</strong> mouth of <strong>the</strong> River<br />
Tagus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Atlantic Ocean, which is described in places as a ‘fairy-tale<br />
Oceania’. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> first Polish Lusitanian mythologem focused upon<br />
Portugal’s Atlantic location <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> maritime ethos of its inhabitants. It<br />
also shared much in common with The Lusiads, a forgotten epic of <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese voyage to <strong>the</strong> East Indies led by Vasco da Gama (1479-1499),<br />
that has been translated into Polish three times over three centuries (1790,<br />
1890, 1995), but has never been fully acknowledged by Polish literature.<br />
The poem’s author Camões stresses <strong>the</strong> ethos of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese explorer<br />
<strong>and</strong> traveller, which was very different from that of <strong>the</strong> Polish, who were<br />
used to a settled <strong>and</strong> defensive existence.<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, biographies of Camões inspired some writers of<br />
Polish romanticism. 7 Over <strong>the</strong> last three hundred years <strong>the</strong> Polish have<br />
become increasingly fond of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese for a number of reasons.<br />
Chief among <strong>the</strong>m is <strong>the</strong> idea of solidarity between <strong>the</strong> two nations which<br />
have not lost <strong>the</strong>ir former glory despite foreign invasions <strong>and</strong> dictatorial<br />
regimes.<br />
It would not be an overstatement to suggest that Portuguese history<br />
to some extent mirrors <strong>the</strong> history of Pol<strong>and</strong>. For example, <strong>the</strong> loss of<br />
independence during <strong>the</strong> period of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Union (1580-1640) was<br />
reflected by <strong>the</strong> partitions of Pol<strong>and</strong> by Russia, Prussia <strong>and</strong> Austria (1795-<br />
1918); <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re were ominous parallels between <strong>the</strong> dictatorial regimes<br />
of <strong>the</strong> twentieth century: Salazar’s Portugal (1928-1974) <strong>and</strong> communist<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong> (1945-1989).<br />
A variety of tourist guides available in Pol<strong>and</strong> (published by <strong>the</strong><br />
American Express, Rough Guide, Wiedza i Życie <strong>and</strong> Gazeta Wyborcza)<br />
emphasize <strong>the</strong> traditional religiousness of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, in particular<br />
those living in rural areas, <strong>and</strong> ascribe it to <strong>the</strong> legacy of Salazar’s dictatorship.<br />
Similar opinions have been formed about Polish religiousness. A<br />
Portuguese guide to Pol<strong>and</strong>, ano<strong>the</strong>r guide from <strong>the</strong> American Express<br />
series, announces that:<br />
7 For <strong>the</strong> inspirational role of Camoenian thought in Pol<strong>and</strong> see Kalewska 2007: 27-45.<br />
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Portugal Stereotypes in Pol<strong>and</strong> 93<br />
“[…] as in Spain <strong>and</strong> Irel<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> majority of its [Pol<strong>and</strong>]<br />
society is still Catholic has a considerable impact upon <strong>the</strong> moral<br />
values accepted in this country, as well as being a factor in its policies.” 8<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> culturally defining role of Christianity is ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
shared myth between Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Portugal. In <strong>the</strong> case of Portugal it is<br />
viewed as popular, spontaneous <strong>and</strong> unorthodox. In <strong>the</strong> case of Pol<strong>and</strong> it<br />
appears to be politically, socially <strong>and</strong> ideologically charged.<br />
The average Polish pilgrim regards <strong>the</strong> neo-baroque basilica in Fátima<br />
as a replica of <strong>the</strong> Jasna Góra monastery in Częstochowa, <strong>the</strong> most<br />
important Catholic sanctuary in Pol<strong>and</strong>.<br />
Mass media portrayals of social reality, in particular those of <strong>the</strong><br />
press, have emphasized two characteristic traits of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese: <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
hospitality <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir gentle manners. However, <strong>the</strong> national characteristics<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Poles still betray traces of both xenomania <strong>and</strong><br />
xenophobia.<br />
The Polish media also point out <strong>the</strong> specific Portuguese attitude<br />
concerning time. Portugal is perceived as a country where time is measured<br />
in a different way. The Portuguese are seen as cheerful, smiling, slower-paced<br />
than in <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> unpunctual, which is occasionally construed<br />
as a sign of Lusitanian liberty, itself a remnant of Roman liberty (liberdade<br />
romana), <strong>and</strong> is actually a form of anxiety or an inherent inclination to<br />
messiness as opposed to individualism, a characteristic that many regard<br />
to be shared by <strong>the</strong> Polish nation. Despite a lack of focus, <strong>the</strong> collective<br />
portrait of Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong> partakes of <strong>the</strong> myth of paradise. At this<br />
point it is useful to draw a parallel between Polish <strong>and</strong> French images of<br />
Portugal as a vision of Eden. In 2001 Zbigniew Brzoza, a Polish <strong>the</strong>atre<br />
director, staged Portugalia [Portugal] by Zoltan Egressy, a Hungarian playwright,<br />
which became known in Pol<strong>and</strong> through frequent <strong>the</strong>atrical TV<br />
productions <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Poznan Teatr Polski’s popular production (2004). 9<br />
The play depicts Portugal as a promised l<strong>and</strong>, a place to which <strong>the</strong> protagonists<br />
wish to escape, particularly <strong>the</strong> main character Czaruś, for whom<br />
Portugal has become a symbol of freedom.<br />
8 Original: ”(...) Já à semelhança da Espanha e da Irl<strong>and</strong>a, o facto de a maioria da população<br />
ser católica continua a exercer uma enorme influência nos valores morais do país, assim<br />
como na sua vida política” (Czerniewicz-Umer 2006: 12).<br />
9 See also <strong>the</strong> article by Beata Elżbieta Cieszyńska in this book.<br />
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94 Anna Kalewska<br />
This is precisely how <strong>the</strong> authors of a tourist slogan, which appeared<br />
on billboards throughout Pol<strong>and</strong> in 2003, saw Portugal: a safe haven,<br />
peaceful, almost paradise-like, promising a dream holiday that is also<br />
safe in <strong>the</strong> age of world terrorism. These posters advertised “Portugal<br />
away from <strong>the</strong> perils of life”. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> image of Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong><br />
remains under <strong>the</strong> influence of <strong>the</strong> characteristics mentioned above - melancholy,<br />
sadness <strong>and</strong> moderation - which are also prevelant in <strong>the</strong> tourada,<br />
<strong>the</strong> bloodless Portuguese version of <strong>the</strong> corrida. It differs from Spanish<br />
bullfighting. The tourada is to a large extent a show of horsemanship, a<br />
horseman’s struggle with a bull. Some advanced Portuguese techniques of<br />
horse training were popularised by <strong>the</strong> Marquis of Marialva, <strong>the</strong> Crown<br />
equerry between 1770 <strong>and</strong> 1799. Secondly, <strong>the</strong> killing of <strong>the</strong> bull is not a<br />
violent show performed in front of <strong>the</strong> audience, a form of death which<br />
was banned in 1799 after one animal attacked <strong>and</strong> fatally wounded <strong>the</strong><br />
Earl of Arcos, <strong>the</strong> son of <strong>the</strong> Marquis of Marialva, <strong>and</strong> was witnessed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> entire court. Portuguese corridas have never<strong>the</strong>less become bloodier,<br />
with occasional killings of bulls, as Portuguese customs increasingly reflect<br />
changing fashions <strong>and</strong> are regressively ‘leaning’ towards Spain <strong>and</strong><br />
responding to <strong>the</strong> tourist market. The outlooks of social groups or individual<br />
artists have been subject to cultural homogenisation. In a relatively<br />
popular series of <strong>Iberia</strong>n interpretations <strong>the</strong> Polish do not feature as<br />
mass consumers, but are instead considered as sophisticated people who<br />
are drawn to <strong>the</strong> idyllic scenery of traditional, if slightly quaint, Portugal.<br />
Stereotypes of Portugal are <strong>the</strong>refore not so much a separate national construct<br />
as a reflection of how <strong>the</strong> Poles see <strong>the</strong>mselves (as sophisticated,<br />
worldly wise amateurs of fine wines <strong>and</strong> choice foods), as well as of <strong>the</strong><br />
changes that occurred in Pol<strong>and</strong> after 1989. Thus, far-away Pol<strong>and</strong> has not<br />
become accustomed to Portuguese national usual behaviours, language or<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir outlook. This level of erudition is not reflected in <strong>the</strong> popular notions<br />
of Portugal represented by <strong>the</strong> tourist poster. We are still lacking a clearcut<br />
contemporary paradigm of Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong>, which could compete<br />
with <strong>the</strong> historical stereotype of a brave sailor or <strong>the</strong> literary portrait of<br />
an introverted intellectual. How do we address <strong>the</strong> simplified image of<br />
Portugal in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> replace it with reasonable <strong>and</strong> objective content?<br />
The self-stereotyping of Portuguese people has been deconstructed in <strong>the</strong><br />
novel As Naus [The Return of Caravels] by António Lobo Antunes. 10<br />
10 Which I translated into Polish <strong>and</strong> published in 2002 (Antunes 2002).<br />
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Portugal Stereotypes in Pol<strong>and</strong> 95<br />
Rotten caravels brought only a corroded trunk, covered with seaweed<br />
<strong>and</strong> molluscs, from former Portuguese India, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
heroes of that epoch – King Manuel, Vasco da Gama <strong>and</strong> Diogo Cão – returned<br />
to <strong>the</strong> metropolis demoralised <strong>and</strong> with sunken cheeks, like ghosts<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>ing a second funeral <strong>and</strong> final burial in <strong>the</strong> Cemetry of Prazeres<br />
in Lisbon.<br />
The novel’s last sentence about some madmen “awaiting […] <strong>the</strong><br />
neighing of <strong>the</strong> white horse that was never to be”, 11 sounds as if it were a<br />
call for an imaginative shift in <strong>the</strong> stereotype of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese in Pol<strong>and</strong>,<br />
<strong>and</strong> perhaps for a deconstruction of <strong>the</strong> epic of Portuguese exploration.<br />
This seems to be as impossible as <strong>the</strong> fulfilment of <strong>the</strong> prophecy of<br />
B<strong>and</strong>arra, a Portuguese counterpart of Polish Wernyhora, about <strong>the</strong> coming<br />
of a new Messiah who would be able to transform <strong>the</strong> Portuguese nation<br />
morally, to lift it from material decadence <strong>and</strong> lead it towards a bright<br />
future. However, as Maria Danilewicz Zielińska states,<br />
“[…] both <strong>the</strong> Portuguese B<strong>and</strong>arra <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Polish-Ukrainian<br />
Wernyhora evoke <strong>the</strong> origins of widespread irrational beliefs that increasingly<br />
appeal to historians of ideas <strong>and</strong> sociologists” (Zielińska 1992: 251).<br />
Messianism <strong>and</strong> Polish Towianism, toge<strong>the</strong>r with Portuguese Sebastianism<br />
– <strong>the</strong> hope for <strong>the</strong> return of King Sebastian (who went missing<br />
after <strong>the</strong> battle of Alcácer Quibir, 1578) – sustained national belief in<br />
historical misfortune. Perhaps <strong>the</strong>y continue to enjoy a following, having<br />
been transformed through art or ideology in works that exhibit tangible<br />
<strong>and</strong> significant relations between Portugal <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong>.<br />
Agnieszka Kicińska’s comments upon her Lisboa series <strong>and</strong> in particular<br />
on <strong>the</strong> last painting, a misty, romantic vision of <strong>the</strong> bridge Vasco da<br />
Gama, link Portugal to <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore to Pol<strong>and</strong>:<br />
“Contrary to former declarations that I live in <strong>the</strong> contemporary<br />
world <strong>and</strong> time I embrace <strong>the</strong> modern aes<strong>the</strong>tic, one of my paintings<br />
shows a romantic face of <strong>the</strong> city. But looking at <strong>the</strong> entire series my fascination<br />
with abstraction <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constructivist movement must be quite<br />
obvious.<br />
11 “I czekaliśmy (…) na rżenie białego konia, co nigdy się nie miał pojawić” (Antunes<br />
2002: 269).<br />
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96 Anna Kalewska<br />
I reduce <strong>the</strong> number of elements on <strong>the</strong> canvas to <strong>the</strong> point that<br />
reality becomes a spot, a line, almost an abstract shape, while at <strong>the</strong> same<br />
time trying to avoid a sense of cold, excessive objectivity or aggressiveness<br />
– <strong>the</strong>se are <strong>the</strong> concerns of my art. Strong contrasting colours, pure logical<br />
constructions approaching geometrical shapes; reducing any excess, distilling<br />
<strong>the</strong> object into <strong>the</strong> simplest form – this is <strong>the</strong> shortest definition of<br />
my painting, although in Lisboa 13 I disposed of stark contrasts, instead<br />
introducing some subtleties, such as <strong>the</strong> light <strong>and</strong> nostalgia for Lisbon.<br />
Only in that city can I feel <strong>the</strong> joy of life, be at peace with myself;<br />
<strong>and</strong> when I’m not <strong>the</strong>re, I miss it terribly.” 12<br />
Could nostalgia be <strong>the</strong> common ground between Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Portugal?<br />
Capricious fortune has not endowed <strong>the</strong> Polish people with overseas<br />
colonies; something that contributed to national pride in Portugal, <strong>and</strong><br />
to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese sense of historic mission on a global scale. Oppressed<br />
Poles awaited a better future, being less passive than <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, <strong>and</strong><br />
working more actively towards improving <strong>the</strong>ir own fortunes.<br />
The “Portuguese paradise” seems to be within easy reach today.<br />
A qualitative change in our mutual relations is still required. Today, we<br />
have Agnieszka Kicińska’s attractive Lisbon paintings, <strong>the</strong> meditations on<br />
dreaming <strong>and</strong> human consciousness in Fern<strong>and</strong> Pessoa’s The Book Of Disquietude,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Azulejos Art exhibition, organised by <strong>the</strong> Institute of <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
<strong>and</strong> Ibero-American Studies of <strong>the</strong> University of Warsaw. However,<br />
<strong>the</strong> English captions under <strong>the</strong> Portuguese tiles shown in Pol<strong>and</strong>, alert us<br />
to <strong>the</strong> fact that interaction between <strong>the</strong> cultures of North <strong>and</strong> South-West<br />
<strong>Europe</strong> is perhaps possible in <strong>the</strong> language of Lord Byron, who in his<br />
Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage considered Sintra near Lisbon an earthly paradise,<br />
“glorious Eden”. The trials <strong>and</strong> tribulations of <strong>the</strong> explorers <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> sailors;<br />
Portugal’s picturesque location, which earned her a name “Atlantic<br />
beauty” in <strong>the</strong> speak of tourist advertising; <strong>the</strong> treasures of <strong>the</strong> Templars<br />
<strong>and</strong> all those delicacies from <strong>the</strong> vineyards <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rocky seaside have<br />
fascinated <strong>the</strong> Polish, inspiring <strong>the</strong>m to learn Portuguese <strong>and</strong> study Lusophone<br />
culture to a much greater extent than in <strong>the</strong> past.<br />
But are we going to fill <strong>the</strong> remaining lacuna with some coherent,<br />
sensible content?<br />
12 Free English translation from <strong>the</strong> manuscript by Agnieszka Kicińska offered to <strong>the</strong><br />
author of <strong>the</strong> present text, unpublished.<br />
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Portugal Stereotypes in Pol<strong>and</strong> 97<br />
In 1922 Walter Lippmann already observed in Public Opinion that<br />
“[…] modern life is hurried <strong>and</strong> multifarious, above all physical distance<br />
separates men who are often in vital contact with each o<strong>the</strong>r, such<br />
as employer <strong>and</strong> employee, official <strong>and</strong> voter. There is nei<strong>the</strong>r time nor<br />
opportunity for intimate acquaintance. Instead we notice a trait which marks<br />
a well known type, <strong>and</strong> fill in <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> picture by means of <strong>the</strong><br />
stereotypes we carry about in our heads” (Lippmann 1965: 59).<br />
These stereotypes or ‘pictures in our heads’ – which are increasingly<br />
attractive – begin to lead <strong>the</strong>ir own lives <strong>and</strong> replace <strong>the</strong> painstakingly recorded<br />
visions of literary work with colourful visual mirages. We interpret<br />
<strong>the</strong>m, as Lippmann suggested, depending on our point of view <strong>and</strong> our<br />
viewing habits. There is still a chance that we will become participants in<br />
or creators of Portuguese culture, instead of being mere observers. Because<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>, as Halina Janaszek-Ivaničkova has rightly points out,<br />
“[…] was associated with <strong>the</strong> West from <strong>the</strong> earliest times <strong>and</strong>, having<br />
a strong feeling of her own cultural distinctness based on latin culture,<br />
was never drawn into <strong>the</strong> spiritual sphere of Slavia Orthodoxa (Orthodox<br />
Slavdom), even in its later Soviet version (…)” (Janaszek-Ivaničkova<br />
2007: 12).<br />
This Polish feature does not necessarily prevent us from constructing<br />
a valid intercultural discourse between Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Portugal, which is<br />
still long away from finding a balanced view through a recontextualisation<br />
of Portuguese mythologems or <strong>the</strong> Lusitanian pictures in our heads.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Antunes, António Lobo (2002): Karawele wracają. Warsaw.<br />
Czerniewicz-Umer, Teresa et al. (2006): Polónia. Guia American Express. Porto.<br />
Dur<strong>and</strong>, Gilbert (2000): Imagens e Reflexos do Imaginário Português. Lisbon.<br />
Janaszek-Ivaničkova, Halina (Ed.) (2007): The Horizons of Contemporary<br />
SlavicComparative Literature Studies. Warsaw.<br />
Kalewska, Anna (Ed.) (2007): Historia Kultury Portugalii.Antologia tekstów pomocniczych<br />
dla studentów I roku portugalistyki w ISIiI UW [A History of Portugue-<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 97 31-01-2012 17:24:22
98 Anna Kalewska<br />
se Culture: An Anthology of Texts for First-Year Students of Portuguese Studies at<br />
<strong>the</strong> II <strong>and</strong> IbS UW]. Warsaw.<br />
Kalewska, Anna (2007): “Camões as a Romantic Hero: biography as<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘model for heroism’ in <strong>the</strong> literature of Romanticism in Pol<strong>and</strong>” in:<br />
Cieszyńska, Beata Elżbieta (Ed.), <strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>and</strong> Slavonic Cultures: Contact <strong>and</strong><br />
Comparison. Lisbon, 27-46.<br />
Lippmann, Walter (1965): “The World Outside <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pictures in Our<br />
Heads” in: Public Opinion. London, New York, 3-29.<br />
Milewska, Elżbieta (1991): Związki kulturalne i literackie polsko-portugalskie w<br />
XVI-XIX wieku. Warsaw.<br />
Mitosek, Zofia (1974): Literatura i stereotypy. Wrocław.<br />
Ossowski, Stanisław (1967): Z zagadnień psychologii społecznej. Warsaw.<br />
Pałęcka, Janina, Sobański, Oskar (1990): Porto, sardynka i fado. Kuchnia portugalska.Warsaw.<br />
Pawiński, Adolf (1881): Portugalia. Listy z podróży.Warsaw.<br />
Zielińska Danilewicz, Maria (1992): Próby przywołań. Szkice literackie. Warsaw.<br />
Internet Sources<br />
http://www.agnieszkakicinska.com<br />
http://www.atlantika.pl<br />
http://www.camoes.umcs.lublin.pl<br />
http://www.iberian-slavonic.org/Books<br />
http://www.iberystyka.uw.edu.pl<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 98 31-01-2012 17:24:22
The Portuguese Carnation Revolution in<br />
East-Germany’s Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong><br />
Introduction<br />
Jörg Seidel<br />
(Chemnitz University of Technology)<br />
The Portuguese Carnation Revolution of April 1974 was much<br />
lauded in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc for its apparent left-wing <strong>and</strong> Marxist orientation.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> revolution eventually led to <strong>the</strong> advent of democracy,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> early post-Estado Novo days it was not clear which path <strong>the</strong> country<br />
would take, especially since most of those involved in <strong>the</strong> coup d’état expressed<br />
views on <strong>the</strong> future development of <strong>the</strong> country that were commonly<br />
regarded as pro-Socialist or even Communist. The present paper<br />
will analyse <strong>and</strong> interpret <strong>the</strong> representation of <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution<br />
in <strong>the</strong> East-German state-run newspaper Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong>, as well as <strong>the</strong><br />
degree <strong>and</strong> influence of propag<strong>and</strong>a. The following questions are to be<br />
answered: What was <strong>the</strong> official opinion towards this change in Portugal’s<br />
political l<strong>and</strong>scape? How was <strong>the</strong> change-over appreciated by <strong>the</strong> government<br />
of <strong>the</strong> German Democratic Republic <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore represented<br />
in <strong>the</strong> media? What views were presented regarding Portuguese future<br />
development? Why was <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution of such interest in <strong>the</strong><br />
German Democratic Republic?<br />
The primary sources are Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> articles published between<br />
May <strong>and</strong> September 1974.<br />
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100 Jörg Seidel<br />
The Press in <strong>the</strong> German Democratic Republic<br />
As with any o<strong>the</strong>r part of society in <strong>the</strong> German Democratic<br />
Republic, 1 <strong>the</strong> press was under <strong>the</strong> total control of <strong>the</strong> one-party government.<br />
The Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschl<strong>and</strong>s 2 (German Socialist Unity<br />
Party) exercised strict supervision over all press releases. Although during<br />
<strong>the</strong> 1980s <strong>the</strong> church <strong>and</strong> private artists managed to print <strong>and</strong> publish<br />
underground Samizdat releases (Kowalczuk 2002), <strong>the</strong> state-controlled<br />
press was <strong>the</strong> most influential tool for conveying <strong>the</strong> official ideology of<br />
Marxist-Leninist doctrine. This was even more so during <strong>the</strong> 1970s, when<br />
any opposition voices were silenced ei<strong>the</strong>r by imprisonment or involuntary<br />
expulsion from <strong>the</strong> country (Meyer 1991). The Berlin-based Neues<br />
Deutschl<strong>and</strong> was <strong>the</strong> biggest <strong>and</strong> most important newspaper as it had <strong>the</strong><br />
most readers throughout <strong>the</strong> country, <strong>and</strong> was considered to be closest to<br />
<strong>the</strong> ruling party <strong>and</strong> its Zentralkomitee. It served as a direct point of communication<br />
between <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee <strong>and</strong> its readers. Assuming that <strong>the</strong><br />
press served a well-defined purpose in <strong>the</strong> GDR, 3 one can safely assume<br />
that <strong>the</strong> articles about <strong>the</strong> political situation in Portugal fall into <strong>the</strong> category<br />
of persuasive communication.<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> rule of thumb for press releases in <strong>the</strong> GDR, all<br />
articles were intended to educate <strong>and</strong> inform <strong>the</strong> reader about <strong>the</strong>ir subject-matter<br />
in <strong>the</strong> manner wished for by <strong>the</strong> government. As in any o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc country, <strong>the</strong>re was no neutral coverage of national or international<br />
events.<br />
The coverage of critical events that were of great political importance<br />
<strong>and</strong> of international reach was especially scrutinised by Zentralkomitee<br />
watchdogs (Holzweißig 1991). The means of control were installed in <strong>the</strong><br />
very early stages after <strong>the</strong> founding of <strong>the</strong> GDR, <strong>and</strong> functioned so as to<br />
guarantee harmony between <strong>the</strong> official st<strong>and</strong>point <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> press coverage<br />
(Politbureau Resolution, SED Zentralkomitee, 29 April 1959, printed in: Hermann<br />
1963). Discrepancies between interpretations were to be avoided,<br />
<strong>and</strong> great efforts were made in order to achieve this. Press releases were<br />
designed to be in concurrence with <strong>the</strong> official Marxist-Leninist state doctrine<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> state ideology (Ludz 1977: 231-282).<br />
1 In <strong>the</strong> following referred to as GDR.<br />
2 In <strong>the</strong> following referred to as SED.<br />
3 For <strong>the</strong> purpose of supporting <strong>and</strong> streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>the</strong> SED-regime, see Schlosser 1990.<br />
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The Portuguese Carnation Revolution in East-Germany´s Neues Deustschl<strong>and</strong> 101<br />
The persuasive intention of coverage comes in different guises, as<br />
it is subject to a number of rules that determine its chances of success<br />
(Kopperschmidt 1976). Open <strong>and</strong> unbiased arguments do not have to refrain<br />
from measures typical for persuasive communication such as: onesided<br />
presentation of facts; strong emphasis on certain aspects of <strong>the</strong><br />
news <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> omission of facts, <strong>the</strong>refore providing an incomplete picture<br />
(Tappe 2001). Although <strong>the</strong> above methods were manifold, <strong>the</strong>y almost<br />
certainly provoked a critical awareness among readers, <strong>the</strong>refore undermining<br />
its own reliability as a means of persuasion. GDR press releases<br />
were known to be biased among <strong>the</strong> GDR population. 4 As a general rule<br />
press coverage in <strong>the</strong> GDR depended on rules <strong>and</strong> guide-lines set out by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee, <strong>and</strong> was never free from ideological restrictions. Instead<br />
it was an exact reflection of <strong>the</strong> official stance as communicated by <strong>the</strong><br />
Zentralkomitee. In <strong>the</strong> example highlighted by this paper <strong>the</strong> following has<br />
to be kept in mind: statements made about <strong>the</strong> political situation in Portugal<br />
during <strong>the</strong> spring <strong>and</strong> summer of 1974 are not <strong>the</strong> opinions of independent<br />
correspondents (Grashoff / Muth 2000), but are premeditated<br />
statements intended to convey a certain image to <strong>the</strong> readers of <strong>the</strong> Neues<br />
Deutschl<strong>and</strong> newspaper (Otto 1979). Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore one must not consider<br />
all of <strong>the</strong> articles’ content as having been censored <strong>and</strong> approved by Zentralkomitee<br />
officials.<br />
The Portuguese Carnation Revolution<br />
Before beginning an analysis of <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> articles it may<br />
be helpful to provide a short overview (Birmingham 2003; Anderson<br />
2000) of <strong>the</strong> order of events which took place in Portugal in spring 1974,<br />
<strong>and</strong> today are commonly referred to as <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution. 5<br />
4 This resulted in <strong>the</strong> growing popularity of West-German TV despite <strong>the</strong> ban on receiving<br />
it on GDR territory.<br />
5 The role of <strong>the</strong> carnation during <strong>the</strong> revolution in Portugal in April 1974 is subject to<br />
a number of different narratives. The tale that is agreed upon by most is that during <strong>the</strong><br />
course of events on 25 April 1974, when <strong>the</strong> situation in Lisbon was ra<strong>the</strong>r uncertain,<br />
women who worked in <strong>the</strong> market place selling flowers began to put carnations into <strong>the</strong><br />
barrels of <strong>the</strong> rifles of passing soldiers. This is said to have spread until at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong><br />
day <strong>the</strong> large majority of revolutionary soldiers had carnations in <strong>the</strong>ir equipment. Thence<br />
came <strong>the</strong> name of what happened in Portugal in April 1974: <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution.<br />
The flower has long been a sign of peace <strong>and</strong> non-violence.<br />
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102 Jörg Seidel<br />
The Portuguese Carnation Revolution toppled <strong>the</strong> Caetano government<br />
<strong>and</strong> laid <strong>the</strong> foundations for <strong>the</strong> democratic development that Portugal<br />
was about to undergo. Military personnel who were appalled by <strong>and</strong><br />
opposed to <strong>the</strong> bloody colonial wars in <strong>the</strong> African colonies of Mozambique<br />
<strong>and</strong> Angola met for <strong>the</strong> first time on 9 September 1973 to discuss<br />
<strong>the</strong> state of <strong>the</strong> nation. This meeting resulted in a document signed by 400<br />
active, high-ranking officers expressing <strong>the</strong> view that measures needed to<br />
be taken in order to improve <strong>the</strong> state of <strong>the</strong> nation <strong>and</strong>, as a logical consequence,<br />
<strong>the</strong> colonial wars had to be concluded with a full retreat from <strong>the</strong><br />
colonies. In early March 1974 ano<strong>the</strong>r meeting took place where a constitutional<br />
programme was drafted named ‘The Movement, <strong>the</strong> Military <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Nation’. This requested <strong>the</strong> abolition of <strong>the</strong> colonial wars <strong>and</strong> called<br />
for <strong>the</strong> government to accept <strong>the</strong>se political dem<strong>and</strong>s. The government<br />
reacted immediately <strong>and</strong> transferred a number of <strong>the</strong> officers involved<br />
in order to break up <strong>the</strong> group. During <strong>the</strong> next weeks <strong>the</strong> Movimento das<br />
Forças Armadas 6 (Movement of Armed Forces) developed plans for a coup<br />
d’état <strong>and</strong> deliberately provided misinformation about a political demonstration<br />
on 2 May. At <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>ir political dem<strong>and</strong>s were developed<br />
<strong>and</strong> completed. The MFA called for <strong>the</strong> abolition of censorship, <strong>the</strong><br />
dissolution of <strong>the</strong> secret police PIDE <strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> right to foundpolitical<br />
parties, among o<strong>the</strong>r dem<strong>and</strong>s. The plan of operation included <strong>the</strong> concentration<br />
of troops loyal to <strong>the</strong> MFA in Lisbon, <strong>the</strong> take-over of TV <strong>and</strong><br />
radio stations, of <strong>the</strong> airport, of <strong>the</strong> military head-quarters <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> arrest<br />
of president Caetano <strong>and</strong> his ministers. During <strong>the</strong> night of 24-25 April<br />
1974 <strong>the</strong> MFA played two previously forbidden songs on <strong>the</strong> radio. These<br />
songs had been chosen to signal <strong>the</strong> start of <strong>the</strong> revolution. Everything<br />
went according to plan <strong>and</strong> most of its elements had successfully been<br />
fulfilled by midday of 25 April. By <strong>the</strong> evening <strong>the</strong> MFA controlled <strong>and</strong><br />
had kept in check <strong>the</strong> country. General Spínola, whose <strong>the</strong>oretical work<br />
had laid <strong>the</strong> foundation for <strong>the</strong> revolution, but who was not actively involved<br />
in <strong>the</strong> operation, attempted to take-over events <strong>and</strong> to dominate<br />
<strong>the</strong> ensuing discussions about how to continue. He <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> right-wing<br />
officers did not accept <strong>the</strong> MFA’s dem<strong>and</strong> to give up <strong>the</strong> colonial wars <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>refore provoked a fur<strong>the</strong>r radicalization of <strong>the</strong> MFA whose members,<br />
traumatised by <strong>the</strong> war, had developed a strict anti-imperialist stance in<br />
stark contrast to Spínola.<br />
6 To be referred to as MFA in <strong>the</strong> following discussion.<br />
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During <strong>the</strong> next three months <strong>the</strong> political fight between General<br />
Spínola <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> MFA continued over how to proceed. A number of different<br />
political groups, among <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> Communist <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Socialist Parties,<br />
participated <strong>and</strong> attempted to succeed in <strong>the</strong> power struggle. Half<br />
a year later General Spínola stepped back from all his positions <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
MFA promised that democratic elections were to be held in April 1975.<br />
It would actually take ano<strong>the</strong>r two years before <strong>the</strong> first truly democratic<br />
elections were held in April 1976. These resulted in a stable government<br />
under President Mário Soares. The driving force of <strong>the</strong> revolution in April<br />
1974, <strong>the</strong> MFA consisted of a number of different interest groups who<br />
supported a broad range of political points of view. Some wanted to install<br />
a democratic system following <strong>the</strong> western <strong>Europe</strong>an model; o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />
wanted to continue <strong>the</strong> revolution, dispossess l<strong>and</strong> owners <strong>and</strong> install autonomous<br />
communities. In summary, <strong>the</strong> overthrow of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship<br />
would not have occurred if it had not been for <strong>the</strong> MFA.<br />
The Carnation Revolution from <strong>the</strong> Perspective of <strong>the</strong> GDR<br />
The Carnation Revolution was of special interest to <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee<br />
for a number of reasons. First <strong>and</strong> foremost it was <strong>the</strong> first time in<br />
<strong>Europe</strong> since 1945 that a right-wing regime had been overthrown. Given<br />
<strong>the</strong> self-proclaimed left-wing viewpoint of <strong>the</strong> GDR, <strong>and</strong> its solidarity<br />
with <strong>the</strong> suppressed people of <strong>the</strong> world, <strong>the</strong> apparent concurrence of<br />
events with predictions about <strong>the</strong> political development of <strong>the</strong> world according<br />
to <strong>the</strong> state ideology of Marxism-Leninism was most welcome.<br />
Secondly, <strong>the</strong> revolution was peaceful. Finally <strong>the</strong>re were no major external<br />
forces involved. These points set <strong>the</strong> parameters of interpretation<br />
as <strong>the</strong>y enabled <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee to side with <strong>the</strong> revolutionary forces<br />
<strong>and</strong> use <strong>the</strong> revolution for ideological purposes. However problems arose.<br />
Taking into account <strong>the</strong> universal claim of official Marxist-Leninist doctrine<br />
(Ludz 1977) it was assumed that <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution adhered<br />
to <strong>the</strong> pattern described by Marxism-Leninism. According to Marx, any<br />
revolution bringing about a system change towards communism could<br />
only be based on <strong>the</strong> revolutionary mission of <strong>the</strong> working class <strong>and</strong> be<br />
executed by <strong>the</strong> working class. The doctrine held that only <strong>the</strong> working<br />
class had sufficient motivation to bring about such a change. Marx’s assumption<br />
was later altered by Lenin who said that <strong>the</strong> working class would<br />
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104 Jörg Seidel<br />
not be <strong>the</strong> revolutionary force, <strong>and</strong> that instead it would be <strong>the</strong> so-called<br />
‘elite’ of <strong>the</strong> working class: <strong>the</strong> party. This alteration of <strong>the</strong> rule enabled<br />
him to take into account that <strong>the</strong>re are social movements in favour of<br />
<strong>the</strong> working class that do not need <strong>the</strong> support of <strong>the</strong> working class. The<br />
driving force of <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution was <strong>the</strong> Movement of Armed<br />
Forces, as has been already outlined. Members of <strong>the</strong> army were not considered<br />
part of <strong>the</strong> working class by Marxist-Leninist definition, belonging<br />
instead to <strong>the</strong> bourgeois class <strong>and</strong> serving as tools for <strong>the</strong> suppression<br />
of <strong>the</strong> working class. Although <strong>the</strong> MFA followed a leftist orientation,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir actions contradicted Marxist-Leninist doctrine as <strong>the</strong>y could not be<br />
explained by revolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory. Bearing this in mind, one should recognise<br />
<strong>the</strong> problems of <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee in interpreting what had happened<br />
in Portugal in April 1974. The fact that a western <strong>Europe</strong>an quasi-Fascist<br />
regime had been overthrown in a military coup d’état posed a number<br />
of problems for <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee. Firstly, <strong>the</strong> incongruence with official<br />
doctrine, which could not provide a sufficient explanation for <strong>the</strong> role<br />
<strong>and</strong> involvement of <strong>the</strong> military forces. Secondly, <strong>the</strong> question arose of<br />
how to communicate <strong>the</strong> military coup to <strong>the</strong> people in a way that did not<br />
threaten <strong>the</strong> universal claim of <strong>the</strong> Marxist-Leninist state doctrine. Thirdly,<br />
<strong>the</strong> stance adopted towards a highly dynamic situation that might have<br />
had positive results, as it may have proved what Marxist-Leninist doctrine<br />
stated: that any political revolution in a capitalist country will inevitably<br />
lead to a socialist or even a communist society. Yet <strong>the</strong>re remained <strong>the</strong> risk<br />
that <strong>the</strong> situation in Portugal could turn around <strong>and</strong> expose that doctrine<br />
as wrong <strong>and</strong> untruthful.<br />
The Carnation Revolution in <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong><br />
The articles published on Portugal in <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> in 1974<br />
reflect <strong>the</strong> fear that events in Portugal might take an unexpected turn.The<br />
coup d’état in Portugal took place on 25 April. Yet <strong>the</strong> first reference in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> to what had happened in Portugal can be found in<br />
<strong>the</strong> issue of 4 May. There had been a delay of ten days before <strong>the</strong> state-run<br />
press in <strong>the</strong> GDR devoted an article to <strong>the</strong> event. When looking at <strong>the</strong> type<br />
of article one cannot help but notice that it is a form of special press release,<br />
<strong>and</strong> by definition not even an article. The issue of 4 May reproduced<br />
two telegrams from Berlin to Lisbon: one addressed to <strong>the</strong> Communist<br />
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Party, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong> Socialist Party. They are almost identical in content.<br />
The telegram to <strong>the</strong> Partido Comunista Português 7 (Portuguese Communist<br />
Party), signed by First Secretary of <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee Erich Honecker, is<br />
addressed to <strong>the</strong> General Secretary <strong>and</strong> ‘Dear Comrade’ Álvaro Cunhal.<br />
Honecker sends bro<strong>the</strong>rly salutes <strong>and</strong> best wishes on <strong>the</strong> occasion of <strong>the</strong><br />
over-throw of <strong>the</strong> fascist regime by <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people <strong>and</strong> “[…] its<br />
seasoned Communist Party which had fought so hard” (ND, 4.5.74) for<br />
this. It is important to note that Honecker refers to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people<br />
<strong>and</strong> its party, thus following <strong>the</strong> doctrine of Marxism-Leninism that <strong>the</strong><br />
elite of <strong>the</strong> working class, <strong>the</strong> party, is <strong>the</strong> revolutionary driving force. He<br />
continues to express his “[…] satisfaction that <strong>the</strong> anti-fascist, democratic,<br />
progressive <strong>and</strong> patriotic forces have taken this opportunity to lead <strong>the</strong><br />
country to <strong>the</strong> path of democracy <strong>and</strong> social development” (ND, 4.5.74).<br />
The next mention of <strong>the</strong> revolution in Portugal is in <strong>the</strong> issue of 19<br />
May. The Freier Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund 8 (Free German Federation of<br />
Trade Unions) is reported to have sent a greetings telegram on behalf of<br />
its approximately 8 million members to <strong>the</strong> free Portuguese trade unions.<br />
It expresses “its heart-felt congratulations on <strong>the</strong> successful overthrow<br />
of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship” <strong>and</strong> “wishes all <strong>the</strong> best for <strong>the</strong> development of <strong>the</strong><br />
country” (ND, 19.5.74). The chair of <strong>the</strong> FDGB is quoted acknowledging<br />
that this “important event in Portuguese history was <strong>the</strong> result of<br />
<strong>the</strong> sacrificial struggle of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese workers, anti-fascists, patriots<br />
<strong>and</strong> democrats” (ND, 19.5.74). The introduction to <strong>the</strong> article is in <strong>the</strong><br />
same vain as that of 4 May, although in this case it is <strong>the</strong> trade unions<br />
sending salutes to <strong>the</strong> comrades in <strong>the</strong> class struggle. By <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> Neues<br />
Deutschl<strong>and</strong> had not revealed any details on what had occured during <strong>the</strong><br />
revolution, nor had <strong>the</strong>re been any in-depth coverage of events. The only<br />
information that readers of <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> could obtain was from<br />
<strong>the</strong> reproductions of <strong>the</strong> telegrams sent to Portugal. These telegrams are<br />
perfect examples of <strong>the</strong> propag<strong>and</strong>a discourse in <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong>.<br />
The excessive use of Marxist-Leninist keywords is as telling as <strong>the</strong> absence<br />
of any information. The overall tone of <strong>the</strong> telegrams is very official <strong>and</strong><br />
repeats Marxist-Leninist doctrine with regard to revolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory, as<br />
it acknowledges <strong>the</strong> protagonists (<strong>the</strong> PCP, <strong>the</strong> socialist party, all “workers,<br />
anti-fascists, patriots <strong>and</strong> democrats”) but deliberately does not men-<br />
7 In <strong>the</strong> following referred to as PCP.<br />
8 To be referred to as FDGB from this point forward.<br />
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tion <strong>the</strong> MFA, which actually implemented <strong>the</strong> revolution. This was not<br />
enough to warrant an appearance in <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> articles.<br />
The MFA was deliberately left out because <strong>the</strong> role it played did<br />
not adhere to Marxist-Leninist principles, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore coverage would<br />
provoke questions among <strong>the</strong> readers. Due to <strong>the</strong> omni-presence of <strong>the</strong><br />
doctrine <strong>the</strong>re was no tolerance for any divergence from <strong>the</strong> rules it set.<br />
Therefore <strong>the</strong> MFA’s role was not officially acknowledged in <strong>the</strong> press<br />
releases of <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong>. A third article appeared on 9 June. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> main quotes <strong>the</strong> Avante newspaper, which was close to <strong>the</strong> PCP. The<br />
article features <strong>the</strong> first in-depth explanation of <strong>the</strong> political situation in<br />
Portugal. However it was not independent, nor does it provide an objective,<br />
neutral opinion. Instead it describes <strong>the</strong> PCP point of view with regard<br />
to <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> future of Portugal. It acknowledges <strong>the</strong> “[…]<br />
programme of <strong>the</strong> MFA in order to remove fascism <strong>and</strong> to prepare free<br />
elections” (ND, 9.6.74) yet it says that solutions for <strong>the</strong> great problems of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation cannot be provided by <strong>the</strong> current government alone. Continuing<br />
it states that “it is not enough to strive for <strong>the</strong> democratic ideal” but<br />
that <strong>the</strong> movement of <strong>the</strong> people needs to “enforce efforts to organize itself<br />
” (ND, 9.6.74). That is Marxist-Leninist jargon meaning in translation<br />
that <strong>the</strong> PCP has to assume power over <strong>the</strong> country. The Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong><br />
uses <strong>the</strong> expression “movement of <strong>the</strong> people” (ND, 9.6.74) to denote<br />
<strong>the</strong> working class. According to <strong>the</strong> doctrine, <strong>the</strong> elite of <strong>the</strong> working class<br />
is <strong>the</strong> driving force behind any progress, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> elite can only be <strong>the</strong><br />
Communist Party, i.e. <strong>the</strong> PCP. Following this reasoning, no democratic<br />
alliance would be able to truly change <strong>the</strong> country, or to introduce progressive<br />
measures to improve <strong>the</strong> situation, because it consists of a broad<br />
range of people with different interests, united for <strong>the</strong> time being by <strong>the</strong><br />
rejection of <strong>the</strong> old fascist regime. Due to country’s political plurality an<br />
alliance could never solve <strong>the</strong> great problems at h<strong>and</strong>. This could only be<br />
achieved by <strong>the</strong> PCP as it is <strong>the</strong> only group representing <strong>the</strong> working class,<br />
<strong>the</strong> majority of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people. This article in <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong><br />
conveys <strong>the</strong> impression that <strong>the</strong> results of April are in danger because<br />
Portugal appears to be drifting off in <strong>the</strong> wrong direction, away from <strong>the</strong><br />
true revolution which would place <strong>the</strong> working class <strong>and</strong> its elite, <strong>the</strong> PCP,<br />
in charge of <strong>the</strong> country. The article ends by saying that for <strong>the</strong> time being<br />
<strong>the</strong> working class will have to accept <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>and</strong> co-operate with <strong>the</strong><br />
MFA, but that democratic forces but must not make <strong>the</strong> mistake of letting<br />
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<strong>the</strong> situation get out of h<strong>and</strong>. From an outsider’s perspective one has to<br />
question whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> PCP ever had <strong>the</strong> situation under <strong>the</strong>ir control. After<br />
all, it was only one of <strong>the</strong> groups who participated in <strong>the</strong> shaping of a new<br />
political l<strong>and</strong>scape after April 1974. However, it never was as powerful as<br />
<strong>the</strong> coverage of <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> attempted to suggest. On 10 June<br />
a short article revealed that <strong>the</strong> provisional government of Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> USSR had established diplomatic ties based on <strong>the</strong> UN Charter <strong>and</strong><br />
in favour of <strong>the</strong> “[…] streng<strong>the</strong>ning of peace <strong>and</strong> security in <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
in order to increase cooperation in <strong>Europe</strong>” (ND, 10.6.74). The article<br />
also announced <strong>the</strong> dispatch of ambassadors to <strong>the</strong> respective partners.<br />
The incorporation of <strong>the</strong> USSR into <strong>the</strong> coverage was very important,<br />
since it served as <strong>the</strong> undisputed political role model in almost every aspect<br />
of international relations. During <strong>the</strong> early years of <strong>the</strong> Honecker era<br />
(Meyer 1991) <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee supported any foreign policy arrangement<br />
<strong>the</strong> USSR ventured into <strong>and</strong> adhered to <strong>the</strong> rules set by <strong>the</strong> USSR for <strong>the</strong><br />
entire <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc. Straying away from <strong>the</strong> course set by <strong>the</strong> USSR was<br />
not an option for <strong>the</strong> GDR. 9<br />
In 1974 <strong>the</strong> USSR represented a fixed point of political orientation,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> establishment of diplomatic ties was not to be omitted<br />
from news coverage regarding Portugal in <strong>the</strong> summer of 1974. On 11<br />
June an article appeared under <strong>the</strong> title “The voice <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard-bearer of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese workers” (ND, 11.6.74). Written by special correspondent<br />
Dr. Klaus Steininger, 10 it introduces <strong>the</strong> fellow political organ Avante <strong>and</strong><br />
its history as an underground resistance paper now freed from suppression<br />
<strong>and</strong> ready to “participate in <strong>the</strong> everlasting fight for freedom” (ND,<br />
11.6.74).<br />
The author quotes extensively from interviews with important<br />
Avante officials <strong>and</strong> tells <strong>the</strong> story of <strong>the</strong> fight against <strong>the</strong> regime <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
sacrifices of those who had worked hard to continue <strong>the</strong> illegal publications<br />
of <strong>the</strong> PCP. In general tone it is a eulogy of <strong>the</strong> PCP <strong>and</strong> its work<br />
in overthrowing <strong>the</strong> regime. Yet, it does not mention <strong>the</strong> MFA <strong>and</strong> unilaterally<br />
promotes PCP <strong>and</strong> Avante resistance fighters as fit to continue <strong>the</strong><br />
transformation of Portugal into a communist nation.<br />
9 Only <strong>the</strong> advent of Perestroika in <strong>the</strong> early 1980s under Gorbachev caused Honecker<br />
to pursue a political line of greater independence from <strong>the</strong> USSR <strong>and</strong> of greater rigour<br />
<strong>and</strong> severity.<br />
10 It is important to note that this article was <strong>the</strong> first to include <strong>the</strong> name of <strong>the</strong> author.<br />
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108 Jörg Seidel<br />
This article also demonstrates <strong>the</strong> same signs of a biased focus on<br />
<strong>the</strong> PCP <strong>and</strong> its environment, as those which preceded it. The coverage<br />
continued in <strong>the</strong> same vein. An overview of <strong>the</strong> titles of <strong>the</strong> press releases<br />
which followed during <strong>the</strong> next four months should prove this point:<br />
“Diplomatic relations between GDR <strong>and</strong> Portugal agreed upon ” (ND,<br />
20.6.74), “GDR-ambassador accredited” (ND, 9.8.74), “‘Avante’: danger<br />
<strong>and</strong> trust” (ND, 28.8.74), “Portuguese diplomat welcomed in Ministry of<br />
Foreign Affairs” (ND, 5.9.74), “‘Avante’: counter-revolutionaries need to<br />
be stopped” (ND, 28.9.74), “‘Avante’: resolutely continuing to walk <strong>the</strong><br />
path” (ND, 5.10.74). As can be seen, <strong>the</strong> Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> largely drew<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> Avante newspaper as a source of information <strong>and</strong> copied <strong>the</strong><br />
content of its press-releases. It should not be forgotten that <strong>the</strong> Neues<br />
Deutschl<strong>and</strong> was a propag<strong>and</strong>a tool <strong>and</strong> its readers were not supposed to be<br />
informed but to be indoctrinated. The Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> used a number of<br />
different strategies for this purpose. As has been shown, Marxist-Leninist<br />
doctrine was omni-present in <strong>the</strong> articles <strong>and</strong> was employed in order to<br />
place events into perspective. The first reaction to <strong>the</strong> revolution appeared<br />
after a delay of ten days <strong>and</strong> only printed <strong>the</strong> telegram sent by Honecker<br />
to <strong>the</strong> PCP <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Socialist Party. There was no information given on<br />
exactly what had happened. The second reaction, ano<strong>the</strong>r five days later,<br />
was a short report on <strong>the</strong> telegram <strong>the</strong> FDGB had sent to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
unions, congratulating <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> successful overthrow of <strong>the</strong> regime.<br />
Again, <strong>the</strong>re was no information about what had happened. These first<br />
two articles only served to confirm <strong>the</strong> connection between those groups<br />
that were considered like-minded: <strong>the</strong> leftist parties <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> unions. The<br />
telegrams <strong>the</strong>mselves were not particularly informative; <strong>the</strong>y consisted<br />
mostly of Marxist-Leninist catch-phrases familiar to <strong>the</strong> readers of <strong>the</strong><br />
Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong>. Only on 19 May Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> printed an article that<br />
provided some information. However, this release also reinforced <strong>the</strong> impression<br />
that <strong>the</strong> PCP was <strong>the</strong> sole agent of <strong>the</strong> interests of <strong>the</strong> working<br />
class, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r groups were tolerated but not accepted.<br />
From <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee perspective <strong>the</strong> regulation of <strong>the</strong> press coverage<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Carnation Revolution was inevitable. Coverage had to<br />
maintain <strong>the</strong> validity of <strong>the</strong> official Marxist-Leninist state doctrine. Therefore,<br />
coverage was one-sided <strong>and</strong> in favour of <strong>the</strong> PCP <strong>and</strong> its environment,<br />
rewarding it with <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> force which single-h<strong>and</strong>edly over-<br />
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The Portuguese Carnation Revolution in East-Germany´s Neues Deustschl<strong>and</strong> 109<br />
threw <strong>the</strong> regime; dismissing <strong>the</strong> MFA <strong>and</strong> stripping it of <strong>the</strong> merit it had<br />
earned as <strong>the</strong> actual protagonist of <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />
Summary<br />
Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> was not able to provide its readers with information<br />
free of propag<strong>and</strong>a. Anything written on <strong>the</strong> subject was heavily<br />
charged with Marxist-Leninist doctrine. The intention of <strong>the</strong> press <strong>and</strong><br />
media in <strong>the</strong> GDR was clearly defined as supporting <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee <strong>and</strong><br />
to uphold <strong>the</strong> values set by state doctrine. As with any o<strong>the</strong>r topic that<br />
appeared in <strong>the</strong> news, <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution was also presented in <strong>the</strong><br />
light of Marxism-Leninism. The problems inherent to this doctrine when<br />
covering <strong>the</strong> events in Portugal, which became apparent to <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee<br />
officials during spring <strong>and</strong> summer of 1974, were solved with <strong>the</strong><br />
help of tried <strong>and</strong> tested strategies of deliberate misinformation (Lüdtke<br />
1997).<br />
Events <strong>and</strong> background information were not presented in an objective<br />
<strong>and</strong> comprehensive manner, but were manipulated <strong>and</strong> censored. The<br />
reader was not provided with an extensive representation of <strong>the</strong> events<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir background, but only with <strong>the</strong> bare minimum of information.<br />
Today it is almost impossible to pinpoint exactly <strong>the</strong> persons responsible<br />
for this. The great majority of press releases cannot be traced<br />
to individual journalists; instead <strong>the</strong>y appeared without naming <strong>the</strong> author.<br />
Today research can only resort to to previous findings (Traumann 1971):<br />
intricate measures were taken to ensure that <strong>the</strong> press media followed instructions<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Zentralkomitee <strong>and</strong> could be depended upon as firm<br />
support for <strong>the</strong> GDR political system.<br />
H<strong>and</strong>-picked students of journalism had to undergo rigorous training<br />
in order to be allowed to work in <strong>the</strong> media sector. The GDR regime<br />
created an unbroken chain of comm<strong>and</strong> to make sure that Zentralkomitee<br />
guidelines were passed on to <strong>the</strong> journalists <strong>and</strong> would finally reach <strong>the</strong><br />
reader.<br />
The coverage of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Carnation Revolution serves as<br />
an example of how <strong>the</strong> official Zentralkomitee st<strong>and</strong>point was conveyed to<br />
readers, <strong>and</strong> how <strong>the</strong> representation of Portuguese events in <strong>the</strong> releases<br />
of Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> was steeped in Marxist-Leninist state doctrine.<br />
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110 Jörg Seidel<br />
Bibliography<br />
Primary sources:<br />
Neues Deutschl<strong>and</strong> (ND), Berlin (Ost)<br />
Date of issue Name of Article<br />
4 May 1974 “Telegram to Alvaro Cunhal, telegram to <strong>the</strong> Socialist Party,<br />
by Erich Honecker”<br />
19 May 1974 “Telegram to Portuguese Trade Unions, by FDGB”<br />
9 June 1974 “’Avante’”<br />
10 June 1974 “Diplomatic relations between USSR <strong>and</strong> Portugal”<br />
11 June 1974 “The voice <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard-bearer of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese workers”<br />
20 June 1974 “Diplomatic relations between GDR <strong>and</strong> Portugal agreed upon”<br />
9 August 1974 “GDR-ambassador accredited”<br />
28 August 1974 “’Avante’: danger <strong>and</strong> trust”<br />
5 September 1974 “Portuguese diplomat welcomed in Ministry of Foreign<br />
Affairs”<br />
28 September 1974 “’Avante’: counter-revolutionaries need to be stopped”<br />
5 October 1974 “’Avante’: resolutely continuing to walk <strong>the</strong> path”<br />
Secondary Sources:<br />
Anderson, James M. (2000): The history of Portugal. Westport.<br />
Birmingham, David (2003): A concise history of Portugal. Cambridge.<br />
Grashoff, Eberhard / Muth, Rolf (Eds.) (2000): Drinnen vor der Tür. Berlin.<br />
Hermann, E. M. (1963): Zur Theorie und Praxis der Presse in der sowjetischen<br />
Besazungszone Deutschl<strong>and</strong>s. Berlin.<br />
Holzweißig, Gunter (1991): DDR-Presse unter Parteikontrolle. Bonn.<br />
Kopperschmidt, Josef (1976): Allgemeine Rhetorik. Stuttgart.<br />
Kowalczuk, Ilko-Sascha (Ed.) (2002): Freiheit und Öffentlichkeit. Politischer<br />
Samisdat in der DDR 1985-1989. Berlin.<br />
Ludz, Christian (1977): Ideologiebegriff und marxistische Theorie. Opladen.<br />
Lüdtke, Alf / Becker, Peter (Eds.) (1997): Akten. Eingaben. Schaufenster. Die<br />
DDR und ihre Texte. Berlin.<br />
Meyer, Gerd (1991): Die DDR-Machtelite in der Ära Honecker. Tübingen.<br />
Otto, Elmar Dieter (1979): Nachrichten in der DDR. Köln.<br />
Schlosser, Horst Dieter (1990): Die deutsche Sprache in der DDR. Köln.<br />
Tappe, Silke (2001): Formelhaftigkeit in der Sprache. Wiesbaden.<br />
Traumann, Gudrun (1971): Journalistik in der DDR. Berlin.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 110 31-01-2012 17:24:23
Leszek Kołakowski’s Scepticism<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Age of Suspicion<br />
Luís Machado de Abreu<br />
(University of Aveiro)<br />
“The jester’s philosophy always has <strong>the</strong> same role: it reveals <strong>the</strong><br />
shakiness of <strong>the</strong> seemingly unshakeable <strong>and</strong> casts doubt on <strong>the</strong> seemingly<br />
certain; it exposes <strong>the</strong> contradictions of <strong>the</strong> seemingly obvious, <strong>the</strong><br />
self-evident, <strong>the</strong> incontrovertible; it ridicules accepted common sense <strong>and</strong><br />
discovers truths in absurdities.”<br />
Leszek Kołakowski<br />
“Le scepticisme pose le doute comme moment indépassable de la<br />
pensée, non au sens où il scellerait sa mort, mais en le désignant comme<br />
son origine autant que son horizon, condition des émergences et résurgences<br />
à travers lesquelles elle se métamorphose sans fin. ”<br />
Frédéric Cossuta<br />
Introduction<br />
Throughout <strong>the</strong> history of philosophy scepticism has appeared in<br />
many guises. In <strong>the</strong> quest for truth <strong>the</strong> sceptical attitude is <strong>the</strong> daughter<br />
of disenchantment <strong>and</strong> despair, as it was fated to fall into contradiction,<br />
behaving as <strong>the</strong> bearer of <strong>the</strong> certainty when nothing is absolutely certain.<br />
In order to be coherent scepticism must remain completely silent. Scepti-<br />
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112 Luís Machado de Abreu<br />
cal interpretations share common ground in denying <strong>the</strong> existence of a<br />
pedagogical dimension. They refuse to cast doubt over any positive meaning,<br />
ignoring for instance <strong>the</strong> fact that doubt is a tool that lucidity resorts<br />
to when critically approaching knowledge of reality. Leszek Kołakowski<br />
(born in 1927) never intended to be part of <strong>the</strong> history of scepticism,<br />
let alone to confirm <strong>the</strong> place of sceptical scepticism in <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory of<br />
knowledge. Notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing this, he rehabilitated <strong>the</strong> sceptical attitude<br />
<strong>and</strong> included it as a positive component in many of <strong>the</strong> different fields of<br />
philosophical reflection.<br />
The thread of scepticism that crosses his works adds a tone of wisdom,<br />
leading a critical awareness to <strong>the</strong> heart of absolute scientific, political,<br />
religious <strong>and</strong> philosophical beliefs. Thanks to his attitude of permanent<br />
<strong>and</strong> universal vigilance, Kołakowski practices a rationalist form of<br />
analysis <strong>and</strong> criticism that is always open to any problems that may arise in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ory <strong>and</strong> social practice. This latter feature explains <strong>the</strong> value this author<br />
attaches to what goes on in everyday life, <strong>and</strong> one could apply <strong>the</strong> subtitle<br />
of one of his books Essays on everyday Life to a great part of his work. This<br />
also reveals <strong>the</strong> ethical aspect of his philosophical analysis of individual<br />
behaviour <strong>and</strong> of life in society. His studies respond to <strong>the</strong> challenges of<br />
responsibility that emerge in diverse situations. The sceptical element of<br />
this combative thinker’s work cannot be fully understood if one does not<br />
relate it to <strong>the</strong> political experience endured by post-war Pol<strong>and</strong> under <strong>the</strong><br />
communist regime.<br />
The following account documents <strong>the</strong> lucid <strong>and</strong> persistent ways of<br />
someone who experienced at first h<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘captive mind’, 1 <strong>and</strong> is still trying<br />
to come to terms with it. Of <strong>the</strong> many different <strong>the</strong>mes in Kołakowski´s<br />
work where sceptical tension st<strong>and</strong>s out I will discuss <strong>the</strong> following: <strong>the</strong><br />
search for certitude in Husserl, Pascal’s ‘sad’ religion, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> connection<br />
between scepticism <strong>and</strong> mysticism.<br />
The texts on <strong>the</strong>se topics demonstrate how <strong>the</strong> Polish philosopher<br />
transcends <strong>the</strong> borders of his mo<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong> long before he leaves it for political<br />
reasons, <strong>and</strong> how he interacts with <strong>the</strong> works <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> testimonials<br />
of existence where some of <strong>the</strong> greatest voices of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an spirit are<br />
ga<strong>the</strong>red.<br />
1 Ano<strong>the</strong>r Polish dissident, Czeslaw Milosz, provides an account of <strong>the</strong> many forms of<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘captive mind’ - thought governed by <strong>the</strong> centralizing power of <strong>the</strong> Party - in La Pensée<br />
captive. Essai sur les logocraties populaires (1953).<br />
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Leszek Kolakowski’s Scepticism in <strong>the</strong> Age of Suspicion 113<br />
Husserl <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Search for Certitude<br />
Husserl <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Search for Certitude (Kołakowski 1983) is <strong>the</strong> title of<br />
a series of lectures given in Yale, in February 1974. One might think<br />
that this is ano<strong>the</strong>r study on a subject that has been well-documented as<br />
present in all of Husserl’s complex work. However it is not one of those<br />
studies.<br />
The Polish philosopher does not want to be a Husserl expert <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ories of Husserlian phenomenology do not interest him a great<br />
deal. He does not even conceal his belief that phenomenology is a method<br />
in need of continuous improvement <strong>and</strong> that will never be put into effective<br />
practice. The major obsession of Husserl’s tireless <strong>and</strong> thorough spirit<br />
was to argue resolutely against sceptics <strong>and</strong> relativists, <strong>and</strong> to discover <strong>the</strong><br />
unshakable foundations of knowledge. Kołakowski’s view of this founding<br />
objective is direct, clear, <strong>and</strong> final.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 20 th century Husserl was <strong>the</strong> philosopher who continued <strong>the</strong><br />
search for <strong>the</strong> ultimate goal of human knowledge, but he did not reach it.<br />
The major question left unanswered must <strong>the</strong>refore be an enquiry as to<br />
<strong>the</strong> reason for <strong>the</strong> failure of that objective <strong>and</strong>, as Kołakowski believes,<br />
<strong>the</strong> answer is that failure was inevitable. That answer can be found in <strong>the</strong><br />
history of <strong>the</strong>ories of knowledge, particularly after <strong>the</strong> advent of modernity.<br />
The philosophers’ pursuit of certitude consistently encountered difficulties<br />
which fall into two main categories: <strong>the</strong> vicious circle <strong>and</strong> transcendental<br />
consciousness. Submerged in an ocean of universal doubt,<br />
where all knowledge drowns, <strong>the</strong> subject can only find certitude if it imposes<br />
itself through evidence. For Descartes, <strong>the</strong> validation of <strong>the</strong> criteria<br />
for accepting evidence supposes <strong>the</strong> existence of God. It so happens,<br />
however, that Descartes’ proof of <strong>the</strong> existence of God is based upon<br />
<strong>the</strong> same criteria of evidence. This circularity destroys <strong>the</strong> logic of <strong>the</strong><br />
much-sought after proof of <strong>the</strong> certainty of knowledge. We may <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> why Descartes is considered a promoter of scepticism. In<br />
<strong>the</strong> history of modern thought, <strong>the</strong> Cartesian principle of doubt prevailed<br />
over his intended contribution to <strong>the</strong> establishment of truth <strong>and</strong> certitude.<br />
The transcendental consciousness outlined by Husserl results from a<br />
process of reduction or, in simple terms, from <strong>the</strong> reality <strong>and</strong> substance of<br />
<strong>the</strong> subject. At <strong>the</strong> end of this process only <strong>the</strong> transcendental ‘I’ remains<br />
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114 Luís Machado de Abreu<br />
as a guarantor of knowledge, a pure vessel for <strong>the</strong> universe mensages <strong>and</strong><br />
for <strong>the</strong> psychological ‘I’ whose reality dissolves in pure consciousness.<br />
At stake was <strong>the</strong> discovery of <strong>the</strong> foundations of <strong>the</strong> universal validation<br />
of logical thought. The attempts to locate <strong>the</strong>se foundations in<br />
empirical reality proved to be unsuccessful. That was <strong>the</strong> path followed<br />
by psychologism, specifically its interpretation of <strong>the</strong> laws of logic, which<br />
was an abstraction of <strong>the</strong> empirical psychological processes. Because Husserl<br />
considered psychologism to be a threat to <strong>Europe</strong>an philosophical<br />
culture, for it subverted <strong>the</strong> autonomy <strong>and</strong> universality of logical thought,<br />
he tried hard to show that it was self-contradictory <strong>and</strong> fed scepticism.<br />
In order to overcome <strong>the</strong> flaws of psychologism <strong>and</strong> all empiracl compromises,<br />
Husserl developed a programme of pure logic; a logic whose<br />
universal value results only from its own categories.<br />
The core of this logic was to be founded upon an original insight<br />
that satisfies two conditions: that <strong>the</strong> ‘I’ was to be independent from <strong>the</strong><br />
psychological subject, <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> objects presented <strong>the</strong>mselves as universal<br />
truths. The fulfilment of this objective was to be <strong>the</strong> responsibility<br />
of <strong>the</strong> epoché <strong>and</strong> transcendental reduction, maintaining in suspension all<br />
things concerning worldly existence <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> subject’s historical <strong>and</strong> psychological<br />
reality. In this way, one reaches a form of act without actor, in<br />
which absolute knowledge is reached because it is empty of reality, which<br />
has to be regarded as cunning fiction.<br />
However, according to Kołakowski, Husserl’s arguments were not<br />
<strong>the</strong> decisive factor in <strong>the</strong> failure of discovering <strong>the</strong> foundations of truth<br />
<strong>and</strong> certitude. In <strong>the</strong> outcome greater emphasis was placed upon <strong>the</strong> relativist<br />
tendencies of western culture, which have explored <strong>the</strong> meaning <strong>and</strong><br />
universal value of intellectual st<strong>and</strong>ards, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> overall relevance of <strong>the</strong><br />
concept of truth.<br />
To <strong>the</strong> successive trends of relativist authors, we can add <strong>the</strong> Popperian<br />
<strong>the</strong>ory of falsifiability, which argues that it is possible to determine<br />
what is false, but not to establish what is true.<br />
Pascal’s Sad Religion<br />
Pascal’s encounters with Pyrrhonism, as in Entretien avec M. de Sacy,<br />
do not draw Kołakowski’s attention. Instead he focuses upon what <strong>the</strong> author<br />
of Pensées has to say that is radically contrary to scepticism. Pyrrhon-<br />
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Leszek Kolakowski’s Scepticism in <strong>the</strong> Age of Suspicion 115<br />
ism is embraced by Pascal with clarity <strong>and</strong> naturally, as a pagan doctrine,<br />
it had to be placed at <strong>the</strong> service of <strong>the</strong> Word of Christ. By revealing <strong>the</strong><br />
extent to which human reason is incapable of safely reaching <strong>the</strong> knowledge<br />
of truth, <strong>the</strong> extreme frailty of humanity is ultimately uncovered.<br />
Here, Pascal demonstrates a degree of scepticism but he is not satisfied<br />
with that. For him scepticism is nothing more than a deconstructive stage<br />
which has to be included in a wider question: <strong>the</strong> meaning <strong>and</strong> destiny of<br />
human existence <strong>and</strong> its relations with nature.<br />
The contribution of <strong>the</strong> sceptical school to <strong>the</strong> existential problem<br />
of humanity’s presence in <strong>the</strong> world is to demonstrate epistemologically<br />
that humankind alone does not have <strong>the</strong> rational means to solve that problem.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> role attributed to scepticism reflects a peculiar perception<br />
that reality turns life <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> world into something unreal, illusory<br />
<strong>and</strong> without substance.<br />
Pascal admits truth to ano<strong>the</strong>r dimension, around which he bases<br />
his entire discourse, but it does not depend at all on <strong>the</strong> forces of humanity<br />
<strong>and</strong> its ability to aquire knowledge. It is <strong>the</strong> dimension of faith, <strong>the</strong><br />
pure gift of grace h<strong>and</strong>ed down by God. This alternative point of view<br />
links <strong>the</strong> fragments collected in Pensées, in which <strong>the</strong> author addresses <strong>the</strong><br />
sceptics <strong>and</strong> all those experiencing doubt, placing at <strong>the</strong>ir disposal <strong>the</strong><br />
elements of a defence of <strong>the</strong> Christian faith. Doubt-proof truth, that no<br />
effort of intelligence or ability can ever guarantee, can only be found in<br />
<strong>the</strong> gift of faith.<br />
Only faith allows us to avoid <strong>the</strong> threat of misery, error <strong>and</strong> illusion<br />
in which man lives, in his guilty <strong>and</strong> sinful condition. Only those chosen<br />
by divine grace can be freed from <strong>the</strong> sinful <strong>and</strong> guilty condition shared<br />
by all humankind.<br />
Once here, questions <strong>and</strong> hints of uncertainty reoccur, once <strong>the</strong><br />
dramatic dimension of religious consciousness is reintroduced to deal<br />
face to face with <strong>the</strong> experience of faith in Pascal’s Augustinian-Jansenist<br />
world. In this world, where divine justice judges <strong>the</strong> guilty man, it is <strong>the</strong><br />
very nature of justice that becomes incomprehensible.<br />
We find no reason or criteria whatsoever to make it underst<strong>and</strong>able<br />
to us, except <strong>the</strong> will of God. In <strong>the</strong> eyes of faith everything is subject to<br />
<strong>the</strong> unfathomable mysteries of divine salvation. However, because divine<br />
justice applies to <strong>the</strong> eternal <strong>and</strong> temporal aspects of worldly existence,<br />
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116 Luís Machado de Abreu<br />
this incomprehensibility affects every aspect of human experience. On <strong>the</strong><br />
plane of inquisitive intelligence, where Kołakowski st<strong>and</strong>s, Pascalian faith<br />
deserves respect as a source of global meaning, certitude <strong>and</strong> guidance for<br />
believers.<br />
However, in dealing with believers <strong>and</strong> non-believers alike, humans<br />
cannot comprehend how it can make sense. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> cycle of sceptical<br />
investigation starts over again, ga<strong>the</strong>ring <strong>the</strong> doubtful questions which<br />
Pascal failed to provide an answer to. Can a man be sure of belonging to<br />
those elected to receive <strong>the</strong> gift of grace? If so, how can he be sure that it<br />
is not self-delusion? Assuming that someone is certain of living in faith,<br />
can he convince o<strong>the</strong>rs of this, <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> content of his belief is true?<br />
Because it is an intimate way of relating to God, faith is not recognised as<br />
an unshakable certainty by any institution.<br />
Therefore, Kołakowski stated that Pascal’s religion was intended for<br />
those capable of st<strong>and</strong>ing in endless suspense <strong>and</strong> uncertainty on <strong>the</strong> only<br />
serious matter (Kołakowski 1997: 259). Although faith promises <strong>the</strong> bliss<br />
of a meeting with God, that br<strong>and</strong> of uncertainty renders Pascal’s religion<br />
a ‘sad religion’.<br />
Scepticism <strong>and</strong> mysticism<br />
Among <strong>the</strong> religious phenomena studied by Kołakowski, over a<br />
wide range of <strong>the</strong>matic contexts, we encounter a form of intellectual fascination<br />
with <strong>the</strong> mystical lifestyle <strong>and</strong> its language. It is underst<strong>and</strong>able,<br />
for instance, that Kołakowski identifies connections between <strong>the</strong> attitude<br />
of mystics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> intellectual methods of <strong>the</strong> sceptics in dealing with<br />
knowledge.<br />
In both cases <strong>the</strong>re is, a more pragmatic use of language, in which<br />
words describe everyday situations <strong>and</strong> communicate with o<strong>the</strong>rs in a<br />
practical way, aiming at a harmonious management of life. For <strong>the</strong> mystics<br />
it is not so much <strong>the</strong> intention of transmitting <strong>the</strong>ological knowledge that<br />
determines <strong>the</strong> use of language, but more <strong>the</strong> willingness to lead o<strong>the</strong>rs to<br />
experience faith, <strong>and</strong> to worship <strong>and</strong> praise God.<br />
Mystics value <strong>the</strong> inner experience of being at one with God more<br />
than <strong>the</strong>y value speeches explaining what we think we know of Him. Part<br />
of <strong>the</strong> attitude of <strong>the</strong> sceptic is caution about <strong>the</strong> pretension of obtaining<br />
ultimate <strong>and</strong> certain knowledge, for he finds no reason to be interested in<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 116 31-01-2012 17:24:23
,<br />
,<br />
Leszek Kolakowski’s Scepticism in <strong>the</strong> Age of Suspicion 117<br />
higher skills than those necessary for <strong>the</strong> management of a humble life.<br />
Bearing in mind <strong>the</strong> limitations of language, <strong>and</strong> assessing <strong>the</strong> validity of<br />
<strong>the</strong> discourse with caution, what truly makes sense for both <strong>the</strong> mystic <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> sceptic is silence.<br />
However, silence never seems to be a continuous practice or such<br />
an obvious procedure that it finds itself excused from justification. The<br />
recourse to arguments to explain <strong>the</strong> adoption of epistemological caution<br />
makes <strong>the</strong> contradictions of <strong>the</strong> sceptical attitude even more apparant.<br />
Despite declaring itself unable to establish certainties, it makes an effort<br />
to obtain <strong>and</strong> justify <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
A similar thing occurs with mysticism, in that <strong>the</strong> inconceivable nature<br />
of <strong>the</strong> one <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> multiple is existentially supersed in <strong>the</strong> unifying<br />
experiences of <strong>the</strong> mystic. Transposing that experience to <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ological<br />
discourse opens <strong>the</strong> doors to many questions <strong>and</strong> uncertainties that are<br />
capable of feeding <strong>the</strong> doubt of <strong>the</strong> sceptic. We are forgetting one crucial<br />
difference. Whereas <strong>the</strong> sceptic is not sure of anything, <strong>the</strong> mystic lives in<br />
<strong>the</strong> most perfect of certainties, his unifying encounter with God. We must<br />
not forget, however, that this belief is of a purely practical nature; from<br />
an epistemological point of view it does not enjoy a more solid foundation<br />
than <strong>the</strong> non-certainty of <strong>the</strong> sceptic. It is clear that in both situations<br />
<strong>the</strong> organisation of everyday life, for <strong>the</strong> sceptic <strong>and</strong> mystic alike, is not<br />
concerned with epistemology or philosophical speculation.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r aspect of mystical experience assimilated by Kołakowski’s<br />
philosophical attitude is his awareness of <strong>the</strong> limitations of language to<br />
express reality objectively.<br />
The limitations of verbal communication demonstrate <strong>the</strong> impossibility<br />
of reaching <strong>the</strong> absolute, ultimate <strong>and</strong> final certainty about what<br />
we know. In speaking of God mystical language constantly uses paradox,<br />
asserting <strong>and</strong> denying at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong> categories that we use to account<br />
of our experience in <strong>the</strong> world. We are before a dialectic movement<br />
which, by proximity, reduces ignorance but never assures us possession of<br />
absolute knowledge. One can underst<strong>and</strong> now what Kołakowski meant<br />
when stating that:<br />
“[…] thanks to a coincidence in opposites (coincidentia oppositorum),<br />
one verifies that <strong>the</strong> mystic <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> sceptic are twin bro<strong>the</strong>rs at <strong>the</strong><br />
epistemological level.” (Kołakowski 1985: 181)<br />
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118 Luís Machado de Abreu<br />
Orestes’ Lesson<br />
The debate that surrounds <strong>the</strong> meaning of rationalism is among <strong>the</strong><br />
most significant aspects of Kołakowski’s sceptical outlook, especially its<br />
positivist version.<br />
There is a presupposed belief in positivist rationalism in what it<br />
defends, <strong>and</strong> in what it omits. Under <strong>the</strong> pretext of possessing unwavering<br />
epistemological legitimacy, positivist rationalism comprises a great deal of<br />
intolerance <strong>and</strong> dogmatism.<br />
The pretentiousness of possessing absolute truth places it at <strong>the</strong><br />
same level as any o<strong>the</strong>r form of belief or faith. The nature of <strong>the</strong> epistemological<br />
absolute on which it is based matters little. It can be cogito,<br />
revelation, pure phenomena, sensorial perception, or everyday life. In<br />
every case <strong>the</strong> surrender before an absolute st<strong>and</strong>s out as truly important,<br />
as a boundary beyond which we cannot go. Because of this Kołakowski<br />
feels entitled to talk about <strong>the</strong> “irrationality of positivist rationalism”<br />
(Kołakowski 1970: 75).<br />
Kołakowski proposes <strong>the</strong> emancipation of rationalism, as argued by<br />
Kant <strong>and</strong> his Aufklärung, regarding it as way out of <strong>the</strong> ‘self-imposed state<br />
of tutelage’ of which man is guilty. This does not mean that Kołakowski<br />
accepts <strong>the</strong> Kantian system as a whole. He accepts it from a <strong>the</strong>oretical<br />
point of view <strong>and</strong> for its agenda of liberation from a dogmatic sleep. He<br />
does not support Kant’s political views, for he believes that <strong>the</strong>y represent<br />
a contradiction, resulting in <strong>the</strong> lessening of Man. On this subject, <strong>and</strong><br />
without any hesitation, he states that<br />
“[…] whoever declares himself follower of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>sis of God’s existence,<br />
conscious of his statement’s irrationality but compelled by an inner<br />
need he does not wish to resist, that is, not accepting <strong>the</strong> existence of<br />
God in <strong>the</strong>ory, but embracing it as a practical postulate of consciousness<br />
or as wishful object, highlights its weakness in ano<strong>the</strong>r ideological plane.<br />
He shows he is not able to accept <strong>the</strong> true situation of man in <strong>the</strong> world,<br />
not able to leave his childhood…” (Kołakowski 1970: 92)<br />
The intellectual battle fought by Kołakowski was not against rationalism.<br />
He only rebelled against its reasoning at <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical <strong>and</strong> practical<br />
levels, because such reasonings did not radically assume <strong>the</strong> intention<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 118 31-01-2012 17:24:23
Leszek Kolakowski’s Scepticism in <strong>the</strong> Age of Suspicion 119<br />
to destroy <strong>the</strong> idea of absolute at those levels. In this context both <strong>the</strong><br />
language of science, canonised by logical empiricism, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Absolute,<br />
to which <strong>the</strong> religious man is devoted in a different way, are unworthy of<br />
radical reasoning.<br />
In deconstructing all forms of rationalism, where a fixation with<br />
epistemological absolutes can be largely mistaken for ideologically-based<br />
irrationalism, whe<strong>the</strong>r religious or lay, <strong>the</strong> search for a rationalism capable<br />
of doubting everything, of facing life, society <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> world as problematic<br />
realities, of assuming an attitude of permanent criticism, is in action.<br />
It is not a matter of arbitrarily establishing doubt for <strong>the</strong> sake of doubt;<br />
disregarding everyday existence as if judgement of things <strong>and</strong> situations<br />
were no longer possible. That is not <strong>the</strong> issue.<br />
“By doubting, rationalism dem<strong>and</strong>s discipline in doubt, without<br />
wanting to turn discipline into metaphysics; <strong>the</strong> same way, it is not going<br />
to give a metaphysical dimension to <strong>the</strong> act of doubting. Rationalism dem<strong>and</strong>s<br />
that <strong>the</strong>re would be no point of view recognized with any validation<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r than a temporary one” (Kołakowski 1970: 95).<br />
One cannot ab<strong>and</strong>on intellectual subordination without decision,<br />
firmness <strong>and</strong> a persistent commitment. The consequence of this process<br />
is traumatic: matricide.<br />
The tragic figure of Orestes represents <strong>the</strong> conflict that we must<br />
face <strong>and</strong> triumph over. At stake is <strong>the</strong> conviction that man should be led<br />
by reason <strong>and</strong> that reason alone should guide him through <strong>the</strong> world <strong>and</strong><br />
life.<br />
Orestes is censured <strong>and</strong> pursued by <strong>the</strong> gods for having committed<br />
matricide, defying ancient divine laws. He is also censured, accused <strong>and</strong><br />
condemned by men. Orestes explains himself to <strong>the</strong> gods <strong>and</strong> to men, offerring<br />
explanations that justify his actions in his opinion.<br />
Nei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> absolute of <strong>the</strong> will of <strong>the</strong> gods, nor <strong>the</strong> absolute of<br />
man’s opinion, stop Orestes from maintaining <strong>the</strong> course of thought that<br />
is dictated by his own reason.<br />
Taken before <strong>the</strong> judges at <strong>the</strong> Areopagus, who rule against him,<br />
he manages to gain <strong>the</strong> vote of <strong>the</strong> goddess A<strong>the</strong>na <strong>and</strong> is acquitted. Although<br />
this acquittal does not save him from <strong>the</strong> huge suffering he went<br />
through, at least it makes that suffering mortal. Instead of being an end<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 119 31-01-2012 17:24:23
120 Luís Machado de Abreu<br />
point, <strong>the</strong> tale is a purifying symbol of <strong>the</strong> struggle <strong>and</strong> effort that will always<br />
accompany <strong>the</strong> task of overcoming <strong>the</strong> subjugation of reason.<br />
It is in this sense that “Orestes’ legend gives us <strong>the</strong> right explanation for<br />
what we underst<strong>and</strong> as radical rationalism.<br />
A rationalism that only apparently is a critique of all absolute exterior<br />
to man. Its essential content is, in fact, self-critique” (Kołakowski 1970: 113).<br />
It is a matter of pulling man out of conformity with static situations <strong>and</strong><br />
a conservative attitude, <strong>and</strong> to awake in him <strong>the</strong> liberty <strong>and</strong> creativity he bears.<br />
When placed before <strong>the</strong> conflicts <strong>and</strong> contradictions of existence, as an<br />
individual <strong>and</strong> citizen, no matter how high <strong>the</strong> values in conflict are, no matter<br />
how valid <strong>and</strong> respectable <strong>the</strong> litigating motivations seem to be, Orestes must<br />
judge <strong>and</strong> decide using his own heart <strong>and</strong> head. If <strong>the</strong>re are gods to comfort<br />
him, like A<strong>the</strong>na <strong>and</strong> Apollo, toge<strong>the</strong>r with some mortals who support <strong>the</strong><br />
same line of deliberation, all <strong>the</strong> better.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> final decision is not for <strong>the</strong>m to make, <strong>the</strong> choice will<br />
always belong to Orestes. As we can see, <strong>the</strong> major narratives of <strong>the</strong> last centuries<br />
that contain a certain belief in humanity’s triumphal march towards<br />
universal happiness, are completely absent from Kołakowski’s thought.<br />
The dominant tone of his analysis of doctrines, beliefs <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
movements, is negative. Instead of engaging passionately with <strong>the</strong>ir propositions,<br />
he persistently questions <strong>the</strong>m, uncovering <strong>the</strong>ir flaws <strong>and</strong> inconsistencies.<br />
The result is not defeatism but <strong>the</strong> demolition of great certainties.The<br />
void of absolute truths is filled by <strong>the</strong> choice of small truths, which results<br />
in a philosophical way of life, characterized by paying attention to <strong>the</strong> most<br />
ordinary things in everyday life, <strong>and</strong> what we may call <strong>the</strong> social function of<br />
inconsequence.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> late 1950’s <strong>the</strong> Polish philosopher elaborateed upon this function<br />
in a highly ironic essay entitled “In Praise of inconsequence”. After all, if <strong>the</strong><br />
principle of consequence were to be always put into practice, we would hardly<br />
survive.<br />
The obligation to respect <strong>the</strong> life of one’s neighbour, expressed in <strong>the</strong><br />
comm<strong>and</strong>ment “Thou shall not kill”, is still valid even if a soldier defending<br />
his country regards himself to be killing in order to survive.<br />
Therefore, when facing a conflict of values “<strong>the</strong> breed of inconsequent<br />
men will remain one of mankind’s main sources of hope to carry on living”<br />
(Kołakowski 1970: 271).<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 120 31-01-2012 17:24:23
ys<br />
or<br />
or<br />
).<br />
d<br />
rs.<br />
an<br />
er<br />
st<br />
rt<br />
he<br />
ill<br />
nds<br />
al<br />
sin-<br />
he<br />
lts<br />
st<br />
f<br />
n<br />
he<br />
ly<br />
he<br />
g<br />
nt<br />
g”<br />
Leszek Kolakowski’s Scepticism in <strong>the</strong> Age of Suspicion 121<br />
The provocative tone of “In Praise of Inconsequence” is superceded<br />
by <strong>the</strong> author’s adoption of <strong>the</strong> jester’s philosophy in “The Priest<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jester” (Kołakowski 2004: 239-262), an essay of roughly <strong>the</strong> same<br />
period. If <strong>the</strong> priest is <strong>the</strong> guardian of <strong>the</strong> absolute, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> jester is <strong>the</strong><br />
man who, through doubt, questions all evidence.<br />
The jester unmasks <strong>the</strong> solemn <strong>and</strong> definitive appearance of <strong>the</strong><br />
certainties that nourish all orthodoxies, investigating <strong>the</strong> reasons for which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are established <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons behind <strong>the</strong>ir insufficiencies <strong>and</strong><br />
weaknesses.<br />
He practices <strong>the</strong> dialectic method, refusing to accept a static <strong>and</strong><br />
definitive world, <strong>and</strong> making an effort to analyse its contradictions, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong>y can be overcome.<br />
In terms of 20 th century philosophical thinking Kołakowski represents<br />
a form of sic et non intelligence, cultivating an underst<strong>and</strong>ing of opposites,<br />
which he weaves into his intricate analysis, never giving in to <strong>the</strong><br />
temptation to identify in those opposites <strong>the</strong> semblance of a coincidence,<br />
or to provide a definitive claim.<br />
Much of that which is debated on a strictly <strong>the</strong>oretical plane ends up<br />
coexisting in practical reasoning <strong>and</strong> everyday life.<br />
The most dem<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>and</strong> rigorous queries made by this rationalistbased<br />
philosopher are nurtured by <strong>the</strong> never-ending challenge posed by<br />
myth, <strong>the</strong>ology <strong>and</strong> mysticism.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> age of suspicion Kołakowski’s pedagogical scepticism, more<br />
than a game of deception, proclaims <strong>the</strong> strength of critical reason <strong>and</strong><br />
canonises vigilant citizenship.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Kołakowski, Leszek (2004): The Two Eyes of Spinoza <strong>and</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r Essays on<br />
Philosophers. South Bend, Indiana.<br />
---- (1999): Freedom, Fame, Lying, <strong>and</strong> Betrayal: Essays on Everyday Life. New<br />
York.<br />
---- (1997): Dieu ne nous doit rien. Brève remarque sur la religion de Pascal et l’esprit<br />
du jansénisme. Paris.<br />
---- (1985): Philosophie de la Religion. Paris.<br />
---- (1983): Husserl y la búsqueda de certeza. Madrid.<br />
---- (1970): El hombre sin alternativa. Sobre la posibilidad e imposibilidad de ser<br />
marxista. Madrid.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 121 31-01-2012 17:24:23
122 Luís Machado de Abreu<br />
Milosz, Czeslaw (1953): La Pensée captive. Essai sur les logocraties populaires.<br />
Paris.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 122 31-01-2012 17:24:24
Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions,<br />
Space of Appearances<br />
Olga Roussinova / Kirill Titaev<br />
(<strong>Europe</strong>an University at St. Petersburg)<br />
The aim of this paper is to describe <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard interpretations of<br />
Portugal in <strong>the</strong> Russian segment of Internet <strong>and</strong> to set <strong>the</strong> stage for possible<br />
future research in which <strong>the</strong> logic of everyday history <strong>and</strong> everyday<br />
geography in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Russia will be compared.<br />
RuNet as Source of Information<br />
Specialists believe that <strong>the</strong> World Wide Web is too wide <strong>and</strong> amorphous<br />
to enable any effective research on its material. Yet <strong>the</strong> Russian<br />
Internet is a special case that permits us to exclude RuNet from that<br />
commonly-held opinion. Firstly, with its use of Cyrillic it is possible to<br />
distinguish RuNet from <strong>the</strong> non-Cyrillic Web. In this regard technical limitations<br />
make Russian segments of <strong>the</strong> Internet sufficiently homogenous.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore <strong>the</strong> internet is used widely throughout <strong>the</strong> countries of <strong>the</strong><br />
former USSR. In <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> Russian Federation, more than 25% of<br />
its population use <strong>the</strong> internet (29.4 million for <strong>the</strong> autumn of 2007), <strong>the</strong><br />
majority coming from Moscow, St.-Petersburg <strong>and</strong> surrounding area (13.7<br />
million).<br />
They are mostly senior students <strong>and</strong> employed people (up to 44<br />
years old) with a good educational background (48% <strong>and</strong> 36% corre-<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 123 31-01-2012 17:24:24
124 Olga Roussinova / Kirill Titaev<br />
spondingly, in comparison with o<strong>the</strong>r users in <strong>the</strong> region) (FOM 2007).<br />
The average RuNet user is a person of active age <strong>and</strong> highly educated,<br />
with special needs <strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>s particular to <strong>the</strong> developed regions of <strong>the</strong><br />
great cities <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir surrounding areas.<br />
What information on Portugal can this contemporary Russian user<br />
find in RuNet? How does <strong>the</strong> user imagine Portugal <strong>and</strong> how are <strong>the</strong>se<br />
images represented in RuNet? And finally, by what means are those stereotypes<br />
established as opposed to o<strong>the</strong>rs?<br />
Portugal <strong>and</strong> Russia: Background<br />
What is <strong>the</strong> motive for examining <strong>the</strong> image held by one country of<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r? Firstly, it is important in studies of neighbouring countries (Russia-Finl<strong>and</strong>,<br />
Russia-China, etc.); it is also necessary for countries that are<br />
economic partners (Russia-Germany, Russia-India, etc.) (Bothwell 1992);<br />
finally, it is helpful for studies of historical unions (Russia-Kazakhstan).<br />
In <strong>the</strong>se cases <strong>the</strong> main context of <strong>the</strong>ir relationships determines <strong>the</strong> need<br />
for research.<br />
Yet, <strong>the</strong> mutual image of distant countries is often ignored. However,<br />
that image of a far away imaginary relationship helps us to underst<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> principles of <strong>the</strong> vision itself in its pure form.<br />
Research, Aims <strong>and</strong> Methods<br />
The research aims are extremely simple. Firstly, we will pick out<br />
contexts relevant for <strong>the</strong> topic of discussion. We will <strong>the</strong>n focus upon <strong>the</strong><br />
stereotypes that exist in <strong>the</strong>se contexts.<br />
We define a context as a field producing social meaning. For example<br />
it could be <strong>the</strong> fields of tourism or economics.<br />
A stereotype is <strong>the</strong> consistent image presented within a context. For<br />
example Chinese diligence <strong>and</strong> capacity for work has become a stereotype<br />
in <strong>the</strong> context of Chinese migration.<br />
It is important to note that preconceptions (stereotypes) only obtain<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir meaning in a specific context, <strong>and</strong> that one image may have different<br />
interpretations.<br />
For example, in <strong>the</strong> context of tourism <strong>the</strong> Indian people are regarded<br />
as naive <strong>and</strong> ‘wise children of <strong>the</strong> Orient’. But in <strong>the</strong> context of<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 124 31-01-2012 17:24:24
Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions, Space of Appearances 125<br />
economic partnerships <strong>the</strong>y have ano<strong>the</strong>r reputation: ‘<strong>the</strong>y are very bad<br />
workers’.<br />
That is why we take cross-context stereotypes into account; we examine<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir meaning in different contexts.<br />
The best method to select <strong>and</strong> study texts, which we will adopt, is<br />
<strong>the</strong> grounded <strong>the</strong>ory developed by Glaser, Strauss <strong>and</strong> Corbin (Glaser /<br />
Strauss 1967, 1990). We have settled on this because it enables us to work<br />
with heterogeneous material. One can say against it that web-publications<br />
do not seem to be so different but we must remember that today <strong>the</strong> space<br />
of <strong>the</strong> web is so developed, that it offers all forms of communication.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> web has already become a medium of publication<br />
<strong>and</strong> it does not determine <strong>the</strong> genre of publication. Besides, <strong>the</strong> aim of<br />
grounded <strong>the</strong>ory is not so much to explain social reality but to underst<strong>and</strong> it.<br />
We will deal with two samples generated in two different ways.<br />
Firtsly, in order to determine existing contexts we analysed 100<br />
sources named as <strong>the</strong> most popular by <strong>the</strong> Google <strong>and</strong> Y<strong>and</strong>ex web search<br />
engines in <strong>the</strong> Russian-speaking area of <strong>the</strong> internet. In order to examine<br />
<strong>the</strong> basic stereotypes, we <strong>the</strong>n picked out 30 texts at r<strong>and</strong>om – one from<br />
each of <strong>the</strong> 10 titles among <strong>the</strong> first 300 links. It is clear that here we cannot<br />
make a detailed quantitative analysis of <strong>the</strong> ways in which contexts<br />
are realised as well as <strong>the</strong> contexts <strong>the</strong>mselves. One may consider each<br />
description to be a form of pilot case study (Yin 1984).<br />
The Main Contexts <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ways by Which <strong>the</strong>y are Realised<br />
The Popular contexts mentioned below condition general perceptions<br />
of Portugal. Less popular but no less integral contexts also exist, which<br />
are worthy of brief mention. For example, professional contexts such as<br />
societies specially devoted to Portuguese language studies, or societies of<br />
economists dealing with <strong>the</strong> problems of partnership.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong>y occur in RuNet in such a small number that each<br />
could be understood as a separate case <strong>and</strong> nothing more. We also had<br />
good reasons to eliminate web sites with student papers devoted to Portugal<br />
from our investigation.<br />
It is clear that <strong>the</strong>se papers are not meant to be read but are intended<br />
to receive a grade; <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong>y do not give any valuable information for<br />
people who are interested in Portugal.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 125 31-01-2012 17:24:24
126 Olga Roussinova / Kirill Titaev<br />
Tourism in Portugal<br />
The context of Portugal as a country in dem<strong>and</strong> for tourists is clearly<br />
set in Russian Internet 2 (RuNet). In <strong>the</strong> first case it is produced by professional<br />
promotions <strong>and</strong> advertising.<br />
Official discourse exists side by side with personal tourist experiences,<br />
which we will not take into consideration but leave for future research.<br />
We also leave <strong>the</strong> very interesting comparison between <strong>the</strong> image<br />
of Portugal <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> images of o<strong>the</strong>r tourist destinations.<br />
What are <strong>the</strong> elements of <strong>the</strong> virtual image of Portugal in <strong>the</strong><br />
context of tourism? In RuNet <strong>the</strong> country is principally represented as<br />
a country of entertainment <strong>and</strong> sightseeing. Descriptions on web sites<br />
adopt <strong>the</strong>se stereotypes, that set out <strong>the</strong> image of Portugal in Russia. It<br />
is important to note that <strong>the</strong> information given by different tourist agencies<br />
usually contains <strong>the</strong> same pictures <strong>and</strong> words. One can find <strong>the</strong>m<br />
constantly repeated from one web-site to ano<strong>the</strong>r. It is not important who<br />
became <strong>the</strong> first plagiarist, but today this method of spreading information<br />
about Portugal has obviously become st<strong>and</strong>ard practice. For example,<br />
one can find <strong>the</strong> same map in <strong>the</strong> first 10 web pages that mention <strong>the</strong><br />
word Portugal. As for current stereotypes, <strong>the</strong> first among <strong>the</strong>m is a tourist<br />
infrastructure. It is <strong>the</strong> easiest way to represent Portugal as a country that is<br />
comfortable for tourists.<br />
This stereotype is not about descriptions of hotels, or of possible<br />
excursions. Instead it is a general belief in a tourist infrastructure – universal,<br />
general <strong>and</strong> used as a term. One can find it in <strong>the</strong> first 5 web sites<br />
of tourist agencies, in <strong>the</strong> first lines, even if <strong>the</strong> texts do not replicate one<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
It provides <strong>the</strong> image of a country that is generally comfortable for tourism<br />
without any specificity, <strong>and</strong> it seems to be <strong>the</strong> most important of <strong>the</strong><br />
images that have been created. Immediately after <strong>the</strong>se sentences we are<br />
told that Portugal is a provincial country, almost a non-<strong>Europe</strong>an country, a<br />
country on <strong>the</strong> edge of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
The image of a narrow piece of l<strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> very edge of <strong>Europe</strong> migrates<br />
from one electronic text to ano<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>and</strong> this image should be recognised<br />
as a key point.<br />
2 Portugal does not actually play a major role in <strong>the</strong> Russian tourism market, for example,<br />
<strong>the</strong> four greatest tourist operators do not suggest tours to Portugal.<br />
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Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions, Space of Appearances 127<br />
We are presented with a country of our dreams which, from <strong>the</strong><br />
point of view of a tourist, contains all <strong>the</strong> positive features of ancient <strong>Europe</strong><br />
(history, architecture, cuisine, culture <strong>and</strong> civilisation) but without its<br />
negative aspects (industrial or post-industrial civilisation).<br />
As for cuisine, it has stable representations <strong>and</strong> detailed descriptions,<br />
always with certain examples. The attention is usually focused upon<br />
seafood. Web sites suggest cuisine as a form of a supplement, or an additional<br />
bonus, to <strong>the</strong> main benefits of Portugal (which are provinciality <strong>and</strong><br />
ocean). Port wine is an important element of Portugal’s image. It is represented<br />
in such a way that one can hardly find special information: <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
not a list of <strong>the</strong> varieties, or <strong>the</strong> days of wine tasting. As well <strong>the</strong>re is also<br />
no comparison with similar wines from Greece or Taurida. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<br />
<strong>the</strong> visitors to <strong>the</strong>se Russian web sites are not told that this wine first<br />
acquired its popularity among <strong>the</strong> British <strong>and</strong> later became fashionable<br />
throughout <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Ignoring <strong>the</strong>se facts, all information about port wine is limited to<br />
general references to it <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> origins of its name. Therefore, port<br />
wine is a stereotype per se, a purely textual image that has nothing in common<br />
with real wine, or with Portugal ei<strong>the</strong>r. The ocean, toge<strong>the</strong>r with<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r natural beauties, plays <strong>the</strong> most important role in <strong>the</strong> structure of<br />
<strong>the</strong> image of Portugal in RuNet. It is that aspect of recreational tourism,<br />
which comes in first, in part, because <strong>the</strong> customer is now more interested<br />
in learning (excursions) than in recreation. However, this element is more<br />
important in <strong>the</strong> contexts of aes<strong>the</strong>tics <strong>and</strong> relaxation than in that of ecology.<br />
The supposed laziness of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese is ano<strong>the</strong>r stereotype that<br />
appears in more than one text in RuNet. Once again, it draws attention<br />
to <strong>the</strong> relaxing aspect of a visit to Portugal. The country is presented as<br />
a place where it is impossible to live in any o<strong>the</strong>r way. It is not necessary to remind<br />
us that this image of idleness corresponds strongly to <strong>the</strong> notion of<br />
provinciality. On occasions both stereotypes produce a single narrative. In<br />
<strong>the</strong>se cases <strong>the</strong> authors of advertising texts use laziness <strong>and</strong> provinciality as<br />
synonyms. Affordability is ano<strong>the</strong>r important element of <strong>the</strong> virtual image<br />
of Portugal, <strong>and</strong> it is one of <strong>the</strong> few, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> myth of tourist<br />
infrastructure, that appeal to <strong>the</strong> rationality of <strong>the</strong> visitor. However one<br />
does not find price-lists or comparisons with o<strong>the</strong>r countries for example.<br />
Finally, <strong>the</strong> city of Lisbon is <strong>the</strong> last background preconception.<br />
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128 Olga Roussinova / Kirill Titaev<br />
It is usually described as an untouched <strong>Europe</strong>an city, as <strong>the</strong> culmination<br />
of stories about merry old <strong>Europe</strong>, which contradicts <strong>the</strong> belief that<br />
Portugal does not belong to <strong>Europe</strong>. Lisbon often appears in <strong>the</strong>se texts<br />
in a significant position (at <strong>the</strong> same end or as a central piece among o<strong>the</strong>rs),<br />
which shows <strong>the</strong> clearest orientation of recreational tourism.<br />
How is iconographic information presented? In <strong>the</strong> large part <strong>the</strong>se<br />
virtual tourist images of Portugal resemble maps in a children’s encyclopaedia.<br />
The map is painted with colours convenient for visitors.<br />
There are depictions of Lisbon (as a pretty small house), a bottle of<br />
port wine, <strong>and</strong> lounging Portuguese with long moustaches. Somewhere<br />
on <strong>the</strong> coast, ocean waves wash large plates of grilled fish ashore upon a<br />
s<strong>and</strong>y beach.<br />
The image of mountains is incorporated somewhere on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
side. Under <strong>the</strong> picture <strong>the</strong>re is a comment: Portugal is <strong>the</strong> most provincial<br />
country in <strong>Europe</strong>. It is not possible to describe <strong>the</strong> stereotypes presented in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Cyrillic Internet in any o<strong>the</strong>r way than preposterous <strong>and</strong> absurd.<br />
Above all, <strong>the</strong>se descriptions remind us of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> described by<br />
Americans in travel journals of <strong>the</strong> nineteenth <strong>and</strong> twentieth centuries, an<br />
epoch when excursions through <strong>Europe</strong> were very popular in <strong>the</strong> USA;<br />
<strong>the</strong>se excursions were clearly underpinned by a belief in national superiority.<br />
The Context of Regional Geography<br />
This context addresses for <strong>the</strong> first turn to <strong>the</strong> panoramic vision. As<br />
in <strong>the</strong> previous case, <strong>the</strong> authors look at Portugal from a birds-eye view,<br />
<strong>and</strong> do not trouble <strong>the</strong>mselves or <strong>the</strong> reader with any details, exact dates,<br />
names, etc. These texts start with forms of academic description such as<br />
encyclopaedia articles, <strong>and</strong> give only <strong>the</strong> most general information. However,<br />
when authors supply us with additional information, <strong>the</strong>ir selections<br />
are very telling. The history of Portugal departs from <strong>the</strong> Roman buildings<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Douro river estuary <strong>and</strong> stretches until <strong>the</strong> present with <strong>the</strong><br />
acceleration of a fast train rushing at full speed, directly <strong>and</strong> without any<br />
conflicts or difficulties. Even <strong>the</strong> collapse of <strong>the</strong> colonial empire appears<br />
not to have been a problem. On occasion it seems that <strong>the</strong> authors of<br />
encyclopaedic articles are infected with <strong>the</strong> touristic image that has already<br />
been described. From <strong>the</strong>ir point of view every turn of Portuguese his-<br />
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Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions, Space of Appearances 129<br />
tory inevitably resulted in its contemporary image as a tourist Eden (into<br />
which <strong>the</strong> snake of Russian tourism has yet crept). 3 As a general rule <strong>the</strong><br />
climate is also mentioned in academic texts. The description of <strong>the</strong> climate<br />
always follows <strong>the</strong> historical overview. The academic reference is<br />
<strong>the</strong>n translated <strong>and</strong> adapted to everyday language in terms of agriculture<br />
or tourism. Once more we encounter an image of comfortable recreation<br />
or with a context of grape growing. The development of tourism is described<br />
as an important discovery of <strong>the</strong> government, which has brought<br />
prosperity to <strong>the</strong> country <strong>and</strong> to its guests. Our texts describe this fact in<br />
detail. In general, <strong>the</strong> geographical context is not interesting due to <strong>the</strong><br />
information provided but for its absence. We find nothing on <strong>the</strong> economics<br />
of Portugal (besides of tourism <strong>and</strong> alcohol); no more about <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese, <strong>the</strong>ir origin, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir language.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> political system of <strong>the</strong> country seems to be <strong>the</strong> least<br />
worthy of attention.<br />
For example, it is not possible to find any information about political<br />
parties, parliament, etc. Therefore, Portugal is again presented as a<br />
form of universal sanctuary.<br />
Crossing Contexts<br />
Three stereotypes are presented in both contexts that have been<br />
mentioned. Firstly, <strong>the</strong> perceived laziness of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese; in <strong>the</strong> geographical<br />
context this feature has some negative connotations <strong>and</strong> is used<br />
to explain <strong>the</strong> slow development of <strong>the</strong> country. In <strong>the</strong> tourist context <strong>the</strong><br />
same feature becomes a model to follow.<br />
Affordability is glorified in <strong>the</strong> tourist context <strong>and</strong> turns into <strong>the</strong><br />
poverty of citizens in context of regional geography. It highlights <strong>the</strong> inner<br />
contradictions of both contexts, because it is quite impossible to imagine<br />
a developed “tourist infrastructure” <strong>and</strong> such a poor population as<br />
is described. Of course <strong>the</strong> topic of tourism permeates all contexts. It appears<br />
to be extremely dominant, but sometimes tourism is even described<br />
as a threat.<br />
Provinciality appears to be <strong>the</strong> topic which unifies all of <strong>the</strong>se contexts.<br />
It is important, both for <strong>the</strong> tourist industry, <strong>and</strong> to point out <strong>the</strong><br />
integrity of <strong>the</strong> environment <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ecological purity of <strong>the</strong> vine.<br />
3 Advertisings interpret <strong>the</strong> absence of Russian tourists as additional bonus.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 129 31-01-2012 17:24:24
130 Olga Roussinova / Kirill Titaev<br />
Doubts as to, whe<strong>the</strong>r or not it is possible to consider Portugal<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an permeate <strong>the</strong>se contexts totally: <strong>the</strong> most significant here is<br />
<strong>the</strong> absence of a Great <strong>Europe</strong>an history in <strong>the</strong> descriptions of Portugal.<br />
Therefore, for Russian readers <strong>the</strong> country st<strong>and</strong>s beyond <strong>the</strong> space<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong>an shared memory <strong>and</strong> past (Hutton 1993), as if Russia itself<br />
belongs to this history but refuses to acknowledge <strong>the</strong> fact that Portugal<br />
belongs to it too. Hence Russian readers may conclude that Portugal exists<br />
in its own historical universe. The latter statement is never clearly articulated<br />
but becomes one of <strong>the</strong> fundamental features in <strong>the</strong> background of<br />
provincial issues.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r Contexts<br />
The passion of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese for football is also widely described<br />
within RuNet. One of <strong>the</strong> reasons this topic became commonplace in <strong>the</strong><br />
Russian Internet is not only <strong>the</strong> powerful teams but <strong>the</strong> fact that some<br />
Portuguese players entered Russian football clubs.<br />
Portuguese football in RuNet is described separately from Fado <strong>and</strong><br />
Fátima. The historical combination of <strong>the</strong> “Three Fs” is not articulated in<br />
RuNet; each seems to represent a separate feature of <strong>the</strong> country.<br />
This topic is rarely used in <strong>the</strong> tourist context that has been mentioned;<br />
except for <strong>the</strong> statement that Portugal is a country of football.<br />
The last context deals with real estate images. Here, Portugal appears<br />
to be a rival for <strong>the</strong> Balkan countries (for example Croatia <strong>and</strong> Macedonia),<br />
which offer cheap but <strong>Europe</strong>an real estate.<br />
Real estate in Portugal is described as <strong>the</strong> most inexpensive in <strong>Europe</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> same time as <strong>the</strong> most <strong>Europe</strong>an among cheap countries.<br />
Calls for Information<br />
It is interesting to compare <strong>the</strong> supplied information with that<br />
which is dem<strong>and</strong>ed. In general, it appears that <strong>the</strong>re is a certain interest in<br />
Portugal.<br />
The Russian search engine Y<strong>and</strong>ex registered 28,740 enquires in one<br />
month in 2007. But detailed statistics show that more than a half of <strong>the</strong><br />
visitors were satisfied with answers when <strong>the</strong>y just requested Portugal. 5%<br />
are calls on real estate, less than 2% are requests made by pupils of schools<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 130 31-01-2012 17:24:24<br />
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Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions, Space of Appearances 131<br />
<strong>and</strong> colleges. Ano<strong>the</strong>r 5% of visitors make requests on regional geography<br />
– for instance 1.5% ask about <strong>the</strong> capital of Portugal. 4 27% of all visitors<br />
show an interest in football, although this does not mean an interest in <strong>the</strong><br />
country in general. 41% of Russian Internet users are interested in tourist<br />
services. It means that tourist context prevails. But enquires are mainly for<br />
cultural tourism <strong>and</strong> not for recreation. It proves our assumption of a lack<br />
of balance between dem<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> supply in <strong>the</strong> information market.<br />
Portugal in Visual Representation<br />
Traditionally a country represents itself on <strong>the</strong> Internet with <strong>the</strong> following<br />
popular images: symbols of state (state emblem <strong>and</strong> national flag),<br />
tourist photos on web sites, images of a regional geographic character (maps<br />
<strong>and</strong> tables), 5 photos of political leaders, sportsmen, actors, photos of real estate<br />
for sale (villas <strong>and</strong> apartments), <strong>and</strong> products in stock, as well as national<br />
arts <strong>and</strong> crafts, <strong>and</strong> artefacts of national heritage <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> present (art museums<br />
<strong>and</strong> galleries). Here, we examine only <strong>the</strong> largest <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> most popular<br />
group of images representing Portugal in RuNet – tourist photos. This<br />
whole visual text supplies us with images of history (photos of architectural<br />
heritage), exotic images (photos with national colour taken in Portuguese<br />
towns), <strong>and</strong> images of wild nature <strong>and</strong> unexplored wilderness (an Ocean).<br />
Scenic roads, usually passing through <strong>the</strong> central area of <strong>the</strong> country, determine<br />
<strong>the</strong> set of topics. Among <strong>the</strong>se photos one rarely sees <strong>the</strong> sights of <strong>the</strong><br />
Algarve <strong>and</strong> never <strong>the</strong> sights of Braga town or Monsanto village (voted <strong>the</strong><br />
most Portuguese village of Portugal in 1938, as it is well known). It is important to<br />
note <strong>the</strong> specific character of <strong>the</strong>se pictures: <strong>the</strong>y leave off-camera all marks<br />
of modernity <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>anism.<br />
Hence, modern buildings, buses, cars <strong>and</strong> airplanes are absent. For<br />
example, one rarely sees pictures of <strong>the</strong> Gulbenkian museum <strong>and</strong> gardens<br />
(<strong>the</strong> museum is incorporated into excursion programmes). Possibly for <strong>the</strong><br />
same reason <strong>the</strong>re are almost no people in <strong>the</strong>se photos – <strong>the</strong>y are eliminated<br />
as <strong>the</strong>y symbolise <strong>the</strong> present <strong>and</strong> a <strong>Europe</strong>an lifestyle.<br />
Actually we might say that Russian photographers are obsessed with<br />
<strong>the</strong> idea of an uninhabited, solitary countryside.<br />
4 That is quite topical, considering that only 24% of Russian people know <strong>the</strong> name of <strong>the</strong><br />
capital of Portugal (by FOM survey).<br />
5 It is interesting that it is almost always one <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> same map from <strong>the</strong> PTS Geo.<br />
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132 Olga Roussinova / Kirill Titaev<br />
Symptomatically, <strong>the</strong>y almost never download pictures of everyday life<br />
(so called genre pictures) in <strong>the</strong>ir web-albums. 6 Exoticism is symbolised by<br />
brightly painted houses in Portuguese countryside towns.<br />
It is interesting that narrow streets, flowers <strong>and</strong> plants, <strong>and</strong> drying linen<br />
are not considered exotic enough images. This idea of exoticism is usually<br />
expressed in something general, for example unusual combinations of colours<br />
of houses: white with blue, yellow or brown. Frequently one finds pictures<br />
of <strong>the</strong> ocean in RuNet. In <strong>the</strong> context of excursions, <strong>the</strong> ocean symbolises<br />
<strong>the</strong> wild nature of Portugal. Russian tourists clearly fix <strong>the</strong>ir attention upon <strong>the</strong><br />
wild character of <strong>the</strong> ocean. Therefore, in pictures of Cabo da Roca we rarely<br />
see <strong>the</strong> stone monument with <strong>the</strong> words of Camões, or <strong>the</strong> view towards <strong>the</strong><br />
horizon. The main part of <strong>the</strong> picture area <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> foreground will be given to<br />
water for sure. As one Russian put it:<br />
“[…] by no means do I like to take photos <strong>the</strong>re [in Portugal] without<br />
people, when you st<strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> brink of a precipice, <strong>and</strong> you wish to fix this<br />
feeling when faced with <strong>the</strong> ocean, wind, wave” (web-forum message).<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> image of Portugal in terms of its special geographic<br />
location is not clearly reflected by RuNet (though Cabo da Roca is <strong>the</strong> most<br />
western point of <strong>Europe</strong>).<br />
It is just a country of <strong>the</strong> Ocean. In <strong>the</strong> context of recreational tourism, <strong>the</strong><br />
ocean aquires <strong>the</strong> opposite meaning as a symbol of relaxation on <strong>the</strong> beach<br />
<strong>and</strong> of water sport.<br />
Therefore, Portugal is no longer a country of exotics, ancient history<br />
<strong>and</strong> untouched nature but is instead a civilised country with <strong>Europe</strong>an levels<br />
of comfort. As a country for relaxation, Portugal is represented with photos<br />
taken on <strong>the</strong> seashore, often with people (portraits, self-portraits, sometimes<br />
genre sketches). In RuNet, tourist photos, which produce a certain image of<br />
Portugal, can be found on promotional web sites of tourist agencies or independently.<br />
As a rule, photos are ga<strong>the</strong>red in series, so called albums, often<br />
with comments. An examination of <strong>the</strong> albums permits us to conclude that<br />
Portugal is mainly represented through <strong>the</strong> stereotypes of excursions ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than those of recreation. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, tourist agencies’ web sites present <strong>the</strong><br />
collections of different photos out of <strong>the</strong> series on <strong>the</strong>ir pages.<br />
6 Compare, for example, Portuguese amateurs on <strong>the</strong> web site www.olhares.com who often<br />
show a wide variety of <strong>the</strong> people of <strong>the</strong>ir country, in terms of ethnic type <strong>and</strong> character.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 132 31-01-2012 17:24:24
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Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions, Space of Appearances 133<br />
From what is mentioned above it is clear that tourist agencies are<br />
mainly responsible for promoting a certain image of Portugal. In <strong>the</strong> first<br />
case this image is distant: panoramic views, l<strong>and</strong>scapes, <strong>and</strong> views of <strong>the</strong><br />
cities in general. These panoramas are unusual for tourist albums <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y<br />
symbolise a view from afar, in which Portugal seems to be a form of<br />
Universe. The majority of <strong>the</strong>se glamorous pictures migrate here from<br />
<strong>the</strong> old tourist guidebooks. Their perpetuation proves <strong>the</strong> stability of <strong>the</strong><br />
stereotype of Portugal as a faraway country. Agencies that specialise in <strong>Europe</strong><br />
borrow one <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> same set of images without any special additions.<br />
Beside panoramic views <strong>the</strong>y also use certain pictures of Lisbon’s<br />
historical buildings (for example <strong>the</strong> tower of Belém <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> bridge over<br />
<strong>the</strong> Tagus). It is interesting to note <strong>the</strong> frequent view of Rossio Square<br />
taken from <strong>the</strong> upper position of <strong>the</strong> Elevator. It is simultaneously <strong>the</strong> image<br />
of historical Portugal (a visual reference to <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> capital)<br />
<strong>and</strong> of modern Portugal, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>and</strong> tourist country (<strong>the</strong> everyday<br />
life of <strong>the</strong> square). As for <strong>the</strong> agencies that deal specifically with tourism<br />
in Portugal, <strong>the</strong>ir web sites present <strong>the</strong> information in ano<strong>the</strong>r way. They<br />
use personal photos from <strong>Europe</strong>an photo-sites, <strong>and</strong> present <strong>the</strong>m under<br />
<strong>the</strong> title ‘Portugal in <strong>the</strong> view of Travellers’. The image of Portugal held<br />
by people from Central <strong>Europe</strong> spreads itself over RuNet, though it is<br />
adapted to Russian vision. Images that can be instantly recognised are<br />
selected for this, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir topics are of <strong>the</strong> most universal <strong>and</strong> timeless<br />
character. Never<strong>the</strong>less, panoramic <strong>and</strong> solitary l<strong>and</strong>scapes of Portugal<br />
obtain additional connotations when <strong>the</strong>y are displayed on <strong>the</strong> web sites<br />
of tourist agencies. Essentially, such images signify <strong>the</strong> space which people<br />
have not yet grasped, in every sense of <strong>the</strong> word. On one h<strong>and</strong> we have<br />
<strong>the</strong> idea of a certain hidden soul of Portugal. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> it is <strong>the</strong><br />
idea of a literary grasping – as ownership. Therefore it is not surprising<br />
that real estate companies prefer to advertise <strong>the</strong>mselves on <strong>the</strong> web pages<br />
of tourist agencies.It is evident that <strong>the</strong> poetics of <strong>the</strong> images of real estate<br />
influenced <strong>the</strong> photographic images of <strong>the</strong> country (though with an<br />
additional romantic tint). The seductive sight of <strong>the</strong> space offered for sale<br />
<strong>and</strong> inhabitation (grasping) has <strong>the</strong> same characteristic features: for example<br />
<strong>the</strong> hypnotic distant views, <strong>the</strong> melancholy of <strong>the</strong> lonesome house<br />
without <strong>the</strong> owner, <strong>the</strong> solitary space (here – <strong>the</strong> modern comfortable<br />
space). Therefore, <strong>the</strong> viewer enters into <strong>the</strong> space of <strong>the</strong> image, inhabiting<br />
it. And toge<strong>the</strong>r with this space <strong>the</strong> spectator becomes a metaphorical<br />
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134 Olga Roussinova / Kirill Titaev<br />
possessor of <strong>the</strong> entire country. In <strong>the</strong> same way <strong>the</strong> real client is encouraged<br />
to acquire a villa or an apartment, receiving as a gift <strong>the</strong> passport to<br />
Portugal. I would like to stress that <strong>the</strong> key point is possession, <strong>the</strong> real<br />
reason to look at <strong>the</strong> country in one way <strong>and</strong> not ano<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>and</strong> to see (or<br />
not to see) it in a certain manner. The majority of images of Portugal in<br />
RuNet demonstrates this special view of <strong>the</strong> potential owner. Or ra<strong>the</strong>r,<br />
such photos demonstrate <strong>the</strong> pure intention of possession, <strong>and</strong> nothing<br />
can oppose this longing.<br />
Conclusion<br />
With every unsaturated image of <strong>the</strong> country, Portugal is presented<br />
to us as a sum of fragments, resembling a sixteenth-century map of<br />
America. It is a wastel<strong>and</strong> of empty space limited by its coastline (<strong>the</strong> outline<br />
of which has gaps that are extremely far from reality) <strong>and</strong> only a few<br />
areas are developed in detail. All details are to provide <strong>the</strong> traveller with<br />
some important information – important for <strong>the</strong> traveller personally. One<br />
is told about <strong>the</strong> dangerous rocks or <strong>the</strong> fresh water, or about <strong>the</strong> customs<br />
of inhabitants <strong>the</strong>re, but not about <strong>the</strong> languages <strong>the</strong>y speak, or about<br />
plants <strong>and</strong> so on.<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, in sum <strong>the</strong>se fragments produce an image called Portugal,<br />
a set of myths, which determines <strong>the</strong> vision of <strong>the</strong> country from<br />
Russia.<br />
Firstly, we are asked to look at Portugal from a bird’s-eye view, <strong>and</strong><br />
to evaluate it in general as a single space. This image cannot be divided<br />
into parts.Secondly, <strong>the</strong>re is a certain imbalance between dem<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> supply<br />
(as was clearly pointed out). The tourist consumer seeks excursions<br />
but receives offers for recreation. Portugal is also presented as a provincial<br />
country, ready to be owned.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, provinciality is understood to follow <strong>the</strong> traditions<br />
of Russian classical literature. Portugal becomes a form of countryside<br />
somewhere near Moscow, a village with small <strong>and</strong> pretty houses, but also<br />
an <strong>Europe</strong>an village. At <strong>the</strong> same time Portugal is <strong>the</strong> last piece of merry<br />
old <strong>Europe</strong> (not <strong>the</strong> Slavonic Balkans!) which is still available for ownership.<br />
Finally, <strong>the</strong> heterogeneous image of Portugal is based on a play of<br />
notions. One is <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>the</strong> last frontier of <strong>Europe</strong>, its edge, <strong>and</strong> province.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r idea states that Portugal is <strong>the</strong> most au<strong>the</strong>ntic country of<br />
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Portugal in RuNet: Space of Descriptions, Space of Appearances 135<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>, which has remained untouched by modernisation <strong>and</strong> Americanisation<br />
for example - <strong>the</strong> real <strong>Europe</strong> which still keeps what was for many<br />
centuries <strong>the</strong> spirit of Pax <strong>Europe</strong>ana.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Bothwell, R. (1992): Canada <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States: The Politics of Partnership.<br />
Toronto.<br />
Corbin, J. / Strauss, A. (1990): Basics of Qualitative Research: Grounded Theory<br />
Procedures <strong>and</strong> Techniques. Newbury Park.<br />
Garnett, S. / Legvold, R. (2000): Belarus at <strong>the</strong> Crossroads. Washington DC.<br />
Glaser, B. / Strauss, A. (1967): The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for<br />
Qualitative Research. Chicago Ill.<br />
Hutton, P. (1993): History as an Art of Memory. Hanover <strong>and</strong> London.<br />
Luostarinen, Heikki (1989): “Finnish Russophobia: The Story of an Enemy<br />
Image” in: Journal of Peace Research, 26/2, 123-137.<br />
Yin R. (1984): Case study research. Design <strong>and</strong> Methods. Newbury park.<br />
Internet sources:<br />
FOM (Public Opinion Foundation) (2007): Internet in Russia. October<br />
2007, issue 21.<br />
URL: http://bd.fom.ru/report/map/projects/internet/internet0704/int<br />
07 04#Abs3.<br />
Geoproject: Portugalia.<br />
URL : http://bd.fom.ru/report/map/dd014032.<br />
Web-forum message.<br />
URL: http://vkontakte.ru/board.php?act=topic&tid=577104.<br />
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<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 136 31-01-2012 17:24:24
Part III<br />
Representations of<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> in <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula<br />
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The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong>. Representations of Slavic Countries<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Jesuit Journal Brotéria<br />
José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
(University of Lisbon)<br />
Preliminary Considerations<br />
Few people are aware of <strong>the</strong> interest shown by <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Jesuits<br />
in <strong>the</strong> cultural <strong>and</strong> political universe of Russia <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> political system<br />
that <strong>the</strong> communist revolution brought about.<br />
Such interest is reflected by <strong>the</strong> most important <strong>and</strong> prestigious<br />
press organ for <strong>the</strong> scientific-cultural news of <strong>the</strong> Society of Jesus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese Catholic Church – <strong>the</strong> journal Brotéria.<br />
In Portugal, no o<strong>the</strong>r scientific-cultural publication of Catholic <strong>and</strong><br />
anti-communist ideological character gave as much attention <strong>and</strong> offered<br />
as much specific information about <strong>the</strong> Slavic world as this Jesuit journal.<br />
We can even state that Brotéria was a window to <strong>the</strong> Slavic world during<br />
a period of more than four decades of dictatorship in Portugal.<br />
Brotéria remodelled itself in <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, first as a scientific<br />
journal of Natural Sciences (Botany <strong>and</strong> Zoology), <strong>and</strong> from 1925 onwards<br />
as a interdisciplinary magazine (Franco 1999), with a specific new<br />
series dedicated to human sciences, aiming simultaneously at <strong>the</strong> educated<br />
public opinion <strong>and</strong> at a more scholarly public.<br />
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140 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
Published by scientists <strong>and</strong> writers of <strong>the</strong> Society of Jesus since<br />
1902, Brotéria boasts more than one hundred years of almost uninterrupted<br />
publishing. 1 The Jesuit journal became a good barometer of <strong>the</strong> concerns<br />
<strong>and</strong> debates about <strong>the</strong> dominant topics of <strong>the</strong> scientific, cultural, political,<br />
<strong>and</strong> religious establishment at different moments in history. During<br />
<strong>the</strong> dictatorship of <strong>the</strong> New State (port.: Estado Novo), a period that is of<br />
particular interest to this study, <strong>the</strong> magazine reflected <strong>the</strong> concerns of <strong>the</strong><br />
country <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> dictatorial system. That is done despite having made<br />
some daring attempts at openness, especially in <strong>the</strong> last years of Salazarism,<br />
that escaped <strong>the</strong> surveillance of <strong>the</strong> state censorship commission.<br />
Slavic <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> greater area popularly known as <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, 2<br />
especially those countries that had experienced Marxist regimes, at first<br />
under <strong>the</strong> influence of <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union <strong>and</strong> later under its rule, was one<br />
of <strong>the</strong> main concerns of <strong>the</strong> anti-communist Portuguese New State. In its<br />
cultural series Brotéria, which dealt with subjects of a very broad <strong>the</strong>matic<br />
range, from literary criticism to international relations, was not indifferent<br />
to this <strong>and</strong> described attentively <strong>and</strong> analytically what was happening during<br />
<strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>and</strong> transformation of <strong>the</strong> ‘red empire’ <strong>and</strong> its influence<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Brotéria as a Window to <strong>the</strong> Slavic World During <strong>the</strong> New State<br />
The eastern world, regarded as a different world, interested <strong>the</strong> Jesuit<br />
editors of Brotéria, who ascribed to it an unusual importance because it<br />
1 Its publication was initially annual, eventually progessing to a monthly issue that is still<br />
maintained, <strong>and</strong> was only unpublished in <strong>the</strong> year 1911 as a consequence of <strong>the</strong> third<br />
expulsion of <strong>the</strong> Society of Jesus from Portugal, this time by a decree of <strong>the</strong> 1 st Republic<br />
implemented in 1910. See Franco 2003: 89ff. <strong>and</strong> Franco 2007: 230ff.<br />
2 ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Countries’, ‘<strong>Europe</strong> of <strong>the</strong> East’, ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Block’, ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Wave’, ‘<strong>Eastern</strong><br />
Influence’, ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Politics’, ‘Red East’ were expressions, more ideological than rigorously<br />
geographical, that spread in Portuguese culture to designate <strong>the</strong> group of <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
countries <strong>and</strong> territories within <strong>the</strong> sphere of ideological influence that emerged after<br />
World War II in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> so-called Cold War. This sphere of Marxist influence<br />
spread under Russian leadership through <strong>the</strong> processes of anexation <strong>and</strong>/or integration<br />
that was consolidated by <strong>the</strong> military alliance that was known as Warsaw Pact. Therefore,<br />
<strong>the</strong> adjective ‘eastern’, when joined with <strong>the</strong> noun ‘countries’, became a phrase that reflected<br />
much more than a well-defined geographical area. This expression was <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
more a reference to <strong>the</strong> universe of <strong>Europe</strong>an peoples <strong>and</strong> territories politically influenced<br />
by Marxist ideology <strong>and</strong> less a rigorous geographical concept.<br />
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The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 141<br />
was being invaded by a new ideological wave, <strong>the</strong> experience of politically<br />
institutionalised militant communism.<br />
An international bloc began to assert itself intensely after <strong>the</strong> Bolshevik<br />
Revolution of 1917, <strong>and</strong> imposed itself as a movement under <strong>the</strong><br />
aegis of Russia but embodied in <strong>the</strong> federalising super-State referred to<br />
by <strong>the</strong> acronym USSR. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, formed<br />
on December 30 1922, quickly affirmed itself as a political system with a<br />
Marxist ideological base that exp<strong>and</strong>ed, seducing neighbouring countries 3<br />
or federalising <strong>the</strong>m under <strong>the</strong> rule of <strong>the</strong> new power of <strong>the</strong> Soviet super-<br />
State, or after <strong>the</strong> Second World War adding <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> new Military<br />
Alliance called <strong>the</strong> Warsaw Pact, that confirmed <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union as a<br />
world power in competition with America. However, <strong>the</strong> interest, perhaps<br />
even <strong>the</strong> cultural espionage, of <strong>the</strong> Jesuits regarding that new world which<br />
represented communist power as a whole, rested precisely in <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />
it presented <strong>and</strong> affirmed itself as <strong>the</strong> anti<strong>the</strong>sis of Catholic ideal <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> enemy par excellence of Western civilisation, which was intrinsically<br />
Christian.<br />
As is known, <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries of <strong>the</strong> Warsaw Pact<br />
adopted <strong>the</strong> radical new ideal of a configuration of a<strong>the</strong>ist States, which<br />
aimed at <strong>the</strong> creation of a new man under <strong>the</strong> guidance of science <strong>and</strong> free<br />
from any religious influence, strictly faithful to <strong>the</strong> Marxist conception of<br />
religion as ‘<strong>the</strong> opium of <strong>the</strong> people’.<br />
Within <strong>the</strong> framework of <strong>the</strong> Catholic Church <strong>the</strong> Jesuits, being one<br />
of <strong>the</strong> more intellectual orders with a vocation for <strong>the</strong> fight against contemporary<br />
a<strong>the</strong>ism, gave special attention to <strong>the</strong> spread of communism<br />
on an international level <strong>and</strong> especially in <strong>the</strong> Slavic world, not only in<br />
Portugal but also in <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>an countries in which <strong>the</strong>y were<br />
represented.<br />
3 The USSR, <strong>the</strong> first Marxist State in <strong>the</strong> world, was created in that year by <strong>the</strong> Federalist<br />
Socialist Republic of Russia <strong>and</strong> by <strong>the</strong> Soviet republics of <strong>the</strong> Ukraine, Belarus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Federation of Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia <strong>and</strong> Azerbaijan). Afterwards, it incorporated<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r countries until its full constitution in 1940 as <strong>the</strong> largest State in <strong>the</strong> world in terms<br />
of territory, with a surface area of 22,300,000 km 2 . In 1924 it included Uzbekistan <strong>and</strong><br />
Tajikistan <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> following year Turkemistan. In 1936 Kazakhstan <strong>and</strong> Kyrgyzstan increased<br />
this super-State. When World War II broke out in 1939 Moldova (Bessarabia) was<br />
added, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n in 1940 <strong>the</strong> Baltic States of Latvia, Estonia <strong>and</strong> Lithuania. The USSR<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore consited of more than a hundred ethnic groups <strong>and</strong> would reach a population<br />
of 280 million inhabitants.<br />
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142 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
Through <strong>the</strong>ir communities of international writers <strong>the</strong> Jesuits created<br />
a network of magazines of Catholic culture in <strong>the</strong> second half of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nineteenth century in <strong>the</strong> several countries where <strong>the</strong>ir presence was<br />
significant (Franco 1999); <strong>the</strong>y also started to pay great critical attention<br />
to <strong>the</strong> phenomenon of communism, which was believed to be <strong>the</strong> great<br />
contemporary enemy of <strong>the</strong> Catholic Church. We can go even fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>and</strong> argue that through its cultural magazines <strong>the</strong> Society of Jesus (metaphorically<br />
called ‘<strong>the</strong> Church’s elite troop’) created a true ideological battleground<br />
in order to block <strong>the</strong> expansion of communism.<br />
Brotéria began to regularly publish articles about <strong>the</strong> Slavic world in<br />
1925, <strong>the</strong> year in which <strong>the</strong> first number of its cultural series was published.<br />
The magazine editors used <strong>the</strong>ir international information network of <strong>the</strong><br />
Society of Jesus, receiving information <strong>and</strong> translating texts from o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
journals <strong>and</strong> publications to later elaborate <strong>the</strong>ir articles in <strong>the</strong> form of<br />
chronicles, news or comprehensive studies. Articles concerning <strong>the</strong> Slavic<br />
world were signed by its most important directors <strong>and</strong> columnists, such as<br />
Agostinho Veloso, Domingos Maurício, Francisco Pires Lopes <strong>and</strong> especially<br />
Manuel Antunes. However, <strong>the</strong>y also counted upon <strong>the</strong> cooperation<br />
of Slavic correspondents connected to <strong>the</strong> Jesuits, such as Ivan Kologrivov,<br />
Nicolau Belina-Podgaetsky <strong>and</strong> Miroslaw Drzewiecki who, knowing<br />
<strong>the</strong> reality from <strong>the</strong> inside, presented it to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese readers from a<br />
Jesuit perspective. The type of published texts ranges from simple news<br />
<strong>and</strong> brief critical opinions to articles of deep analysis on <strong>the</strong> most diverse<br />
subjects, <strong>the</strong> following being <strong>the</strong> most frequent: Russian communist internationalism;<br />
religious questions, religious persecution; pedagogic, agrarian,<br />
social <strong>and</strong> economic reforms; a<strong>the</strong>ists; social <strong>and</strong> family analysis; <strong>the</strong><br />
situation of <strong>the</strong> Orthodox Church; Soviet-sponsored penetration of communism<br />
in Western <strong>Europe</strong>; political persecutions <strong>and</strong> torture; political<br />
figures (namely Stalin <strong>and</strong> Lenin); <strong>the</strong> Soviet threat to <strong>Europe</strong>; geopolitical<br />
analysis; Fátima <strong>and</strong> Russia, religious currents in <strong>the</strong> Slavic world; military<br />
expansion; political alliances; <strong>the</strong> Red Army; <strong>the</strong> Cold War, censorship of<br />
<strong>the</strong> press, military <strong>and</strong> scientific espionage; <strong>the</strong> Catholic church <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Slavic world; Slavic cultural institutions; scientific progress; literary works<br />
<strong>and</strong> writers (with prominence given to Fyodor Dostoyevsky); <strong>the</strong> exile of<br />
outst<strong>and</strong>ing intellectuals who opposed <strong>the</strong> communist system; Protestantism;<br />
anti-Semitism, Freemasonry; <strong>the</strong> Fifth Column of Communism in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Church <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> communist martyrdom of Catholics for example.<br />
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The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 143<br />
In regard to <strong>the</strong> underlying ideology of <strong>the</strong> information published<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Slavic world in Brotéria (that configures this knowledge through<br />
<strong>the</strong> sign of a specific ideological orientation, particularly until <strong>the</strong> fall of<br />
<strong>the</strong> so-called Iron Curtain in 1989) we may characterise <strong>the</strong>se articles as<br />
texts that reveal a cultural <strong>and</strong> social world little known to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
public; as texts that condemn communist political <strong>and</strong> social actions which<br />
are considered oppressive <strong>and</strong> criminal; as texts that seek to deny <strong>the</strong> enchantment<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Marxist political model of <strong>the</strong> East, which had seduced<br />
some intellectual circles in Western <strong>Europe</strong>; as well as texts that criticise<br />
<strong>the</strong> communist system <strong>and</strong> its ideology. In essence <strong>the</strong> texts of Brotéria belong<br />
to <strong>the</strong> vast group of combative literature against communism, which<br />
explains why <strong>the</strong> Slavic world is of fundamental interest to it. 4<br />
When <strong>the</strong> Berlin Wall fell <strong>the</strong> Cold War ended, <strong>and</strong> communism no<br />
longer represented <strong>the</strong> ‘world danger’ that had deeply worried <strong>the</strong> Catholic<br />
Church for decades. The production of texts on <strong>the</strong> Slavic world diminished,<br />
<strong>and</strong> those that do appear assume a more cultural dimension <strong>and</strong><br />
are less ideologically marked by preventative ideology against Slavic communism.<br />
The Dominant Place of Russia <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong> in Brotéria<br />
Following an analysis of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes <strong>and</strong> popular interests of <strong>the</strong><br />
articles published in Brotéria that concern <strong>the</strong> Slavic world, we are able to<br />
identify two countries which dominate <strong>the</strong> information produced <strong>and</strong> that<br />
represent anti<strong>the</strong>tical paradigms <strong>and</strong> experiences: Russia <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong>.<br />
Russia is by far <strong>the</strong> most discussed country in Brotéria, toge<strong>the</strong>r with<br />
<strong>the</strong> Soviet Union of which Russia was <strong>the</strong> leader. Its image is that of<br />
4 Although few, <strong>the</strong>re were cases in which Russia was presented as a model that Portugal<br />
should follow, when its policies coincided with <strong>the</strong> ideas of <strong>the</strong> Jesuits. Here, we can<br />
point out for example Russia’s defence of Latin. In <strong>the</strong> mid-fifties, in an article entitled<br />
“The Resurgence of Latin”, <strong>the</strong> world-renowned Jesuit Latinist António Freire argued<br />
against those voices of education, culture <strong>and</strong> pedagogy that opposed <strong>the</strong> teaching of<br />
Latin, <strong>and</strong> presented an exemplary case in order to persuade “certain groups of contrary<br />
thought” of <strong>the</strong> merits of teaching <strong>the</strong> language: <strong>the</strong> reintroduction of <strong>the</strong> study<br />
of Latin in <strong>the</strong> programmes of secondary schools in <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union, as a pedagogic<br />
measure complementary to teaching <strong>and</strong> global underst<strong>and</strong>ing, mentioning afterwards<br />
<strong>the</strong> example of “illustrious communists who had used <strong>and</strong> studied <strong>the</strong> language such as<br />
Lenin” (Freire 1955: 518). Therefore, he predictsa revitalization of Latin in Portugal, as<br />
in <strong>the</strong> USSR.<br />
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144 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
<strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>r-country of <strong>the</strong> new a<strong>the</strong>istic <strong>and</strong> radically anti-religious states,<br />
<strong>and</strong> for being <strong>the</strong> centre of influence for <strong>the</strong> imperialistic <strong>and</strong> totalitarian<br />
expansion of international communism. Russia is <strong>the</strong> leading enemy that<br />
must be avoided at all costs. The anti<strong>the</strong>tical country is without a doubt<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>, to which Brotéria will also pay growing attention. A Catholic <strong>and</strong><br />
Marian country devoted to <strong>the</strong> Christian Faith <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> cult of <strong>the</strong> Virgin<br />
Mary, <strong>and</strong> a form of alter Portucalis or twin bro<strong>the</strong>r to Portugal, Pol<strong>and</strong><br />
is presented as a martyr to communism <strong>and</strong> Russian imperialism, as had<br />
already happened with o<strong>the</strong>r imperial exercises in history. If Brotéria carried<br />
out a mystifying process of demonisation in relation to Russia, in <strong>the</strong><br />
case of Pol<strong>and</strong> we identify a form of canonisation process, describing<br />
<strong>the</strong> country as a model of a faithful Catholic people. In fact, Catholicism<br />
operated as <strong>the</strong> representative religion of Pol<strong>and</strong>. The Church allowed <strong>the</strong><br />
Polish nation to guarantee referential unity <strong>and</strong> to affirm itself distinctly<br />
in spite of imperial ambitions, ei<strong>the</strong>r from <strong>the</strong> Orthodox side or from <strong>the</strong><br />
Protestant side. The Soviet Union was <strong>the</strong>refore presented as an usurpor,<br />
of whom Pol<strong>and</strong> was a victim through <strong>the</strong> imposition of a ‘limited sovereignty’<br />
in <strong>the</strong> guise of <strong>the</strong> Warsaw Pact, into which Pol<strong>and</strong> was incorporated<br />
in <strong>the</strong> post-war period. Therefore, as <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Jesuit, Pires<br />
Lopes, proclaimed at <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> eighties: “Pol<strong>and</strong> is alive! Martyred<br />
but alive. In its permanent challenge to history. In its continuous bet<br />
on freedom!” (Lopes 1982: 263). During that decade Pol<strong>and</strong> was beginning<br />
to st<strong>and</strong> out because of its Solidarność movement, which opposed <strong>the</strong><br />
communist regime, <strong>and</strong> with international assistance from <strong>the</strong> Polish Pope<br />
John Paul II, nicknamed <strong>the</strong> pope of <strong>the</strong> ‘o<strong>the</strong>r world’ by Brotéria (Pires<br />
/ Lopes 1980: 55-74), stressed <strong>the</strong> distinction between <strong>the</strong> two cultural,<br />
political <strong>and</strong> ideological worlds separated by <strong>the</strong> Iron Curtain. Pol<strong>and</strong> is<br />
presented by Brotéria as <strong>the</strong> hope for <strong>the</strong> internal transformation of <strong>the</strong><br />
totalitarian regimes of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Bloc.<br />
Russian International Politics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Question<br />
In <strong>the</strong> present section we would like to draw analytical attention<br />
to <strong>the</strong> texts published about Russia, particularly those written by one of<br />
<strong>the</strong> most important editors of Brotéria <strong>and</strong>, from a cultural point of view,<br />
of <strong>the</strong> outst<strong>and</strong>ing twentieth-century Portuguese intellectuals, <strong>the</strong> Jesuit<br />
Manuel Antunes.<br />
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All of Manuel Antunes’ judgements regarding <strong>the</strong> Russian regime<br />
were made according to his perception of its strategy towards <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> great rival power, <strong>the</strong> USA. In fact, for Antunes all Russian activities<br />
offer <strong>Europe</strong> a central place in its global political strategy. More than o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
continents, <strong>Europe</strong> is always <strong>the</strong> axis point on <strong>the</strong> horizon of Russian<br />
policy. In 1973, under <strong>the</strong> pseudonym Manuel Avelar, Manuel Antunes<br />
offered a retrospective view of <strong>the</strong> tense East-West relations after <strong>the</strong> Helsinki<br />
Accords <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> compromise made to reduce <strong>the</strong> nuclear arsenals<br />
in America <strong>and</strong> Russia. Distinguishing <strong>the</strong> key interests of <strong>the</strong> USA <strong>and</strong><br />
of <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union when <strong>the</strong>y complied with <strong>the</strong> historical compromise<br />
of reducing <strong>the</strong>ir acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, Manuel<br />
Antunes described <strong>Europe</strong> as a strategic region was fundamental to <strong>the</strong><br />
signing of <strong>the</strong> agreement. The American motivation is linked to matters<br />
of economical containment, while Russia has concerns of an ideological<br />
nature <strong>and</strong> of political strategy. With this agreement Russia intended to<br />
demonstrate that it was a <strong>Europe</strong>an country, something that <strong>the</strong> USA was<br />
not. Russia is always represented as an imperial entity, “of subtler rule,<br />
because it is less visible from Western <strong>Europe</strong>an countries” (Avelar 1973:<br />
194-197). The expansionist aspirations of Communist Russia are regarded<br />
as ano<strong>the</strong>r major obstacle to <strong>the</strong> formation of a Western <strong>Europe</strong>an Bloc<br />
that would be a democratic <strong>and</strong> ideologically-free space. Manuel Antunes<br />
was convinced that <strong>the</strong> coalition of <strong>the</strong> communist countries led by Russia,<br />
<strong>the</strong> USSR, would do anything to prevent a united <strong>Europe</strong> that would<br />
constitute an intermediate power between America <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> countries of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Warsaw Pact. The author was convinced that Russia would do anything<br />
to hinder this unity to <strong>the</strong> point of starting a new world war if necessary.<br />
In effect, he feared <strong>the</strong> mobilising capacity of <strong>the</strong> ‘men in <strong>the</strong> Kremlin’<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir imperial ambitions. He believed that <strong>the</strong> Russians would do anything<br />
to “assert <strong>the</strong>ir privileges <strong>and</strong> aspirations. Privileges <strong>and</strong> aspirations<br />
of a third Rome, we must remember. That is: an empire, an enterprise, a<br />
church” (Cruz 1972). 5<br />
The metaphor of <strong>the</strong> communist church is taken from <strong>the</strong> historian<br />
Arnold Toynbee, who saw in communist ideology <strong>and</strong> in its civic liturgy,<br />
void of transcendence, a form of secular, social <strong>and</strong> state copy of a religious<br />
institution.<br />
5 See also Luís Sobral Nunes (Pseudonym of Manuel Antunes S.J.) 1965: 223-231; Cruz<br />
1972: 209-213. For a critical study about comunist mythology <strong>and</strong> utopias see Boia 2000.<br />
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In fact, communism dem<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> same fidelity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> same levels<br />
of devotion for worshipped leaders <strong>and</strong> heroes as a church in <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />
<strong>and</strong> religious sense of <strong>the</strong> term (Toynbee 1948).<br />
However, for Manuel Antunes <strong>the</strong> fear of <strong>the</strong> ‘red threat’ coming<br />
from <strong>the</strong> East should have been an incentive for <strong>the</strong> unity of <strong>Europe</strong>ans,<br />
because from that moment <strong>the</strong>y were able to distinguish <strong>the</strong>ir enemies<br />
from <strong>the</strong>ir friends.From this analyst’s perspective <strong>the</strong> Marxist revolution<br />
of 1917 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> regime it created <strong>and</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>ed did not suffer anything<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r than superficial change.<br />
The psychology of <strong>the</strong> new political elite that started to comm<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Soviet political scene remained Russian through <strong>and</strong> through. The socialist<br />
cause <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> imperial mentality were merged into <strong>the</strong> new expansionist<br />
ideology of communism.<br />
Of <strong>the</strong> Untenability of <strong>the</strong> Perennial Revolution<br />
Under <strong>the</strong> pseudonym M. Veiga da Ponte, <strong>the</strong> Jesuit offers a sharp<br />
analysis in an article that evaluates Russia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> process of <strong>the</strong> edification<br />
of <strong>the</strong> political project that constituted <strong>the</strong> USSR from 1917 to 1967.<br />
His starting point is <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>the</strong> Russian empire <strong>and</strong> its transmutation<br />
into an original cause of an ideological <strong>and</strong> utopian character. Never<strong>the</strong>less,<br />
<strong>the</strong> consolidation of <strong>the</strong> Russian imperial project, contradicted by <strong>the</strong><br />
ideal of Marxist humanist universalism, is done in a technocratic way that<br />
simplifies <strong>and</strong> relativises <strong>the</strong> ideological axioms professed by Karl Marx’s<br />
socialism <strong>and</strong> his ideological companions.<br />
Manuel Antunes begins by advocating <strong>the</strong> practical untenability<br />
of <strong>the</strong> idea of a ‘permanent revolution’ that was defended by <strong>the</strong> communist<br />
regime in <strong>the</strong> manner maintained by some of its <strong>the</strong>orists, particularly<br />
Trotsky. Illusion, defeat <strong>and</strong> nonfulfilment are <strong>the</strong> key-words<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Antunian diagnosis, which refutes those who state <strong>the</strong> possibility<br />
of a continuous revolution for half a century. In fact, he belives that a<br />
people cannot tolerate <strong>the</strong> spectre of a revolution for 70 years, unless it<br />
becomes <strong>the</strong> target of a very well assembled propag<strong>and</strong>a machine that<br />
maintains <strong>the</strong> illusion that <strong>the</strong> revolution is being fruitful, <strong>and</strong> continues<br />
to promote <strong>the</strong> promised new society <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> new man, solving his problems<br />
<strong>and</strong> needs, <strong>and</strong> happiness is shining on <strong>the</strong> horizon. Knowing <strong>the</strong><br />
Marxist <strong>the</strong>ories well, Manuel Antunes does not hesitate to consider that<br />
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“[…] <strong>the</strong> permanent revolution is ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> ideologists’ dream<br />
(Trotsky), or <strong>the</strong> imperious virtue of not dying so fast (Mao-tse-tung), or<br />
<strong>the</strong> belief that <strong>the</strong> work of <strong>the</strong> revolution has failed or at least is not yet<br />
finished” (Ponte 1967: 552-552).<br />
Here we should recall <strong>the</strong> warning of Lucian Boia in his study of<br />
<strong>the</strong> scientific mythology of communism. He warnes scholars against <strong>the</strong><br />
illusions which may influence <strong>the</strong> analysis of that system:<br />
“The first, after a long period of yearning to sustain <strong>the</strong> perfect implementation<br />
of utopia: <strong>the</strong> communist world will be or will become just<br />
as it was described by Marx.<br />
The second illusion proposes <strong>the</strong> opposite in fact: once liberated<br />
from ideological oppression <strong>and</strong> control, “communist” societies will become<br />
natural <strong>and</strong> normal societies. Communism will not be more viable<br />
than <strong>the</strong> famous hybrids of Lynenko” (Boia 2000: 211).<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Jesuit’s perspective <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory of <strong>the</strong> failure of <strong>the</strong> soviet<br />
project is <strong>the</strong> most solid. The system was showing signs of crisis <strong>and</strong> even<br />
collapse.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> ruling elite were better off maintaining <strong>the</strong> idea of<br />
continuous revolution, because “when <strong>the</strong> dominated become dominators<br />
<strong>the</strong>y do not want to lose <strong>the</strong>ir privileges” (Ponte 1967: 553). The crush of<br />
opponents <strong>and</strong> enemies initiated by Stalin is recalled in order to prove <strong>the</strong><br />
contradictions between <strong>the</strong> regime, <strong>the</strong> ideology that supports it or that<br />
it claims as its own, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> utopian ideal of humanist cooperation that it<br />
was supposed to have accomplished:<br />
“And in <strong>the</strong> immense fields of silence, cold <strong>and</strong> shady, where not<br />
long ago millions of men lost <strong>the</strong>ir lives or left <strong>the</strong>ir energies, rises an<br />
enormous <strong>and</strong> affecting appeal to peace <strong>and</strong> to a certain stability” (Ponte<br />
1967: 553).<br />
Therefore <strong>the</strong> regime produced by <strong>the</strong> Leninist revolution of October<br />
1917 is, according to Ponte alias Antunes, <strong>the</strong> clearest demonstration<br />
of <strong>the</strong> impossibility of <strong>the</strong> permanent revolution. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> system<br />
was <strong>the</strong> conversion of <strong>the</strong> revolution ‘into its opposite’, denying in <strong>the</strong><br />
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application of political praxis, <strong>the</strong> principles it proclaimed <strong>and</strong> that justified<br />
<strong>the</strong> creation of <strong>the</strong> Soviet state system. That denial occured due to<br />
a succession of betrayals: “Lenin betrayed Marx; Stalin betrayed Lenin,<br />
Khrushchev betrayed Stalin” (Ponte 1967: 553). Manuel Antunes also<br />
continues to identify <strong>the</strong> continuous succession of betrayals, announcing<br />
that <strong>the</strong> troika which <strong>the</strong>n ruled <strong>the</strong> Soviets would also have betrayed what<br />
Khrushchev would have accomplished <strong>and</strong> proposed. His final appraisal<br />
is <strong>the</strong>refore implacable:<br />
“through a series of betrayals linked, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, to certain<br />
fidelity, a situation was generated in which <strong>the</strong> end denies <strong>the</strong> beginning<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> beginning denies <strong>the</strong> end in one of those passages towards <strong>the</strong><br />
limit or from pole to pole in which revolutions are fertile (Ponte 1967:<br />
553).” 6<br />
The Soviet system would <strong>the</strong>refore have betrayed <strong>the</strong> content <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> motivating reason of <strong>the</strong> communist regime. If <strong>the</strong> system of principles<br />
<strong>and</strong> ‘transformist mythology’ that underlay it, idealized by Karl Marx,<br />
defended <strong>the</strong> construction of a ‘new society’ based on a new model of<br />
man as a final product of <strong>the</strong> widespread implemenation of Communism<br />
(Bóia 2000: 131), <strong>the</strong> betrayal of that ‘original idealism’ <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> will<br />
of <strong>the</strong> ‘radically new’ jeopardised <strong>the</strong> desired effect of <strong>the</strong> revolution. In<br />
what way why did <strong>the</strong> betrayal happen? The ‘organizing realism’ <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
‘opportunists’ selfishness’, which Russian leaders in some way displayed,<br />
caused a metamorphosis of <strong>the</strong> revolutionary ideal that, in contrast what<br />
<strong>the</strong>y proposed, only transformed <strong>the</strong> surface of Russian society <strong>and</strong> of its<br />
annexed neighbours, whe<strong>the</strong>r allied or integrated.<br />
The Psycho-sociological <strong>and</strong> Cultural Anatomy of <strong>the</strong> ‘Russian<br />
Empire’<br />
Manuel Antunes believes that after <strong>the</strong> revolutionary storms “<strong>the</strong>re<br />
are more things that continue than <strong>the</strong> ones suppressed” (Ponte 1967: 553).<br />
The regime that rules <strong>the</strong> USSR is characterised as a regime of <strong>the</strong> ‘newly-entitled’<br />
that did not transform but inverted <strong>the</strong> Russian social fabric.<br />
The dominant elite having been defeated by <strong>the</strong> dominated strata<br />
6 To justify his analysis, <strong>the</strong> author follows <strong>the</strong> work by Berdiev 1963.<br />
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gave way to a new, dominant elite born from <strong>the</strong> strata that had previously<br />
been subdued. The methods of domination <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> exercise of power<br />
did not change. There was only an adaptation to <strong>the</strong> ideology <strong>and</strong> psychology<br />
of <strong>the</strong> new masters. The political actors changed, but <strong>the</strong> monolithic<br />
structure remains unaltered. The old tsarist Russian aristocracy was<br />
replaced by <strong>the</strong> hegemony of a single party <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir supporters, led by<br />
<strong>the</strong> omnipotent Secretary-General, toge<strong>the</strong>r with its small oligarchy. He<br />
compares <strong>the</strong> power exercised by <strong>the</strong> Secretary-General of <strong>the</strong> Kremlin to<br />
that of <strong>the</strong> absolutist masters of <strong>the</strong> Russian empire, whose most representative<br />
icons were Ivan <strong>the</strong> Terrible <strong>and</strong> Peter <strong>the</strong> Great. After a critical<br />
diagnosis, his objective is to discredit those who represent <strong>the</strong> consolidated<br />
Soviet regime, which has a large expansion capability <strong>and</strong> plays an<br />
even more decisive role in <strong>the</strong> transformation of international relations in<br />
<strong>the</strong> context of increasing globalisation.<br />
The ideal of a messianic character, that consisted in a belief in <strong>the</strong><br />
arrival of “new men that will live in a new l<strong>and</strong>” (Boia 2000: 166), in which<br />
humanity will be absolute master <strong>and</strong> effective controller of all nature,<br />
gave place to <strong>the</strong> average or mediocre objectives that were possible in <strong>the</strong><br />
real world. Ideology was <strong>the</strong>refore replaced by technocracy. Technocracy<br />
organised ideology <strong>and</strong> fulfilled it in a practical but not ideal way, in a cold,<br />
calculating <strong>and</strong> sometimes cruel way (Ponte 1969: 557).<br />
The great master of <strong>the</strong> technocratisation of <strong>the</strong> Soviet empire was<br />
Stalin, who created a new age in <strong>the</strong> construction of <strong>the</strong> communist State<br />
<strong>and</strong> its expansion: “The era of Stalin was dominated by Realpolitik, that<br />
is, <strong>the</strong> strict alliance between gr<strong>and</strong>-Russian nationalism <strong>and</strong> imperialism”<br />
(Freitas 1968: 615-623).<br />
Concerned with <strong>the</strong> weakening of <strong>the</strong> USA during <strong>the</strong> Nixon presidency,<br />
which showed symptoms of fragility at <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> 1970s<br />
as a consequence of <strong>the</strong> disaster in Vietnam, Antunes believes that a progressive<br />
deconstruction of <strong>the</strong> American empire would leave room for<br />
a “slow <strong>and</strong> progressive expansion of <strong>the</strong> USSR” (Cruz 1972: 210). He<br />
feared that this could spread <strong>and</strong> inaugurate a new age of terror for <strong>the</strong><br />
entire planet. Although <strong>the</strong> Pax Americana raised concerns <strong>and</strong> had limitations,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> author’s opinion <strong>the</strong> alternative ideal for <strong>the</strong> organisation of<br />
<strong>the</strong> global order would be even more fearsome. However, Manuel Antunes<br />
warned of <strong>the</strong> potential for that new emergency:<br />
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“On <strong>the</strong> horizon, magnificent <strong>and</strong> authoritarian, overcoming all<br />
contradictions, drying every tear, killing all famines, satiating thirstiness,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Pax Russa” (Cruz 1972: 210).<br />
It is known today, in hindsight, that his worst fears were not realised.<br />
Russia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rule of <strong>Europe</strong><br />
The expansion of <strong>the</strong> Russian empire through <strong>the</strong> political project<br />
that was realised in <strong>the</strong> USSR <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Warsaw Pact, uniting a large<br />
number of countries under <strong>the</strong> influence of <strong>the</strong> socialist ideology of <strong>the</strong><br />
October Revolution, made significant progress after World War II <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> weakening of Western <strong>Europe</strong>. However, Manuel Antunes also believes<br />
that <strong>the</strong> secret of such a political expression of <strong>the</strong> expansionist<br />
mentality was facilitated by <strong>the</strong> condescending attitude of <strong>the</strong> USA, which<br />
would later endure <strong>the</strong> consequences. The mistakes of <strong>the</strong> USA are, in<br />
fact, praised by <strong>the</strong> Jesuit thinker. America suffered <strong>the</strong> consequences of<br />
its incorrect political appraisal of <strong>the</strong> Soviet drift after <strong>the</strong> war (Freitas<br />
1968: 617). He considers Stalin to be <strong>the</strong> great architect of <strong>the</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
Russian empire, ignoring <strong>the</strong> principles that inspired <strong>the</strong> Russian socialist<br />
revolution <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> expectations of those who gave <strong>the</strong>ir lives for <strong>the</strong> cause<br />
of a Marxist utopia.<br />
The criticism of Stalin is brief: “faced with a choice between being<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘liberator’ of oppressed people or <strong>the</strong> architect of <strong>the</strong> widest empire<br />
of history, he chooses <strong>the</strong> second with conviction” (Freitas 1968: 617).<br />
Through what he Antunes calls ‘technocratic revolution’, Stalin <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
political system that he had established started to follow <strong>the</strong> most genuine<br />
traditions of “tsarist imperialism” (Freitas 1968: 622).<br />
Antunes denounces Russian expansionism, which nobody had dared<br />
to stop, through an internal policy that by <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> 1960s continued<br />
to support “<strong>the</strong> Stalinist motto” as a model. It followed his political modus<br />
procedendi that had accomplished “all of <strong>the</strong> aims of realism, opportunism<br />
<strong>and</strong> machiavelism”.<br />
The Russian empire justified its invasions <strong>and</strong> annexions in this way,<br />
as in <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> invasion of Czechoslovakia on August 21 of 1968,<br />
creating a new concept in terms of international relations: <strong>the</strong> concept<br />
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of “conditional sovereignty” as justification for <strong>the</strong> advancement of his<br />
“limitless imperialistic project” (Freitas 1968: 621).<br />
These <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r signs of <strong>the</strong> soaring ambition of Soviet imperialism<br />
led <strong>the</strong> author to consider <strong>the</strong> imperial behaviour of Russian politics,<br />
a concern for democratic <strong>Europe</strong> because in his view <strong>Europe</strong> was <strong>the</strong><br />
horizon of his deepest hopes; because <strong>the</strong> USSR sought to include what<br />
remained of free <strong>Europe</strong> in its imperial project. And it was in <strong>the</strong> so-called<br />
‘quadrilateral of Bohemia’ where <strong>the</strong> key to <strong>Europe</strong> resided, at that moment<br />
as in <strong>the</strong> past, as acknowledged in Bismarck’s famous declaration that:<br />
“Whosoever possesses <strong>the</strong> quadrilateral of Bohemia will become master<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong>”. 7 Besides <strong>the</strong> territories that had been annexed <strong>and</strong> incorporated<br />
into <strong>the</strong> Federation of Soviet Republics, <strong>the</strong> celebrated military<br />
alliance signed in Warsaw placed East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary,<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>, Romania, Bulgaria <strong>and</strong> Mongolia in <strong>the</strong> dependence of <strong>the</strong><br />
Russian Empire <strong>and</strong>, to a certain degree, its orbit of external ideological<br />
influence which included <strong>the</strong> People´s Republic of China, North Korea<br />
<strong>and</strong> North Vietnam.<br />
To be precise, regarding <strong>the</strong> immensity of <strong>the</strong> communist zone in<br />
<strong>the</strong> field of global relations, Antunes reminds us that almost 30 million<br />
km 2 of this whole area is included within <strong>the</strong> Russian sphere of influence.<br />
The Jesuit expert in political sciences argues that in his view ‘<strong>the</strong> myth of<br />
Moscow’ as <strong>the</strong> third Rome<br />
“[…] never stopped being alive <strong>and</strong> active in <strong>the</strong> history of Russia<br />
during <strong>the</strong> last centuries. Having crossed, unharmed, <strong>the</strong> age of tsarist<br />
decadence, it reappears, metamorphosed, with <strong>the</strong> Revolution of 1917”<br />
(Freitas 1968: 622).<br />
But it is not only <strong>the</strong> real extension of <strong>the</strong> circle of Russian influence<br />
that is regarded as a symptomatic illustration of Russian imperial<br />
ambition, camouflaged by <strong>the</strong> aim to construct a community of socialist<br />
peoples, but also <strong>the</strong> attention that Soviet historiography devotes to <strong>the</strong><br />
great empire of <strong>the</strong> ancient world.<br />
Historiography is never politically innocent. In fact, history can become<br />
a prostitute to ideology, changing perspectives, analyses <strong>and</strong> interpretations<br />
of <strong>the</strong> past at <strong>the</strong> service of regimes <strong>and</strong> model societies.<br />
7 Quoted by Carlos do Amaral (Pseudonym of fa<strong>the</strong>r Manuel Antunes) 1969: 508.<br />
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The active construction of an interpretation of <strong>the</strong> past has been<br />
affected by <strong>the</strong> present in regard to its foundations <strong>and</strong> motives, for example<br />
<strong>the</strong> vindication of certain eras, figures <strong>and</strong> events of <strong>the</strong> past, as an<br />
ideal or model, or as an inspirational guide for <strong>the</strong> transformation of <strong>the</strong><br />
present <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> orientation of <strong>the</strong> future.<br />
Manuel Antunes sagaciously recognises <strong>the</strong> significant role that history<br />
can play as a subsidiary but not irrelevant factor, due to its methods<br />
of recovering <strong>the</strong> past in regard to a particular political system, in terms<br />
of <strong>the</strong> expectations of a people or of a governmental elite in relation to<br />
<strong>the</strong> process of tranforming contemporary history in favour of a certain<br />
future that is idealised for a given society. Therefore, what Lucien Febvre<br />
described as <strong>the</strong> ‘social function’ of History: “To organize <strong>the</strong> past in <strong>the</strong><br />
service of <strong>the</strong> present: that is what we can call <strong>the</strong> social function of History”<br />
(Febvre 1989: 258). Hence, <strong>the</strong> socialist revolution of October 1917<br />
ended more than a half century of lethargy in Russia, of decayed empire,<br />
of an outlawed state governed by a ‘regime of pariahs’, attacked by everybody,<br />
exhausted by anarchy <strong>and</strong> civil war, at serious risk of fragmentation.<br />
Suddenly, <strong>the</strong> revolution rose from <strong>the</strong> ashes. The imperial dream did not<br />
die; it only transformed itself by constructing a strong state with a ‘mission’,<br />
a mission with a prophetic tone, of being ‘liberator <strong>and</strong> redeemer<br />
of <strong>the</strong> oppressed classes <strong>and</strong> people’. It re-established <strong>the</strong> ideal of empire,<br />
metamorphosed into a “universal <strong>and</strong> universalist state, with <strong>the</strong> intention<br />
of abolishing borders <strong>and</strong> resuscitating fraternity among <strong>the</strong> people of<br />
<strong>the</strong> whole world” (Freitas 1968: 623). It was this prophetic-messianic byproduct<br />
of Marxist ideology that rediverted <strong>the</strong> materialistic utopia <strong>and</strong><br />
recalled <strong>the</strong> old religious <strong>and</strong> spiritualistic utopias. Therefore, it managed<br />
to carve a new path of history <strong>and</strong> to re-establish Russia as <strong>the</strong> leader<br />
among <strong>the</strong> countries of its region of <strong>the</strong> globe:<br />
“Today USSR is <strong>the</strong> first, in time <strong>and</strong> importance, of <strong>the</strong> fourteen<br />
socialist states of <strong>the</strong> Earth, whose population include approximately one<br />
third of mankind, but its relations with those States are dictated by animosity,<br />
or by <strong>the</strong> affirmation of superiority, or by distrust or even by oppression<br />
<strong>and</strong> exploitation.” (Freitas 1968: 623).<br />
Therefore, he concludes that Russia used ideology more as an instrument<br />
than a final objective. In doing so it stretched <strong>the</strong> proclaimed<br />
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principles, “of equality in <strong>the</strong> cooperation between states that have <strong>the</strong><br />
same or similar socio-economic structures of production, <strong>the</strong> same or<br />
similar structures of political power, <strong>the</strong> same interests at an international<br />
level” (Freitas 1968: 622).<br />
The Crisis of <strong>the</strong> Utopia <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> Empire<br />
Under his aliases Manuel Antunes did not tire of proclaiming, at <strong>the</strong><br />
end of <strong>the</strong> 1960s <strong>and</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> 1970s, <strong>the</strong> long-term unfeasibility<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Soviet regime.<br />
The crisis of <strong>the</strong> socialist system that became an empire is analysed<br />
in light of <strong>the</strong> concepts of ‘tension’, ‘conservation’ <strong>and</strong> ‘reform’. Internal<br />
tension - latent, deaf or silent - was identified in <strong>the</strong> midst of society <strong>and</strong><br />
of some Russian intellectual elites. Conservation of ideology <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> gagging<br />
of <strong>the</strong> critical intelligentsia; reform: <strong>the</strong> need for economic reform,<br />
which <strong>the</strong> Russians wanted to undertake. But as a whole <strong>the</strong> author believes<br />
that “<strong>the</strong> crisis presently suffered by <strong>the</strong> Soviet regime is, above<br />
all, <strong>the</strong> ankylosis of its system” (Ponte 1969: 235-242), although he also<br />
recognizes that <strong>the</strong> symptoms could be simply growing pains. This sums<br />
up <strong>the</strong> alarming warnings of ruin that he outlines. However, as a dominant<br />
trend he values <strong>the</strong> symptoms of tension more <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y allow him to<br />
identify <strong>the</strong> appearance of a “new Russia side by side with several different<br />
Russias: Russia of Kiev, Tartarean Russia, Moscow Russia, Petrovian Russia,<br />
Soviet Russia” (Ponte 1969: 235).<br />
The collegiate government in power at that time, <strong>the</strong> troika comprising<br />
of Brezhnev, Konignine <strong>and</strong> Podgorny, maintained <strong>the</strong> previous<br />
policy of restoring <strong>the</strong> ‘Stalinist flag at half mast’.<br />
Herefore, a government at half term, whose “global progress consisted<br />
of two steps forward <strong>and</strong> one back” (Ponte 1969: 237). Due to Antunes’<br />
continuous analytical observation of Russia’s evolution, he is able<br />
to predict, at mid-term, precisely what would happen before <strong>the</strong> year 2000,<br />
<strong>the</strong> fall of <strong>the</strong> present Soviet regime through a democratic revolution:<br />
“Certain symptoms make it foreseeable, of course not soon, but probably<br />
before <strong>the</strong> year 2000” (Fortes 1971: 75).<br />
His prediction of a third Russian revolution in <strong>the</strong> twentieth century<br />
was based not only upon an analysis of <strong>the</strong> symptoms of <strong>the</strong> present crisis<br />
<strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> anchylosing political system, but proceeds from an interpreta-<br />
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154 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
tion of <strong>the</strong> ‘seismic character of Russian history’, due to <strong>the</strong> polycentric<br />
exercise of power, as well as an analysis of <strong>the</strong> possibile factors of spirituality<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian character, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> mentality of that octopus that<br />
knew how to resist, wait <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> opportune moment to demonstrate its<br />
nonconformism, changing <strong>the</strong> present state of things (Fortes 1971: 75). 8<br />
Manuel Antunes praises <strong>the</strong> character of <strong>the</strong> Russian people, seeing<br />
in its profound psyche <strong>the</strong> foundations that will allow <strong>the</strong> emergence of a<br />
revolution in <strong>the</strong> sense of an attack on <strong>the</strong> tyranny of <strong>the</strong> present system:<br />
“The humanity of <strong>the</strong> Russian people, its long suffering its still –<br />
fortunately – reduced in sophistication, its deep religiosity, whose foundations<br />
were not rocked by more than fifty years of a dominating system,<br />
its capacity of achievement, its asceticism, its strength of deliverance to a<br />
mystic, religious, profane or nihilistic, its love of <strong>the</strong> transcendent – ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>the</strong> transcendent in <strong>the</strong> form of <strong>the</strong> horizon of time, or <strong>the</strong> transcendent<br />
that is only perceptible to <strong>the</strong> eyes of a faith that crosses all frontiers <strong>and</strong><br />
conquers all obstacles – its psychic universe attentive to <strong>the</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
of distance <strong>and</strong> diversity, all this can give to those who are worried <strong>and</strong> disturbed,<br />
at times even in anguish <strong>and</strong> despair, <strong>the</strong> destiny of <strong>the</strong> planet, in<br />
<strong>the</strong> next hundred years, some serenity <strong>and</strong> some hope” (Fortes 1971: 75f).<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> Russian people hoped for a different revolution to<br />
<strong>the</strong> two previous ones: <strong>the</strong> liberal revolution of February 1917 which<br />
achieved mixed results, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> communist revolution in October of <strong>the</strong><br />
same year that would create <strong>the</strong> Soviet system <strong>and</strong> that had persisted:<br />
“Those two revolutions brought Russia – ‘Mo<strong>the</strong>r Russia’ – from<br />
<strong>the</strong> middle ages into <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, almost without passing through<br />
<strong>the</strong> Renaissance <strong>and</strong> modern times” (Fortes 1971: 75).<br />
8 He remembers, as a symptom of short duration of <strong>the</strong> system, <strong>the</strong> critical winds created<br />
by courageous Russian intellectuals <strong>and</strong> scientists that were persecuted by <strong>the</strong> Soviet<br />
regime: André Amalrik, André Sakharov, Roy Medvedev <strong>and</strong> Valentim Turchine. A letter<br />
sent by <strong>the</strong> last three Russian men of science to <strong>the</strong> leaders of Soviet Union is quoted as<br />
a symptomatic clue to <strong>the</strong> prospective elations it takes. The Russian scientists declare: “A<br />
scientific treatment dem<strong>and</strong>s a complete confrontation, an impartial judgement <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
freedom of creation. As long as <strong>the</strong>se conditions aren’t assembled (<strong>and</strong> not only for some<br />
but for <strong>the</strong> masses in general) talking of scientific management won’t be anything but idle<br />
talk … Only democratization can cause <strong>the</strong> rebirth of an enthusiasm comparable to <strong>the</strong><br />
one that existed in <strong>the</strong> twenties” (Fortes 1971: 81).<br />
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And after this diagnosis he risks a prognosis:<br />
“The revolution that is prophesized within <strong>the</strong> interstices of a reality<br />
that seems solid, stable <strong>and</strong> even monolithic will see <strong>the</strong> opening of<br />
<strong>the</strong> largest continuous space known to universal history in <strong>the</strong> twenty-first<br />
century”.<br />
Therefore he believes that <strong>the</strong> promised opening will be “one of <strong>the</strong><br />
hopes of <strong>the</strong> next century” (Fontes 1971: 75).<br />
We do not intend to present Manuel Antunes as a prophet who was<br />
right in his predicting <strong>the</strong> collapse of <strong>the</strong> Soviet regime before <strong>the</strong> year<br />
2000, as was verified in 1989 with <strong>the</strong> symbolic fall of <strong>the</strong> Berlin Wall; a<br />
consequence of <strong>the</strong> reform of <strong>the</strong> system that began with Michael Gorbachov’s<br />
Perestroika. However, <strong>the</strong> director of Brotéria was a sharp analyst<br />
of <strong>the</strong> dominant trends, from which he reached conclusions of a prophetic<br />
nature. Following an attentive <strong>and</strong> critical reading reveals that Manuel<br />
Antunes’interpretation of Russia had an accusatory tone. The production<br />
of continuous analytical reflection upon <strong>the</strong> Russian universe, apparently<br />
so distant from Portuguese reality, should be understood in <strong>the</strong> context<br />
of <strong>the</strong> anti-communist culture of prevention that developed in <strong>the</strong> midst<br />
of Portuguese Catholicism <strong>and</strong> especially in <strong>the</strong> period of <strong>the</strong> New State.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> interpretation of <strong>the</strong> Jesuit Manuel Antunes is first<br />
of all Catholic <strong>and</strong> western democratic.<br />
Antunes regarded <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>and</strong> expansion of Russia as a<br />
threat that should be acknowledged <strong>and</strong> analysed. Thus, he strove to reflect<br />
upon Russia <strong>and</strong> to explain <strong>the</strong> imperial mindset of <strong>the</strong> communist<br />
political elite.<br />
The emergence <strong>and</strong> expansion of communist imperialism clearly<br />
appeared as a danger to western <strong>Europe</strong>, to <strong>the</strong> Catholic Church <strong>and</strong> to<br />
<strong>the</strong> regime of <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo, for reasons that did not always coincide:<br />
for <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> western world, due to its anti-democratic <strong>and</strong> anticapitalist<br />
character; for Catholicism due to its a<strong>the</strong>istic <strong>and</strong> materialistic<br />
beliefs; for <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo, which presented <strong>the</strong> Communist ghost as <strong>the</strong><br />
greatest enemy of all, due to its Marxist aims that included <strong>the</strong> abolition<br />
of classes <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> end of individual property.<br />
Manuel Antunes’ intervention in <strong>the</strong> area of political science, <strong>and</strong><br />
his analysis of <strong>the</strong> new epistemological framework of international rela-<br />
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156 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
tions, essentially aims to deconstruct <strong>the</strong> ideal of <strong>the</strong> complete fulfilment<br />
of <strong>the</strong> socialist utopia, which transformed <strong>the</strong> Revolution of 1917 into a<br />
political system.<br />
On one h<strong>and</strong> we can identify an effort to try to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> aggressive<br />
expansion of <strong>the</strong> Soviet system <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> enlargement of its sphere<br />
of influence in <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> he is concerned by <strong>the</strong> accompanying consolidation<br />
process of what he calls <strong>the</strong> tragic Russian empire of <strong>the</strong> communist<br />
system <strong>and</strong> its methods of political action.<br />
He also attempts to reveal <strong>the</strong> contradiction between <strong>the</strong> political<br />
praxis <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> regime’s ideological principles needed for its justification<br />
<strong>and</strong> legitimation, <strong>and</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>rmore its genetic affiliation with <strong>the</strong> Russian<br />
imperial mentality <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> old expansionist ambitions now metamorphosed<br />
into a universal humanist ideal.<br />
The Antunian objective analysis represents progress in that it acknowledges<br />
<strong>the</strong> continuity of an ideal of might <strong>and</strong> rule of Russian origin<br />
in <strong>the</strong> new communist ideology that governed <strong>the</strong> policy of <strong>the</strong> Soviet<br />
Union, after refuting <strong>the</strong> attraction that some Portuguese had for <strong>the</strong> step<br />
forward in <strong>the</strong> human cooperation that that social model represented.<br />
Finally, it is important to emphasise that one of <strong>the</strong> most surprising<br />
features that emerge from <strong>the</strong> analysis of what happened in Russia are<br />
<strong>the</strong> predictions made by <strong>the</strong> director of Brotéria, which achieved prophetic<br />
status, in particular <strong>the</strong> prediction of <strong>the</strong> third Russian revolution of <strong>the</strong><br />
twentieth century which would pave <strong>the</strong> way to democracy.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Amaral, Carlos do (Pseudonym of Manuel Antunes) (1969): “Satélites da<br />
URSS (1944-1969)” in: Brotéria, 89, 508.<br />
Avelar, Manuel (1973): “Relações Leste-Oeste após Helsínquia” in: Brotéria,<br />
97, 194-197.<br />
Berdiev, Nicolas (1963): Les sources et le sens du communisme russe. Paris.<br />
Boia, Lucian (2000): La Mythologie Scientifique du Communisme. Paris.<br />
Cruz, Orl<strong>and</strong>o (1972a): “Europa: da comunidade económica à comunidade<br />
política” in: Brotéria, 95, 337.<br />
--- (1972b) “Globalismo Russo” in: Brotéria, 95, 209-213.<br />
Febvre, Lucien (1989): Combates pela História. Lisbon.<br />
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The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 157<br />
Fortes, Almiro (1971): “A terceira revolução russa?” in: Brotéria, 93, 75.<br />
Franco, José Eduardo (2007): O mito dos Jesuítas em Portugal, no Brasil e no<br />
Oriente. Lisbon.<br />
--- (2003): “História da Revista Brotéria” in: Rico, Hermínio / Franco, José<br />
Eduardo, Fé, Ciência, Cultura, Brotéria - 100 anos. Lisbon, 89ff.<br />
--- (1999): Brotar Educação. História da Brotéria e do seu Pensamento Pedagógico.<br />
Lisbon.<br />
Freire, António (1955): “O ressurgimento do latim” in: Brotéria, 61, 518.<br />
Freitas, Luís de (1968): “URSS e a Realpolitik” in: Brotéria, 87, 615-623.<br />
Matos Ferreira, António (1999): “Catolicismo” in: Barreto, António /<br />
Mónica, Filomena, Dicionário de História de Portugal. Lisbon, 257-269.<br />
Pires Lopes, Francisco (1982): “Polónia, mártir da história” in: Brotéria,<br />
114, 263.<br />
--- (1980): “Um papa de ‘outro’ mundo” in: Brotéria 110, 55-74.<br />
Ponte, M. Veiga da (1969): “URSS 1969: A crise continua” in: Brotéria, 88,<br />
235-242.<br />
Ponte, M. Veiga da (1967): “URSS (1917-1967): da ideologia à tecnocracia”<br />
in: Brotéria, 85, 552-553.<br />
Sobral Nunes, Luís (1965): “Europa Oriental: Integração ou desintegração”<br />
in: Brotéria, 81, 223-231.<br />
Toynbee, Arnold J. (1948): Civilisation on Trial. London, NewYork, Toronto.<br />
Appendix<br />
Bibliographical references for <strong>the</strong> texts of <strong>the</strong> journal Brotéria about<br />
<strong>the</strong> Slavic world<br />
Taking as a base <strong>the</strong> numerous reports of emerging <strong>the</strong>mes in this<br />
journal, we put toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> articles concerning Slavic countries. We speak<br />
of countries <strong>and</strong> not of people (maybe <strong>the</strong> most accurate definition) because<br />
we limited our research target to <strong>the</strong> Slavic peoples that constitute<br />
<strong>the</strong> larger population of a certain political territory.<br />
There are eleven Slavic countries: Belarus, Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia,<br />
Slovenia, Macedonia, Pol<strong>and</strong>, Czech Republic, Russia, Serbia <strong>and</strong><br />
Ukraine. However, definitions appear such as Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia<br />
or U.S.S.R. precisely due to <strong>the</strong> chronological content of Brotéria. We did<br />
not only use <strong>the</strong> names of <strong>the</strong> countries as key-words, but also <strong>the</strong>mes<br />
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158 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
that are linked with some of those territories: Communism <strong>and</strong> Marxism<br />
for instance.<br />
The articles were divided into two parts: in <strong>the</strong> first case by country<br />
(we included in <strong>the</strong> group of U.S.S.R. <strong>the</strong> articles related to Communism,<br />
due to <strong>the</strong> influence of this ideology in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union)<br />
<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> second case by <strong>the</strong>me.<br />
From an observation of <strong>the</strong> titles alone, of <strong>the</strong> information that<br />
after a first attempt we could consider reducing, we noticed that, in spite<br />
of <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> dominant subject was <strong>the</strong> political <strong>and</strong> social context<br />
of those countries, in truth interests were revealed in areas as diversified as<br />
education, culture, literature, science <strong>and</strong> technology, among o<strong>the</strong>rs.<br />
As <strong>the</strong> presence of <strong>the</strong>se countries is not in any way residual, it is<br />
important to initially classify, <strong>and</strong> later to interpret <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong><br />
reasons that led <strong>the</strong> Portuguese (<strong>and</strong> not only <strong>the</strong> Portuguese) to write<br />
about <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side of <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
What made authors from <strong>the</strong> western point of <strong>the</strong> old <strong>and</strong> tired<br />
continent reflect upon <strong>and</strong> write about such distant countries, located in<br />
<strong>the</strong> last oriental frontier of <strong>Europe</strong>? It is this <strong>the</strong> question that we tried to<br />
answer within <strong>the</strong> article.<br />
I. Index by Countries<br />
Czechoslovakia:<br />
1926:<br />
CARVALHO, A. P., “Reclamação do Episcopado a favor do ensino religioso”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 3, 1926, 93-94.<br />
1965:<br />
SOBREIRA, Alberto (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “ ‘O processo’ de Kafka”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 81, 1965, 402-405.<br />
1966:<br />
MORÃO, Artur, “Sentido e não-sentido em Franz Kafka”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
82, 1966, 829-838.<br />
MORÃO, Artur, “Sentido e não-sentido em Franz Kafka”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
83, 1966, 87-96.<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. Tentativa para sedentarizar os ciganos na Checoslováquia”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 83, 1966, 110-111.<br />
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The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 159<br />
1967:<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. Novas disposições legais para encorajar o prolongamento<br />
da vida activa na Checoslováquia”, in Brotéria, vol. 84, 1967,<br />
115-116.<br />
1968:<br />
PONTE, M. Veiga da (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O drama checoslovaco”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 87, 1968, 336-345.<br />
1971:<br />
LOBO, J. A. da Rocha, “Um crítico checo vê a Bergman”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
93, 1971, 524-532.<br />
1972:<br />
LOBO, Rocha, “Situação na cinematografia checoeslovaca (II)”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 94, 1972, 92-101.<br />
1981:<br />
SILVA, Ribeiro da, “Kafka, vigilante da história”, in Brotéria, vol. 112,<br />
1981, 293-305.<br />
Yugoslavia:<br />
1946:<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. A religião católica na ‘democracia’ jugoslava”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 43, 1946, 680-682.<br />
1947:<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. A liberdade de ensino na Jugoslávia”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
44, 1947, 841-842.<br />
1958:<br />
D., P., “Milovan Djilas e a sua ‘Nova Classe dirigente’”, in Brotéria, vol. 67,<br />
1958, 208-210.<br />
1967:<br />
LEITE, António, “A Santa Sé e a Jugoslávia”, in Brotéria, vol. 84, 1967,<br />
71-82.<br />
1971:<br />
LEITE, António, “O presidente Tito da Jugoslávia no Vaticano”, vol. 92,<br />
1971, 660-670.<br />
1992:<br />
MASY, Rafael, “Quem financiou a guerra dos Balcãs?”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
134, 1992, 454-458.<br />
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160 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
2000:<br />
LOPES, António Calado, “Modernidade e anacronismo da guerra na Jugoslávia”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 151, 2000, 356-360.<br />
USSR:<br />
1925:<br />
CARVALHO, A. P., “A volta a Roma”, in Brotéria, vol. 1, 1925, 563-564.<br />
PINHO, M., “Teosofismo. I — Três Fases na História do teosofismo. 1)<br />
— Aparecimento— M.me Blavatsky”, in Brotéria, vol. 1, 1925, 283-288.<br />
PINHO, M., “Teosofismo. I — Três Fases na História do teosofismo. 2)<br />
— Blavatsky na América: 1873-1878”, in Brotéria, vol. 1, 1925, 376-384.<br />
PINHO, M., “Teosofismo. I — Três fases na história do teosofismo. 3)<br />
Blavatsky na Índia: 1878-1884”, in Brotéria, vol. 1, 1925, 500-505.<br />
1926:<br />
CARVALHO, A. P., “Um diplomata russo jesuíta”, in Brotéria, vol. 2, 1926,<br />
p. 147.<br />
KOLOGRIVOV, Ivan, “O casamento e o divórcio segundo a legislação<br />
bolchevista”, in Brotéria, vol. 2, 1926, 59-69.<br />
PINHO, M., “Teosofismo. I — Três fases na história do teosofismo. Blavatsky<br />
na Índia 1884-1885”, in Brotéria, vol. 2, 1926, 63-70.<br />
CARVALHO, A. P., “Centenas de milhares de crianças ao ab<strong>and</strong>ono”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 3, 1926, p. 94.<br />
PINHO, M., “Teosofismo. I — Três fases na história do teosofismo. 5)<br />
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in Brotéria, vol. 49, 1949, 154-170.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O potencial económico da<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 49, 1949, 479-495.<br />
EBERHARD, E., “Revista de Revistas. Campos de concentração em<br />
1948”, in Brotéria, vol. 49, 1949, p. 236.<br />
HERMANOWSKI, Georg, “Revista de Revistas. Está Deus ainda vivo na<br />
Rússia?”, in Brotéria, vol. 49, 1949, 621-622.<br />
MARJAY, Friedrich, “Visão trágica”, in Brotéria, vol. 49, 1949, 198-205.<br />
ZURARA, Gomes de, “A Igreja e o comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 49, 1949,<br />
313-323.<br />
1950:<br />
ANDERSON, Paul, “Revista de Revistas. A Rússia acusada de ‘genocídio’”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 50, 1950, 595-596.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A revalorização do rublo”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 50, 1950, 573-580.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A U.R.S.S. prepar<strong>and</strong>o a agressão”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 50, 1950, 678-684.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Anti-semitismo soviético?”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 50, 1950, 68-77.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Infiltrações soviéticas”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 50, 1950, 461-466.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os sovietes e a bomba atómica”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 50, 1950, 185-191.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A ‘questão real’ belga e o Kremlin”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 51, 1950, 321-329.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Atrasos na realização do quarto<br />
plano quinquenal da U. R.S.S. 1946-1950”, in Brotéria, vol. 51, 1950, 209-<br />
215.<br />
ZURARA, Gomes de, “Táctica anticomunista”, in Brotéria, vol. 51, 1950,<br />
86-97.<br />
1951:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A imprensa soviética e os problemas<br />
cruciais da Ásia e da Europa”, in Brotéria, vol. 52, 1951, 185-195.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Do quarto ao quinto plano quinquenal<br />
na Rússia”, in Brotéria, vol. 52, 1951, 466-473.<br />
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170 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O significado do ‘Apelo de Estocolmo’”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 52, 1951, 89-99.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Que pensa o ‘povo’ na Alemanha<br />
Ocidental de 1951?”, in Brotéria, vol. 52, 1951, 685-697.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A baixa dos preços e o orçamento<br />
de 1951 da União Soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 53, 1951, 56-64.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A Rússia no banco dos réus, no<br />
Palácio de Egmont, em Bruxelas”, in Brotéria, vol. 53, 1951, 326-339.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os planos agressivos da Rússia no<br />
Extremo Oriente”, in Brotéria, vol. 53, 1951, 526-535.<br />
WILCZKOWSKI, C., “Revista de Revistas. Orientações actuais da pedagogia<br />
soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 53, 1951, 214-216.<br />
1952:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Mais planos agressivos da Rússia”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 54, 1952, 221-228.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O orçamento de 1952 e a nova<br />
baixa de preços na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 54, 1952, 699-707.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A guerra psicológica entre o Ocidente<br />
e a U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 55, 1952, 178-190.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Balanço definitivo do quarto plano<br />
quinquenal soviético”, in Brotéria, vol. 55, 1952, 424-430.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O XIX Congresso bolchevista de<br />
Moscovo”, in Brotéria, vol. 55, 1952, 559-568.<br />
FALK, Heinrich, “Revista de Revistas. Evolução do direito matrimonial e<br />
familiar na Rússia soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 55, 1952, 96-98.<br />
1953:<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Vida Literária. Aspectos da literatura europeia desde<br />
1945”, in Brotéria, vol. 56, 1953, 212-217.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Vida Literária. Aspectos da literatura europeia desde<br />
1945”, in Brotéria, vol. 56, 1953, 485-491.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Vida Literária. Correntes da literatura europeia desde<br />
1945”, in Brotéria, vol. 56, 1953, 704-708.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A luta pela herança de estaline na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 56, 1953, 690-700.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Actividades dos ‘Sem-Deus’ fora<br />
da Rússia”, in Brotéria, vol. 56, 1953, 317-327.<br />
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BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “‘Campos de morte’ na U.R.S.S. e<br />
nos países satélites”, in Brotéria, vol. 56, 1953, 467-475.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Na morte de Estaline”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 56, 1953, 570-575.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ateísmo militante na U.R.S.S.”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 56, 1953, 63-74.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O papel dos sindicatos na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 57, 1953, 568-576.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os mistérios perturbantes do<br />
Kremlin”, in Brotéria, vol. 57, 1953, 331-342.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Que se passa na U.R.S.S. depois da<br />
morte de Estaline?”, in Brotéria, vol. 57, 1953, 180-190.<br />
1954:<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Vida Literária. Realismo socialista”, in Brotéria, vol. 58,<br />
1954, 198-205.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A espionagem soviética no mundo<br />
livre”, in Brotéria, vol. 58, 1954, 688-698.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A ‘Igreja das catacumbas’ na U.<br />
R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 58, 1954, 310-319.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A propag<strong>and</strong>a ateísta e as perseguições<br />
religiosas fora da U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 58, 1954, 464-472.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A situação económica na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 58, 1954, 64-73.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Manejos soviéticos na Ásia”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 58, 1954, 552-559.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Como o Kremlin paga aos seus<br />
servidores”, in Brotéria, vol. 59, 1954, 68-77.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Dificuldades económicas da<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 59, 1954, 190-199.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Nova ofensiva ateia na U.R.S.S.”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 59, 1954, 560-570.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Realidade da U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 59, 1954, 428-436.<br />
BLOCK, Lionel S., “Revista de Revistas. A propag<strong>and</strong>a comunista na Universidade”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 59, 1954, 224-226.<br />
I., V., “Revista de Revistas. O comunismo na X Conferência interamericana”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 59, 1954, 334-335.<br />
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172 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. O Centro ‘Soloviev’ de Fordham”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 59, 1954, 110-111.<br />
1955:<br />
ARCHER, Luís J., “A ciência marxista no mundo de hoje”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
60, 1955, 645-657.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “As hipócritas ‘instruções’ de<br />
Khrouchtchev e a ofensiva ateia na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 60, 1955,<br />
186-195.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Em torno do 2º Congresso da ‘União<br />
dos Escritores Soviéticos’”, in Brotéria, vol. 60, 1955, 294-303.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Na U.R.S.S.: promessas ‘tranquilizadoras’<br />
e ameaçadora realidade”, in Brotéria, vol. 60, 1955, 540-553.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Palavras de paz e obras de guerra<br />
na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 60, 1955, 57-66.<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. Novas orientações da genética russa”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 60, 1955, 218-220.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Costumes Soviéticos”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 61, 1955, 173-183.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Dos dois lados da ‘cortina de ferro’”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 61, 1955, 59-70.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O Kremlin sorri...”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
61, 1955, 404-413.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O Patriarcado de Moscovo e as<br />
suas actividades de espionagem soviética fora da U. R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
61, 1955, 315-325.<br />
FREIRE, A., “O ressurgimento do latim”, in Brotéria, vol. 61, 1955, 512-<br />
519.<br />
1956:<br />
A., E. C., “Lobos com pele de ovelha”, in Brotéria, vol. 62, 1956, 722-723.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Amnistia à maneira comunista...”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 62, 1956, 192-201.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os propósitos agressivos do Kremlin”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 62, 1956, 558-567.<br />
G., A. P., “O drama da coexistência”, in Brotéria, vol. 62, 1956, 223-226.<br />
L., A. de, “O cristão perante o comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 62, 1956,<br />
721-722.<br />
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V., A., “O comunismo e o episcopado católico inglês”, in Brotéria, vol. 62,<br />
1956, 597-599.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “O marxismo na União Soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 63,<br />
1956, 591-592.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Vida Literária. Berdiaev e a criação artística”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 63, 1956, 70-74.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Ataques comunistas ao Vaticano,<br />
ao ’Russicum’, aos jesuítas e à Igreja”, in Brotéria, vol. 63, 1956, 292-299.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Dificuldades económicas e as causas<br />
verdadeiras do pacifismo do Kremlin”, in Brotéria, vol. 63, 1956, 419-<br />
428.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Em torno do ‘pacifismo’ do Kremlin”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 63, 1956, 185-191.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Fins agressivos da actual economia<br />
soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 63, 1956, 82-90.<br />
1957:<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Tomismo e marxismo. Confronto de dois humanismos”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 64, 1957, 409-423.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A inteligência algemada na U.R.S.S”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 64, 1957, 648-652.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A U.R.S.S. e os países satélites”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 64, 1957, 292-303.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A vida religiosa na U.R.S.S.”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 64, 1957, 424-432.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Como apresenta os factos o Kremlin<br />
comunista”, in Brotéria, vol. 64, 1957, 51-57.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “As investigações nucleares na União<br />
Soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 65, 1957, 174-182.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O festival de Moscovo e a Exposição<br />
de Bruxelas”, in Brotéria, vol. 65, 1957, 402-410.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O Patriarca ortodoxo de Moscovo<br />
auxiliar do comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 65, 1957, 549-554.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Situação económica na U.R.S.S.<br />
Resultados obtidos em 1956 e orçamento para 1957”, in Brotéria, vol. 65,<br />
1957, 33-41.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os últimos acontecimentos na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 65, 1957, 309-317.<br />
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174 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
1958:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Actividades da Academia de Ciências<br />
na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 66, 1958, 401-411.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Do que se passa no Soviete Supremo<br />
da U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 66, 1958, 648-657.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Novo plano de fomento na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 66, 1958, 190-199.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Sputnik’”, in Brotéria, vol. 66,<br />
1958, 26-33.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Como se vive na U.R.S.S.”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 67, 1958, 51-60.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Sputnik III’ e outras actividades<br />
científicas da U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 67, 1958, 296-309.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Três acontecimentos importantes<br />
na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 67, 1958, 521-527.<br />
LENA, Alves de, “Católicos e socialistas no recente encontro de Munique”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 67, 1958, 258-268.<br />
1959:<br />
B., A., “Colaboração com os comunistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 707-<br />
709.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A vida religiosa na Rússia”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 416-426.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Actividades científicas na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 280-287.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Aspectos da luta anti-religiosa na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 173-180.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Espionagem e outras actividades<br />
comunistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 668-674.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘caso’ de Bóris Pasternak”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 49-52.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Três reformas na U.R.S.S.”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 539-546.<br />
MENDES, João, “Vida Literária. ‘O Doutor Jivago’, de Bóris Pasternak”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 322-331.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A competição económica entre a<br />
U.R.S.S. e os E.U.A.”, in Brotéria, vol. 69, 1959, 311-320.<br />
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BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A U.R.S.S. e a actividade científica”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 69, 1959, 192-194.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A U.R.S.S. na conquista do cosmos”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 69, 1959, 441-450.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os ‘Luniks’ II e III”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 69, 1959, 578-583.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Reformas judiciárias na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 69, 1959, 51-56.<br />
1960:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A lição de dois recenseamentos na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960, 304-308.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Ainda a perseguição religiosa na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960, 695-698.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Ainda o ‘LuniK – III’”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 70, 1960, 45-51.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A propósito do lançamento de superfoguetões<br />
balísticos na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960, 448-453.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Recrudescência da perseguição religiosa<br />
na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960, 543-550.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Utilização da energia nuclear na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960, 192-198.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “As lágrimas de Deus”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960,<br />
292-303.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A ofensiva soviética na África”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 71, 1960, 469-474.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Sputnik - IV”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
71, 1960, 78-82.<br />
1961:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A situação agrícola na U.R.S.S.”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 442-448.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “As greves da Bélgica e a imprensa<br />
moscovita”, in Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 315-320.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Conferência de ‘alto nível’ dos partidos<br />
comunistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 205-210.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Divergências comunistas”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 685-690.<br />
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176 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Respig<strong>and</strong>o na imprensa soviética”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 81-87.<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. Uso da língua vulgar na liturgia bizantina”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 100-101.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A tragédia de Catanga segundo a<br />
óptica soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 73, 1961, 452-459.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Ameaças de guerra”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 73, 1961, 320-326.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Ingerência do Kremlin no ex-Congo<br />
belga”, in Brotéria, vol. 73, 1961, 68-73.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Métodos soviéticos”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 73, 1961, 200-205.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “De Feuerbach a Carlos Marx”, in Brotéria, vol. 73,<br />
1961, 382-396.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “Raízes hegelianas do marxismo”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
73, 1961, 120-133.<br />
1962:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Actividades soviéticas na América<br />
Latina”, in Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962, 675-680.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Catanga na imprensa soviética”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962, 194-200.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Pontos de vista soviéticos. ‘Destalinização’<br />
— Foguetão global —- A Argélia”, in Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962,<br />
561-566.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Respig<strong>and</strong>o na imprensa soviética”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962, 439-446.<br />
VELOSO, A., “‘A Rússia de hoje e o homem de sempre’”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
74, 1962, 469-470.<br />
VELOSO, A., “Do anarquismo de Stirner, ao comunismo marxista”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962, 34-56.<br />
VELOSO, A., “‘Filosofia do Comunismo’”, in Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962, 589-<br />
590.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “A propósito do ‘caso Djilas’”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962,<br />
86-89.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Sartre e o marxismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 540-550.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Actividade de Moscovo e de<br />
Pequim na Ásia”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 192-195.<br />
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BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Nova reforma agrária na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 74-78.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Mercado Comum’ na óptica soviética”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 437-441.<br />
CASTRO, L. de, “Católicos progressistas e católicos conservadores”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 213-215.<br />
MENDES, João, “‘Inquérito ao Marxismo’”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 210-<br />
213.<br />
OLEIRO, A. M., “Novembro 62: entre a guerra e a paz”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
75, 1962, 581-582.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “Religião e comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962,<br />
385-400.<br />
1963:<br />
ANTUNES, Manuel, “Marxismo ortodoxo”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963,<br />
513-522.<br />
ANTUNES, Manuel, “Situação actual do marxismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 76,<br />
1963, 40-48.<br />
ANTUNES, Manuel, “Vida Literária. Um dia na vida de Ivan Denisovich”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 588-590.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A acção dos Sovietes em África”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 576-579.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Desacordo entre Moscovo e<br />
Pequim, ideológico ou apenas táctico?”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 456-459.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Comecon’”, in Brotéria, vol. 76,<br />
1963, 328-331.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O Concílio Ecuménico na óptica<br />
do Kremlin”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 78-81.<br />
LEITE, António, “O Vaticano e o Kremlin”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963,<br />
475-477.<br />
LEITE, António, “Os cristãos orientais”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 523-<br />
533.<br />
MOREIRA, Adriano, “Os direitos do homem e a balança de poderes”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 385-399.<br />
OLEIRO, A. M. (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Horizonte do Mundo. A ressurreição<br />
europeia”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 338-344.<br />
OLEIRO, A. M. (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Horizonte do Mundo. A<br />
URSS dez anos depois”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 469-474.<br />
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VELOSO, Agostinho, “Autópsia ao Manifesto de 1847”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
76, 1963, 137-154.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “Esperanças traídas”, in Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 49-<br />
58.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “O comunismo e as novas gerações”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 76, 1963, 282-301.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “O mito das classes sociais”, in Brotéria, vol. 76,<br />
1963, 662-679.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “Trabalho desportivo e trabalho forçado”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 76, 1963, 436-455.<br />
CASTRO, L. de (Pseud. António Leite), “Actualidade religiosa. O cinquentenário<br />
da sagração episcopal do Patriarca de Moscovo”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 77, 1963, 329-331.<br />
LEITE, António, “As Crist<strong>and</strong>ades Orientais”, in Brotéria, vol. 77, 1963,<br />
64-75.<br />
VEIGA-BEIRIZ, M. (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Horizonte do Mundo.<br />
Relações sino-soviéticas”, in Brotéria, vol. 77, 1963, 219-224.<br />
VEIGA-BEIRIZ, M. (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O Tratado Nuclear de<br />
Moscovo”, in Brotéria, vol. 77, 1963, 339-342.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “Do anarquismo revolucionário ao trabalho forçado”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 77, 1963, 47-57.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “O mistério da proletarização forçada”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 77, 1963, 191-202.<br />
1964:<br />
CASTRO, L. de (Pseud. António Leite), “Cristãos perseguidos na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 78, 1964, 717-727.<br />
I., M., “Revista de Revistas. Carlos Marx põe em guarda o Ocidente contra<br />
o expansionismo russo”, in Brotéria, vol. 78, 1964, 114-115.<br />
MOREIRA, Adriano,“ A autodeterminação e a guerra fria”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 78, 1964, 5-15.<br />
VELOSO, Agostinho, “Algo de novo sobre Estáline”, in Brotéria, vol. 78,<br />
1964, 46-55.<br />
ALMEIDA, D. Manuel d’, “A Rússia e o Ocidente”, in Brotéria, vol. 79,<br />
1964, 407-418.<br />
ALMEIDA, D. Manuel d’, “Sombras de 1914”, in Brotéria, vol. 79, 1964,<br />
129-140.<br />
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CORTE, Marcel de, “Revista de Revistas. Haverá uma ‘quinta coluna’ na<br />
Igreja Católica?”, in Brotéria, vol. 79, 1964, 596-597.<br />
1965:<br />
CASTRO, L. de (Pseud. António Leite), “A III Conferência Pan-Ortodoxa<br />
de Rodes”, in Brotéria, vol. 80, 1965, 183-190.<br />
VEIGA-BEIRIZ, M. (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “A ‘reunião consultiva’ de<br />
Moscovo”, in Brotéria, vol. 80, 1965, 471-476.<br />
MESSINEO, António, “A Organização das Nações Unidas”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 81, 1965, 63-71.<br />
NUNES, Luís Sobral (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Europa Oriental: integração<br />
ou desintegração”, in Brotéria, vol. 81, 1965, 223-231.<br />
VASCONCELOS, Evaristo de, “Becket — Os irmãos Karamazov — Há<br />
festa na aldeia”, in Brotéria, vol. 81, 1965, 405-410.<br />
1966:<br />
MAURÍCIO, Domingos, “Portugal e o primeiro tratado sino-russo de<br />
Nerchinsk (7-IX-1689)”, in Brotéria, vol. 82, 1966, 461-477.<br />
OLIVEIRA, J., “Um ano de refluxo das esquerdas”, in Brotéria, vol. 82,<br />
1966, 210-217.<br />
MENDES, João, “Uma gr<strong>and</strong>e biografia de Tolstoi”, in Brotéria, vol. 83,<br />
1966, 252-257.<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. A desumanidade do humanismo político”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 83, 1966, p. 688.<br />
SOBREIRA, Alberto (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Retorno ao homem na<br />
literatura soviética actual”, in Brotéria, vol. 83, 1966, 677-678.<br />
1967:<br />
CASTRO, L. de (Pseud. António Leite), “A Santa Sé e a Rússia”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 84, 1967, 326-338.<br />
MARTINS, António Maria, “O padre Aparício e a consagração da Rússia<br />
e do mundo ao Imaculado Coração de Maria”, in Brotéria, vol. 85, 1967,<br />
746-755.<br />
PONTE, M. Veiga da (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “U.R.S.S. (1917-1967):<br />
Da ideologia à tecnocracia”, in Brotéria, vol. 85, 1967, 552-557.<br />
SILVA, Luís Peral da (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Passado, presente e futuro<br />
do comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 85, 1967, 658-670.<br />
1968:<br />
SOUSA, L. Pronto de (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “K. Marx: 150 anos”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 86, 1968, 851-853.<br />
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180 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
FREITAS, Luís de (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “A URSS e a ‘Realpolitik’”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 87, 1968, 615-623.<br />
MORÃO, A.,“ Mikail A. Cholokov - Nobel 65”, in Brotéria, vol. 87, 1968,<br />
214-223.<br />
1969:<br />
MAIA, João, “Dois livros de ficção”, in Brotéria, vol. 88, 1969, 83-85.<br />
PONTE, M. Veiga da (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “URSS 1969: a crise continua”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 88, 1969, 235-242.<br />
AVEIRO, Luís Mendes de (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Carreira e consciência:<br />
o caso Sakharov”, in Brotéria, vol. 89, 1969, 95-96.<br />
AMARAL, Carlos do (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Satélites da URSS (1944-<br />
1969)”, in Brotéria, vol. 89, 1969, 503-509.<br />
PONTE, M. Veiga da (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O documento de Moscovo”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 89, 1969, 213-220.<br />
1970:<br />
BRANDÃO, Fern<strong>and</strong>o de Castro, “A acção em Espanha do embaixador<br />
russo Tattistchef segundo a correspondência diplomática portuguesa:<br />
(1816 a 1818)”, in Brotéria, vol. 90, 1970, 755-765.<br />
FORTES, Almiro (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Actualidade de Lenine?”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 90, 1970, 659-662.<br />
PENA, Nuno Vieira de (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Morta, a ideia da liberdade?”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 90, 1970, 240-241.<br />
SOBREIRA, A. (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Soljenitsyne, Prémio Nobel”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 91, 1970, 520-521.<br />
1971:<br />
FORTES, Almiro (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O XXIV congresso do<br />
PCUS”, in Brotéria, vol. 92, 1971, 684-691.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “Solzhenitsin, Nobel da Literatura 1970”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
92, 1971, 172-185.<br />
CLARO, Luís (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “A escolástica marxista”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 93, 1971, 239-240.<br />
FORTES, Almiro (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “A terceira revolução russa?”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 93, 1971, 75-81.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “O romance polifónico de Dostoiewsky (I)”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 93, 1971, 326-336.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “O romance polifónico de Dostoiewsky (II)”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 93, 1971, 612-625.<br />
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SIMÕES, Manuel, “Poética da música”, in Brotéria, vol. 93, 1971, 603-611.<br />
1972:<br />
AVELAR, Manuel (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “URSS, 1972”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 94, 1972, 227-237.<br />
CRUZ, Orl<strong>and</strong>o (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Nixon entre Pequim e Moscovo”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 94, 1972, 486-499.<br />
SOBREIRA, Alberto (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Soljenitsine: frente à esfinge<br />
e frente ao colosso”, in Brotéria, vol. 94, 1972, 618-620.<br />
CRUZ, Orl<strong>and</strong>o (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Europa: da comunidade<br />
económica à comunidade política”, in Brotéria, vol. 95, 1972, 331-338.<br />
CRUZ, Orl<strong>and</strong>o (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Globalismo russo”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 95, 1972, 209-213.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “‘Ressurreição’, de Tolstoi”, in Brotéria, vol. 95, 1972, 219-<br />
226.<br />
1973:<br />
SILVA, Isidro Ribeiro da, “Soljenitsin: Agosto catorze”, in Brotéria, vol. 96,<br />
1973, 550-558.<br />
AVELAR, Manuel (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “A ‘tournée’ ocidental de<br />
Brejnev”, in Brotéria, vol. 97, 1973, 50-53.<br />
AVELAR, Manuel (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “As relações Leste-Oeste<br />
após Helsínquia”, in Brotéria, vol. 97, 1973, 194-198.<br />
FILIPE, L. Sales (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O estalinismo reconsiderado”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 97, 1973, 53-55.<br />
PEREIRA, Pedro (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O cisma de Tito, 25 anos<br />
depois”, in Brotéria, vol. 97, 1973, 56-57.<br />
1974:<br />
CRUZ, M. Pinhal da (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “A Santa Sé e os países<br />
socialistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 98, 1974, 418-424.<br />
DOMINGUES, Bento, “Opção cristã pelo socialismo?”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
98, 1974, 80-84.<br />
RIBEIRO, I. (Isidro Ribeiro da Silva), “Soljenitsin: o preço da liberdade”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 98, 1974, 310-317.<br />
SOBRAL, V. (J. Alves Pires), “‘Oblomov, o magnífico preguiçoso’ de Ivan<br />
Goncharov”, in Brotéria, vol. 98, 1974, 198-195.<br />
ALMEIDA, D. Manuel d’, “Rússia 1914-1917”, in Brotéria, vol. 99, 1974,<br />
173-184.<br />
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182 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
COSTA, A. M. Amorim da, “Cristianismo e marxismo: colaboração ou<br />
oposição?”, in Brotéria, vol. 99, 1974, 289-304.<br />
COSTA, A. M. Amorim da, “Liberdade, alienação e fé”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
99, 1974, 3-12.<br />
FERRAZ, A., “Convivência de católicos e marxistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 99,<br />
1983, 83-86.<br />
1975:<br />
BARATA-MOURA, J., “Para uma visão antropológica marxista — I (Alguns<br />
tópicos)”, in Brotéria, vol. 100, 1975, 331-348.<br />
BARATA-MOURA, J., “Para uma visão antropológica marxista — II (Alguns<br />
tópicos)”, in Brotéria, vol. 100, 1975, 487-501.<br />
FERRAZ, A., “Liberdade religiosa e marxismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 100, 1975,<br />
165-177.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “Um revolucionário para o nosso tempo: Soljenitsine”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 100, 1975, 399-411.<br />
RIBEIRO, I., “Ernst Bloch: socialismo humano”, in Brotéria, vol. 100,<br />
1975, 443-467.<br />
1976:<br />
ESTEVAIS, Luís (Francisco Pires Lopes), “Socialismo do silêncio?”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 102, 1976, 391-412.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “A libertação do homem em Marx”, in Brotéria, vol. 102,<br />
1976, 483-493.<br />
MORÃO, Artur, “Marxistas e Jesus”, in Brotéria, vol. 102, 1976, 432-440.<br />
MORÃO, Artur, “Humanismo socialista. Coordenadas e situação vital”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 103, 1976, 156-173.<br />
RIBEIRO, I., “Palavra de homem. Entre o cristianismo e o marxismo”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 103, 1976, 427-434.<br />
1977:<br />
ANTUNES, Antunes, “Do materialismo dialéctico”, in Brotéria, vol. 104,<br />
1977, 255-276.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “Colectivismo marxista e solidariedade cristã”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 104, 1977, 363-374.<br />
LOPES, Francisco, “Bukovski, o contestatário”, in Brotéria, vol. 104, 1977,<br />
147-158.<br />
LOPES, Francisco, “Cristãos na luta de classes”, in Brotéria, vol. 104, 1977,<br />
286-304.<br />
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HOTZ, Robert, “Os dissidentes de Leste. Querem falar, devem calar-se!”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 105, 1977, 265-278.<br />
RIBEIRO, I., “Marxismo, fé cristã e mundo operário. Intervenções do<br />
Episcopado Francês”, in Brotéria, vol. 105, 1977, 421-439.<br />
1978:<br />
ANTUNES, Antunes, “Marx reinterpretado”, in Brotéria, vol. 106, 1978,<br />
206-213.<br />
HOTZ, Robert, “Minoria olvidada: os católicos na União Soviética”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 106, 1978, 140-152.<br />
REPGES, Walter, “Marx, Deus e a liberdade”, in Brotéria, vol. 106, 1978,<br />
483-500.<br />
VALADIER, Paulo, “Opções socialistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 106, 1978, 413-<br />
427.<br />
HERRERO, Jesús, “Ortega e suas correcções ao marxismo”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 107, 1978, 43-61.<br />
HOTZ, Robert, “Igreja ortodoxa russa e a sua relação ao Estado”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 107, 1978, 531-550.<br />
KERBER, Walter, “As ‘democracias populares’”, in Brotéria, vol. 107,<br />
1978, 363-376.<br />
1979:<br />
GAMA, José, “À descoberta de Marx — fidelidade ou contestação?”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 108, 1979, 289-309.<br />
1980:<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “Alternativa: libertar os comunistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 110,<br />
1980, 283-303.<br />
1981:<br />
MAIA, João, “A morte de Dostoievski”, in Brotéria, vol. 113, 1981, 483-<br />
485.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “Dostoievski ou o romance polifónico”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
113, 1981, 486-514.<br />
VALADIER, Paul, “Marxismo e cientificidade”, in Brotéria, vol. 114, 1982,<br />
264-279.<br />
1983:<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “Estado e sociedade no pensamento de Karl Marx”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 116, 1983, 508-516.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 183 31-01-2012 17:24:27
184 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
1984:<br />
LOPES, Francisco Pires, “URSS: omnipotência da omnifragilidade”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 118, 1984, 149-163.<br />
1985:<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “A análise marxista”, in Brotéria, vol. 120, 1985, 539-549.<br />
SILVA, António da, “Vitória de 1945 — vitória soviética?”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
120, 1985, 564-570.<br />
SILVA, I. Ribeiro da, “Jankélévitch: a vertigem do instante”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 121, 1985, 216-222.<br />
1986:<br />
GRAÇA, B. da (Pseud. António da Silva), “O XII plano na política Gorbatchev”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 123, 1986, 449-456.<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “Kolakowski, testemunha dum século. Do marxismo a<br />
Deus”, in Brotéria, vol. 123, 1986, 483-501.<br />
1987:<br />
GROTH, Bernd, “Educação para o ateísmo na União Soviética”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 124, 1987, 22-36.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “Soljenitsine, uma testemunha forte”, in Brotéria, vol. 125,<br />
1987, 40-49.<br />
GROTH, Bernd, “A União Soviética numa encruzilhada? A política de<br />
Gorbatchev e a situação das diversas religiões”, in Brotéria, vol. 125, 1987,<br />
133-144.<br />
MARTINS, J. Cândido, “Os demónios ou a mundividência dostoievskiana”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 125, 1987, 276-287.<br />
1988:<br />
ARRANZ, Miguel, “Sobre o baptismo de Vladimir (no milénio de Cristianismo<br />
Russo)”, in Brotéria, vol. 126, 1988, 547-553.<br />
CABRAL, João V., “A ortodoxia russa e a Igreja católica”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
126, 1988, 37-44.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “Ética no marxismo, ética na União Soviética”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 126, 1988, 123-141.<br />
MAIA, João, “Estranha ignorância”, in Brotéria, vol. 126, 1988, 345-347.<br />
MARTINS, J. Cândido, “Boris Pasternak reabilitado”, in Brotéria, vol. 126,<br />
1988, 533-546.<br />
MACHA, Josef, “União das Igrejas na Europa Oriental (por ocasião do<br />
Milénio cristão da Rus’)”, vol. 127, 1988, 85-90.<br />
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MARTINS, Mário, “O crepúsculo de Schigalev”, in Brotéria, vol. 127,<br />
1988, 524-529.<br />
1989:<br />
ARRANZ, Miguel, “Catecumenato e baptismo na Rússia em tempos de<br />
Vladimir. Notas histórico-litúrgicas no milenário”, in Brotéria, vol. 128,<br />
1989, 3-22.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “A Rússia e a Europa”, in Brotéria, vol. 128, 1989, 494-<br />
506.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “Dostoievski, Berdiaev e a ‘ideia russa’”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
128, 1989, 517-526.<br />
KOPROWSKI, André, “Situação e prospectiva da Igreja na Europa de<br />
Leste”, in Brotéria, vol. 129, 1989, 380-389.<br />
SEBES, José, “Nos trezentos anos do tratado sino-russo de Nerchinsk<br />
(7.9.1689). Em memória do mediador Tomé Pereira, S.J.”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
129, 1989, 123-129.<br />
1990:<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “Cristianismo e nova face da Europa”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
130, 1990, 45-60.<br />
CORRAL, Carlos, “A nova política da Santa Sé como factor de mudança<br />
na Europa de Leste”, in Brotéria, vol. 131, 1990, 306-322.<br />
MACHA, J., “Concepção soviética de democracia antes da Perestróika”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 131, 1990, 212-216.<br />
1991:<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “Comunismo: qual segundo fôlego!”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
133, 1991, 320-322.<br />
MACHA, Josef, “Glasnost e perestroika. Impulso para mudanças na<br />
URSS”, in Brotéria, vol. 133, 1991, 363-387.<br />
Croatia:<br />
1992:<br />
FUCEK, Ivan, “O trabalho dos bispos croatas no Sínodo Especial para a<br />
Europa no contexto global”, in Brotéria, vol. 134, 1992, 511-533.<br />
KOPREK, Ivan, “Frente ao mito da gr<strong>and</strong>e Sérvia: resistência da Croácia”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 134, 1992, 92-98.<br />
1996:<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “A recepção da literatura portuguesa na Croácia durante<br />
os dois últimos séculos”, in Brotéria, in Brotéria, vol. 143, 1996, 433-444.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 185 31-01-2012 17:24:27
186 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Relações histórico-culturais croato-lusitanas”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 143, 1996, 33-56.<br />
1999:<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “A recepção da literatura brasileira na Croácia”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 148, 1999, 37-56.<br />
2003:<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Sobre uma tradução croata de cinco sermões do P. A.<br />
Vieira do ano de 1764”, in Brotéria, vol. 157, 2003, 75-80.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “História de Portugal escrita pelo croata Adalbert Adam<br />
Baric (1742-1813)”, in Brotéria, vol. 156, 2003, 489-496.<br />
2005:<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Antónia Gertrudes Pusich: pioneira do jornalismo feminino<br />
em Portugal - I”, in Brotéria, vol. 161, 2005, 225-241.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Antónia Gertrudes Pusich: pioneira do jornalismo feminino<br />
em Portugal - II”, in Brotéria, vol. 161, 2005, 353-365.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Antónia Gertrudes Pusich: pioneira do jornalismo feminino<br />
em Portugal - III”, in Brotéria, vol. 161, 2005, 455-472.<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>:<br />
1926:<br />
CARVALHO, A. P., “A santidade do matrimónio”, in Brotéria, vol. 2, 1926,<br />
300-301.<br />
URBAN, J., “A Polónia católica”, in Brotéria, vol. 3, 1926, 69-82.<br />
BATTAGLIA, O. Forst de, “A rehabilitação da política interna e externa<br />
da Polónia”, in Brotéria, vol. 24, 1937, 341-342.<br />
1943:<br />
MAURÍCIO, Domingos, “O último Geral da Companhia de Jesus<br />
Vlodimiro Ledóchowski (1866-1942)”, in Brotéria, vol. 36, 1943, 81-88.<br />
1944:<br />
S. A., “Notas e comentários. Cuidados dispensados aos filhos dos refugiados<br />
polacos na Hungria”, in Brotéria, vol. 38, 1944, 321-322.<br />
ROMER, Adam, “Revista de Revistas. A imprensa católica na Polónia”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 39, 1944, p. 342.<br />
1945:<br />
S. A., “Idéias e Factos. Destino do episcopado polaco”, in Brotéria, vol. 40,<br />
1945, 462-463.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 186 31-01-2012 17:24:27
The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 187<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. O que se passa na Polónia ‘libertada’ pelos russos”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 40, 1945, 680-681.<br />
ROCHA, A, “Um escândalo internacional”, in Brotéria, vol. 41, 1945, 497-<br />
507.<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. A situação na Polónia”, in Brotéria, vol. 41, 1945,<br />
325-326.<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. O martírio da Polónia”, in Brotéria, vol. 41, 1945,<br />
329-330.<br />
1946:<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. Homens sem direitos humanos”, in Brotéria, vol. 42,<br />
1946, 580-581.<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. Relatórios dos que visitaram a Polónia”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 42, 1946, 698-699.<br />
1947:<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. A Igreja Católica e as eleições na Polónia”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 44, 1947, 472-472.<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. Actualidades católicas na Polónia”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
44, 1947, 119-120.<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. Como a Rússia quer bolchevizar a juventude polaca”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 44, 1947, 836-837.<br />
1948:<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. Actualidades polacas”, in Brotéria, vol. 46, 1948,<br />
490-492.<br />
1956:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Agitação na Polónia e na Hungria”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 63, 1956, 569-580.<br />
1966:<br />
CASTRO, L. de (Pseud. António Leite), “O milenário cristão da Polónia”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 83, 1966, 49-60.<br />
1969:<br />
ALVES, Aníbal, MARTINS, Aurélio, VASCONCELOS, Evaristo, “A semente<br />
do diabo — de Roman Polanski”, in Brotéria, vol. 88, 1969, 531-538.<br />
1973:<br />
MARQUES, José Vieira, “Macbeth, de Roman Polanski”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
96, 1973, 333-337.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 187 31-01-2012 17:24:27
188 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
1979:<br />
GAMA, José, “Isaac Bashevis Singer — Nobel de Literatura, 1978”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 109, 1979, 83-89.<br />
1980:<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “O Papa de ‘outro’ mundo. ‘Encontro com a minha<br />
gente’: Polónia, Irl<strong>and</strong>a, Estados Unidos”, in Brotéria, vol. 110, 1980, 55-<br />
74.<br />
1981:<br />
HOTZ, Robert, “A Polónia entre dois tempos”, in Brotéria, vol. 113, 1981,<br />
123-130.<br />
1982:<br />
DRZEWIECKI, Miroslaw, “Mercenários de Herodes na Polónia”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 114, 1982, 363-369.<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “A Polónia da contradição”, in Brotéria, vol. 114, 1982,<br />
123-141.<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “A Polónia, mártir da história”, in Brotéria, vol. 114, 1982,<br />
243-263.<br />
HUERTA, Alberto, “Czeslaw Milosz: contra a vertigem do tempo”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 115, 1982, 411-415.<br />
1983:<br />
S. A., “Entrevista com Czeslaw Milosz, Prémio Nobel de Literatura 1980”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 116, 1983, 173-182.<br />
1988:<br />
GRAÇA, Baptista da (Pseud. António da Silva), “Polónia: Perestroika em<br />
filosofia”, in Brotéria, vol. 127, 1988, 447-452.<br />
1989:<br />
SILVA, António da, “A Polónia e a guerra (1939-1989) (Alguns ecos celebrativos)”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 129, 1989, 427-439.<br />
1990:<br />
GRAÇA, Baptista da (Pseud. António da Silva), “Reconciliação germanopolaca<br />
e o Vaticano II (25 anos depois)”, in Brotéria, vol. 131, 1991, 579-<br />
584.<br />
1991:<br />
SILVA, I. Ribeiro da, “Václav Havel: o sonho realizado?”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
132, 1991, 285-294.<br />
SILVA, I. Ribeiro da, “Na morte de Bashevis Singer (1904-1991)”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 133, 1991, 542-549.<br />
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The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 189<br />
Russia:<br />
1992:<br />
OPIELA, Estanislau, “A Igreja e a Europa além dos 12”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
134, 1992, 143-157.<br />
PIRES, Alves, “Graciliano Ramos e Dostoievski. Alguma aproximação”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 135, 1992, 17-33.<br />
SIMON, Constantino, “A cultura religiosa russa e a política religiosa russa<br />
recente”, in Brotéria, vol. 135, 1992, 201-219.<br />
1997:<br />
LOPES, António Calado, “O alargamento da União <strong>Europe</strong>ia aos países<br />
da Europa Central”, in Brotéria, vol. 145, 1997, 27-37.<br />
1998:<br />
SILVA, Lúcio Craveiro da, “A língua latina num facto diplomático relevante<br />
do século XVII. Nas relações da China com a Rússia”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 147, 1998, 352-356.<br />
2003:<br />
BARRETO, José, “Edouard Dhanis, Fátima e a II Guerra Mundial”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 156, 2003, 13-22.<br />
2004:<br />
FIGUEIRA, Paulo, “O infante D. Manuel na corte russa (1730)”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 158, 2004, 339-352.<br />
Ukraine:<br />
1940:<br />
KOROSTOVETZ, Vladimiro de, “O futuro da Ucrânia”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
30, 1940, 94-95.<br />
1941:<br />
S. A., “Notas históricas sôbre a Ucrânia”, in Brotéria, vol. 33, 1941, 458-<br />
459.<br />
1947:<br />
S. A., “Idéias e factos. Os católicos ucranianos”, in Brotéria, vol. 44, 1947,<br />
334-336.<br />
1988:<br />
HOTZ, Robert, “A Ucrânia — calcanhar de Aquiles de Gorbatchev. Perspectiva<br />
ecuménica”, in Brotéria, vol. 126, 1988, 77-80.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 189 31-01-2012 17:24:27
190 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
II. Index by <strong>the</strong>matic areas<br />
Arts <strong>and</strong> culture:<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A imprensa soviética e os problemas<br />
cruciais da Ásia e da Europa”, in Brotéria, vol. 52, 1951, 185-195.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Catanga na imprensa soviética”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962, 194-200.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O festival de Moscovo e a Exposição<br />
de Bruxelas”, in Brotéria, vol. 65, 1957, 402-410.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Respig<strong>and</strong>o na imprensa soviética”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 81-87.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Respig<strong>and</strong>o na imprensa soviética”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 74, 1962, 439-446; Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 315-320.<br />
CABRAL, J., “Notas e factos. Depuração intelectual na Rússia”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 47, 1948, 219-221.<br />
S. A., “Arquitectura bolchevista”, in Brotéria, vol. 26, 1938, 681-682.<br />
S. A., “Através das revistas soviéticas”, in Brotéria, vol. 26, 1938, p. 219.<br />
S. A., “Idéias e Factos. A vida musical na Rússia”, in Brotéria, vol. 37, 1943,<br />
195-196.<br />
S. A., “Uma curiosa emissora radiofónica de acusação”, in Brotéria, vol. 26,<br />
1938, p. 684.<br />
SIMÕES, Manuel, “Poética da música”, in Brotéria, vol. 93, 1971, 603-611.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Antónia Gertrudes Pusich: pioneira do jornalismo feminino<br />
em Portugal - I”, in Brotéria, vol. 161, 2005, 225-241.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Antónia Gertrudes Pusich: pioneira do jornalismo feminino<br />
em Portugal - II”, in Brotéria, vol. 161, 2005, 353-365.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Antónia Gertrudes Pusich: pioneira do jornalismo feminino<br />
em Portugal - III”, in Brotéria, vol. 161, 2005, 455-472.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “História de Portugal escrita pelo croata Adalbert Adam<br />
Baric (1742-1813)”, in Brotéria, vol. 156, 2003, 489-496.<br />
TALAN, Nikica, “Relações histórico-culturais croato-lusitanas”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 143, 1996, 33-56.<br />
Science <strong>and</strong> Technology:<br />
AMARAL, Carlos do (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Satélites da URSS (1944-<br />
1969)”, in Brotéria, vol. 89, 1969, 503-509.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 190 31-01-2012 17:24:27
The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 191<br />
ARCHER, Luís J., “A ciência marxista no mundo de hoje”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
60, 1955, 645-657.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Actividades da Academia de Ciências<br />
na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 66, 1958, 401-411.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Actividades científicas na U.R.S.S.”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 68, 1959, 280-287.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A propósito do lançamento de superfoguetões<br />
balísticos na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960, 448-453.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “A U.R.S.S. e a actividade científica”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 69, 1959, 192-194.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Ainda o ‘LuniK – III’”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 70, 1960, 45-51.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “As investigações nucleares na União<br />
Soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 65, 1957, 174-182.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Sputnik’”, in Brotéria, vol. 66,<br />
1958, 26-33.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Sputnik III’ e outras actividades<br />
científicas da U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 67, 1958, 296-309.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “O ‘Sputnik - IV”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
71, 1960, 78-82.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os ‘Luniks’ II e III”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 69, 1959, 578-583.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Os sovietes e a bomba atómica”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 50, 1950, 185-191.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Três acontecimentos importantes<br />
na U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 67, 1958, 521-527.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Utilização da energia nuclear na<br />
U.R.S.S.”, in Brotéria, vol. 70, 1960, 192-198.<br />
C., L., “Notas e factos. A bibliografia do Instituto Scientífico Russo de<br />
Belgrado”, in Brotéria, vol. 13, 1931, 118-119.<br />
JUNOSZA, J., “Os sovietes e a sciência”, in Brotéria, vol. 27, 1938, 216-<br />
217.<br />
MARTINS, Abílio, “Nova genética russa”, in Brotéria, vol. 48, 1949, 657-<br />
667.<br />
S. A., “Revista de Revistas. Novas orientações da genética russa”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 60, 1955, 218-220.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 191 31-01-2012 17:24:27
192 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
VEIGA-BEIRIZ, M. (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O Tratado Nuclear de<br />
Moscovo”, in Brotéria, vol. 77, 1963, 339-342.<br />
Comunism, Marxism, Socialism:<br />
A., E. C., “Lobos com pele de ovelha”, in Brotéria, vol. 62, 1956, 722-723.<br />
AGUIAR, M., “A tragédia da idea socialista”, in Brotéria, vol. 30, 1940,<br />
547-558.<br />
ALMEIDA, A. Chaves de, “A falência do comunismo perante as realidades”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 24, 1937, 325-336.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “A propósito do ‘caso Djilas’”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962,<br />
86-89.<br />
ANTUNES, Antunes, “Do materialismo dialéctico”, in Brotéria, vol. 104,<br />
1977, 255-276.<br />
ANTUNES, Antunes, “Marx reinterpretado”, in Brotéria, vol. 106, 1978,<br />
206-213.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “O marxismo na União Soviética”, in Brotéria, vol. 63,<br />
1956, 591-592.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Sartre e o marxismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 540-550.<br />
ANTUNES, M., “Tomismo e marxismo. Confronto de dois humanismos”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 64, 1957, 409-423.<br />
ANTUNES, Manuel, “Situação actual do marxismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 76,<br />
1963, 40-48.<br />
BARATA-MOURA, J., “Para uma visão antropológica marxista — I (Alguns<br />
tópicos)”, in Brotéria, vol. 100, 1975, 331-348.<br />
BARATA-MOURA, J., “Para uma visão antropológica marxista — II (Alguns<br />
tópicos)”, in Brotéria, vol. 100, 1975, 487-501.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Comunismo de batina”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 46, 1948, 740-749.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Divergências comunistas”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 72, 1961, 685-690.<br />
BELINA-PODGAETSKY, Nicolau, “Métodos soviéticos”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 73, 1961, 200-205.<br />
BONEE, J. Thomas, “Revista de Revistas. A mística de um engano”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 43, 1946, 474-475.<br />
CARVALHO, A. P., “Comunismo em face da sciência”, in Brotéria, vol. 6,<br />
1928, p. 47.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 192 31-01-2012 17:24:27
The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 193<br />
CLARO, Luís (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “A escolástica marxista”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 93, 1971, 239-240.<br />
CORRIGAN, Raymond, “A consangüinidade do comunismo materialista<br />
e do liberalismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 25, 1937, 462-463.<br />
COIRARD, M., “Psicologia comunista, segundo André Malraux”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 24, 1937, 701-702.<br />
DANIÉLOU, Jean, “Revista de Revistas. Tentação do comunismo”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 42, 1946, 704-705.<br />
DAVID, Miguel, “Novas formas de penetração marxista”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
46, 1948, 132-141.<br />
DIONEL, “O socialismo e o comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 7, 1928, p. 305.<br />
ESTEVAIS, Luís (Francisco Pires Lopes), “ Socialismo do silêncio?”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 102, 1976, 391-412.<br />
FERRAZ, A., “Liberdade religiosa e marxismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 100, 1975,<br />
165-177.<br />
FORTES, Almiro (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O XXIV congresso do<br />
PCUS”, in Brotéria, vol. 92, 1971, 684-691.<br />
G., A. P., “O drama da coexistência”, in Brotéria, vol. 62, 1956, 223-226.<br />
GAMA, José, “À descoberta de Marx — fidelidade ou contestação?”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 108, 1979, 289-309.<br />
GURIAN, Waldemar, “Revista de Revistas. O manifesto comunista: cem<br />
anos depois”, in Brotéria, vol. 47, 1948, 359-361.<br />
HERRERO, Jesús, “Ortega e suas correcções ao marxismo”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 107, 1978, 43-61.<br />
HOTZ, Robert, “Os dissidentes de Leste. Querem falar, devem calar-se!”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 105, s.p.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “A análise marxista”, in Brotéria, vol. 120, 1985, 539-549.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “A libertação do homem em Marx”, in Brotéria, vol. 102,<br />
1976, 483-493.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “Colectivismo marxista e solidariedade cristã”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 104, 1977, 363-374.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “Estado e sociedade no pensamento de Karl Marx”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 116, 1983, 508-516.<br />
HUBER, Eduard, “Ética no marxismo, ética na União Soviética”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 126, 1988, 123-141.<br />
I., M., “Revista de Revistas. Carlos Marx põe em guarda o Ocidente contra<br />
o expansionismo russo”, in Brotéria, vol. 78, 1964, 114-115.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 193 31-01-2012 17:24:27
194 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
I., V., “Revista de Revistas. O comunismo na X Conferência interamericana”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 59, 1954, 334-335.<br />
KERBER, Walter, “As ‘democracias populares’”, in Brotéria, vol. 107,<br />
1978, 363-376.<br />
LEÃO, Joaquim Ferreira, “Concepção do homem na filosofia comunista”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 34, 1942, 142-154.<br />
LEÃO, Joaquim Ferreira, “O materialismo histórico na filosofia comunista”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 34, 1942, 35-43.<br />
LIMA, J. da Costa, “A arte no comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 24, 1937, 128-<br />
137.<br />
LIMA, J. da Costa, “A guerra e o comunismo”, in Brotéria, vol. 32, 1941,<br />
636-644.<br />
LIMA, J. da Costa, “A paz comunista”, in Brotéria, vol. 21, 1935, 293-301.<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “Alternativa: libertar os comunistas”, in Brotéria, vol. 110,<br />
1980, 283-303.<br />
LOPES, Francisco, “Bukovski, o contestatário”, in Brotéria, vol. 104, 1977,<br />
147-158, 1977, 265-278.<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “Comunismo: qual segundo fôlego!”, in Brotéria, vol.<br />
133, 1991, 320-322.<br />
LOPES, F. Pires, “Kolakowski, testemunha dum século. Do marxismo a<br />
Deus”, in Brotéria, vol. 123, 1986, 483-501.<br />
MADUR, Barão de, “Trinta anos de comunismo 1917-1947”, in Brotéria,<br />
vol. 46, 1948, 64-69.<br />
MADUR, Barão de, “Trinta anos de comunismo II”, in Brotéria, vol. 46,<br />
1948, 310-317.<br />
MADUR, Barão de, “Trinta anos de comunismo 1917-1947 III”, in<br />
Brotéria, vol. 46, 1948, 385-390.<br />
MENDES, João, “‘Inquérito ao Marxismo’”, in Brotéria, vol. 75, 1962, 210-<br />
213.<br />
MORÃO, Artur, “Humanismo socialista. Coordenadas e situação vital”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 103, 1976, 156-173.<br />
MORÃO, Artur, “Marxistas e Jesus”, in Brotéria, vol. 102, 1976, 432-440.<br />
PENA, Nuno Vieira de (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “Morta, a ideia da liberdade?”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 90, 1970, 240-241.<br />
PONTE, M. Veiga da (Pseud. Manuel Antunes), “O documento de Moscovo”,<br />
in Brotéria, vol. 89, 1969, 213-220.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 194 31-01-2012 17:24:27
The Slavic World as <strong>the</strong> Horizon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Frontier of <strong>Europe</strong> 195<br />
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216 José Eduardo Franco / Paula Carreira<br />
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Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or <strong>the</strong> Fraternity<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Enslaved Nations 1<br />
Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián<br />
(University of A Coruña)<br />
In Galician Literature, Grupo Nós is <strong>the</strong> well-known label for a group<br />
of authors who were <strong>the</strong> leaders of Galician cultural life in <strong>the</strong> 1920s <strong>and</strong><br />
1930s. They were <strong>the</strong> active creators of novels, stories, dramas, designs<br />
<strong>and</strong> essays, as well as being politicians committed to a political paradigm<br />
that identified with Galiza. <strong>Europe</strong>anism was also one of <strong>the</strong> main elements<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir ideology.<br />
One of <strong>the</strong>ir number, Ramón Otero Pedrayo (1888-1976), is a good<br />
example of an author that uses narrative discourse as a means to exp<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> debate over national identity.<br />
This paper will focus upon an analysis of interpretations of <strong>the</strong><br />
Slavic world, <strong>the</strong> Baltic <strong>and</strong> especially Pol<strong>and</strong> in one of his romances, Os<br />
caminhos da vida (1928).<br />
We will study how <strong>the</strong>se images work as identifying references that<br />
serve <strong>the</strong> author as a way to maintain <strong>the</strong> debate over <strong>the</strong> affirmation<br />
of his country’s identity <strong>and</strong>, at <strong>the</strong> same time to denounce <strong>the</strong> political<br />
dependence, <strong>the</strong> peripheral situation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> marginalisation of <strong>the</strong>se nations<br />
in comparison to <strong>the</strong> nucleus of traditional powers.<br />
1 The present paper was prepared within <strong>the</strong> Research Project: “Narrativa, discurso da<br />
historia e construción da identidade na Galiza” (PGIDIT07PXIBI04151PR) financed by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Consellería de Innovación e Industria (Xunta de Galicia).<br />
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220 Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián<br />
Finally, <strong>the</strong>se interpretations allow Otero Pedrayo to assert <strong>the</strong> idea<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong>anism based on <strong>the</strong> similarities between Galiza <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
peripheral nations of <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
Introduction<br />
Under <strong>the</strong> title of Grupo Nós, we associate a group of authors who<br />
took a leading cultural role in Galiza from 1920 until <strong>the</strong> military uprising<br />
in 1936 that gave way to <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> subsequent<br />
dictatorship of Franco. They were active creators as well as politicians<br />
committed to a political paradigm that identified with Galiza. <strong>Europe</strong>anism<br />
was also one of <strong>the</strong> main elements of <strong>the</strong>ir ideology. In addition, <strong>the</strong><br />
main feature that characterises this group <strong>and</strong> explains its decisive influence<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> Galician cultural world was <strong>the</strong>ir determined support for<br />
<strong>the</strong> elaboration of an essentially cultivated, refined <strong>and</strong> modern artistic<br />
discourse that was directly related to <strong>the</strong> innovative aes<strong>the</strong>tic waves that<br />
circulated in <strong>Europe</strong> at that time. This combination of nationalism <strong>and</strong><br />
universalism, respect for tradition, openness to reform, aes<strong>the</strong>ticism <strong>and</strong><br />
ideological compromise, resulted in wide productivity in various fields (literature,<br />
drama, essay, science, design, etc.), mainly characterised by formal<br />
accuracy <strong>and</strong> originality. The <strong>the</strong>matic repertoire increased <strong>and</strong> new genres<br />
were introduced. Certain elements that were present in <strong>the</strong> Galician literary<br />
tradition, such as popular topics <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> use of nature <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>scapes,<br />
were treated as a means to a new language, <strong>and</strong> were clearly influenced<br />
by <strong>the</strong> aes<strong>the</strong>tics of symbolism <strong>and</strong> expressionism that were fashionable<br />
in <strong>Europe</strong> at that time. Above all <strong>the</strong> most important contribution from<br />
this group of writers was <strong>the</strong> conscious <strong>and</strong> continuous effort that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
devoted to <strong>the</strong> cultivation of prose in a literary context which was dominated<br />
by verse. They were <strong>the</strong> creators of <strong>the</strong> modern Galician prose 2 in<br />
<strong>the</strong> fields of fiction <strong>and</strong> essay, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> works belonging to <strong>the</strong>se particular<br />
genres best reflect <strong>the</strong> ideological cause that motivated <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
2 Their contribution has great value concerning <strong>the</strong> configuration of a model literary<br />
language. According to G. Sanmartín this period “is also defined as that in which <strong>the</strong> first<br />
serious attempt to provide writers with a cultured model for Galician, without which we<br />
would not write <strong>the</strong> way we do nowadays” (Rei 2002: 184-185).<br />
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Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or <strong>the</strong> Fraternity of <strong>the</strong> Enslaved Nations 221<br />
Their productivity <strong>the</strong>refore caused a radical reform of <strong>the</strong> Galician<br />
literary panorama at <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> 20 th century, which provided<br />
<strong>the</strong>m with an indisputable prestige in <strong>the</strong> eyes of <strong>the</strong>ir contemporaries<br />
(Carvalho Calero 1990: 231). In addition to <strong>the</strong> charisma that some of<br />
<strong>the</strong>m undoubtedly had, this significant recognition explains <strong>the</strong> attraction<br />
that <strong>the</strong>ir cultural projects inspired among older <strong>and</strong> younger writers.<br />
Therefore, many initiatives favoured by <strong>the</strong> members of <strong>the</strong> Grupo<br />
Nós would end up influencing almost <strong>the</strong> whole of <strong>the</strong> pre-war Galician<br />
literary universe. One of <strong>the</strong> most influential authors from this period<br />
of Galician literature is Ramón Otero Pedrayo (1888-1976), a prolific author<br />
(narrator, essayist <strong>and</strong> playwriter), orator <strong>and</strong> politician. He is a paradigmatic<br />
representative of <strong>the</strong> intellectual elite that devoted its creative<br />
efforts to <strong>the</strong> literary codification of an ideological discourse that was<br />
concerned with <strong>the</strong> creation of an awareness of national identity. This<br />
discourse was characterised by its orientation towards <strong>the</strong> ideology, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> consolidation, of <strong>the</strong> cultural <strong>and</strong> symbolic references that were considered<br />
essential for <strong>the</strong> formation of <strong>the</strong> concept of a nation (Fernández<br />
Pérez-Sanjulián 2003: 74). This was a transnational process that was developed<br />
in a similar way in all those situations in which <strong>the</strong> opportunity arose<br />
to affirm a particular identity. We may refer to <strong>the</strong> situation of nineteenthcentury<br />
America, Galica, Catalonia, Irel<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> postcolonial Africa. However,<br />
as A. Mª Thiesse asserted, <strong>the</strong> publication of a national literature<br />
can occur within an educational project focused upon uniting all of <strong>the</strong><br />
social components of a nation into <strong>the</strong> consciousness of its community<br />
(Thiesse 2001: 63). An educational project that is going involve various<br />
means <strong>and</strong> genres - books, magazines, journals, comics <strong>and</strong> associated activities<br />
- as was explicitly outlined in political discourses <strong>and</strong> texts. All are<br />
going to be <strong>the</strong> means by which nationalist elites will develop a didactic<br />
discourse aimed at <strong>the</strong>ir fellow citizens, a discourse focused upon awakening<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir will to become a nation. Never<strong>the</strong>less, it was not in <strong>the</strong> literature<br />
of analysis <strong>and</strong> critical opinion, nor in <strong>the</strong> essays <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> more clearly<br />
doctrinal, journalistic prose where this form of argument could be found.<br />
The authors participating in <strong>the</strong>se processes (who included Otero Pedrayo<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir contemporaries in Nós amongst <strong>the</strong>m) turned narrative into a<br />
privileged vehicle by which <strong>the</strong>y could present certain primary elements<br />
of <strong>the</strong> project to create a nation to a wide audience in a more accessible<br />
way. The authors intended to refer to identity by means of literary texts<br />
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222 Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián<br />
<strong>and</strong>, in turn, to create an imaginary ‘we’ 3 from a well-defined group of<br />
compatriots. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong>se works intended to define, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>reby<br />
to affirm, <strong>the</strong> community to which <strong>the</strong> discourse was addressed. In o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
words, <strong>the</strong> narrative discourse was once again based upon certain <strong>the</strong>matic<br />
nuclei such as <strong>the</strong> representation of <strong>the</strong> symbolic value of <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
l<strong>and</strong>scape, <strong>the</strong> simulation of history, 4 <strong>the</strong> creation of a typology of main<br />
characters <strong>and</strong> heroes, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> frequent appearance of topics such as <strong>the</strong><br />
Celtic world, Atlantism, <strong>and</strong> sentimental family relations, as allegories that<br />
created <strong>the</strong> idea of a nation. 5<br />
In this context, <strong>the</strong>se <strong>the</strong>mes, which we will call nationalist<br />
ideologemes, 6 had an ideological motivation linked to <strong>the</strong> nationalist<br />
project that was supported by <strong>the</strong> work of <strong>the</strong>ir creators. The starting<br />
point for our study must be placed within this <strong>the</strong>oretical framework. This<br />
paper proposes to attempt an analysis of <strong>the</strong> Slavic, Baltic <strong>and</strong> above all<br />
Polish interpretations of <strong>the</strong> work of Ramón Otero Pedrayo, <strong>the</strong> author<br />
chosen for <strong>the</strong> purpose of this analysis.<br />
Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, Two Convergent Careers<br />
As a starting point we will study <strong>the</strong> two scholars who give this<br />
paper its title, <strong>and</strong> who appeared in one of his Otero’s main works: Os<br />
caminhos da vida (The Paths of Life), a historical novel published in 1928 that<br />
takes place between 1836 <strong>and</strong> 1868.<br />
3 This concept is understood here in <strong>the</strong> same way expressed by B. Anderson in Imagined<br />
Comunities. For him a nation: “It is imagined because <strong>the</strong> members of even <strong>the</strong> smallest nation<br />
will never know most of <strong>the</strong>ir fellow-members, meet <strong>the</strong>m, or even hear of <strong>the</strong>m, yet<br />
in <strong>the</strong> minds of each lives <strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong>ir communion […]. It is imagined as a community,<br />
because, regardless of <strong>the</strong> actual inequality <strong>and</strong> exploitation that may prevail in each,<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship” (Anderson 1996: 6-7).<br />
4 Salinas Portugal offers an interesting overview of this issue in a section of his article: “A<br />
literatura galega e os contornos da identidade” (Portugal 2006: 355-358).<br />
5 We adopt this concept from D. Sommer who explains how political ideas were apparently<br />
based upon sentimental stories in <strong>the</strong> literature of postcolonial America in his Foundational<br />
Fictions. Therefore, he asserts: “The coherence comes from <strong>the</strong>ir common project<br />
to build, through reconciliations <strong>and</strong> amalgamations of national constituencies, a cast of<br />
lovers destined to desire each o<strong>the</strong>r. This produces a surprisingly consistent narrative that<br />
apparently suits a range of political positions” (Sommer 1991: 24).<br />
6 For a detailed study of <strong>the</strong> nationalist ideologemes in Otero Pedrayo’s narrative works,<br />
see Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián 2003: 125-255.<br />
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Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or <strong>the</strong> Fraternity of <strong>the</strong> Enslaved Nations 223<br />
We will <strong>the</strong>n analyse how <strong>the</strong> narrative voice provides an ideological<br />
discourse with a clear <strong>the</strong>me of identity through <strong>the</strong> characters of two<br />
noblemen, <strong>the</strong> Galician Adrián Soutelo <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pole Potocky, who were<br />
exiled in Paris in approximately 1830-1840. In fact Adrián Soutelo, one<br />
of <strong>the</strong> main figures in this romance, is a young nobleman who seems to<br />
be gifted with traits proper to <strong>the</strong> heroes in Otero’s narrative. Like <strong>the</strong><br />
majority of <strong>the</strong> male heroes designed by <strong>the</strong> author, 7 he is an individualist<br />
young man; he is thoughtful <strong>and</strong> dreamy <strong>and</strong> undergoes a long <strong>and</strong> painful<br />
process in search of his identity. Therefore Adrián Soutelo belongs to Otero’s<br />
gallery of sensitive <strong>and</strong> hesitant individuals, who are aware of being<br />
different, who live <strong>the</strong>ir existence in a convoluted way <strong>and</strong> need a lifetime<br />
of searching in order to find <strong>the</strong>ir place in <strong>the</strong> world, <strong>the</strong>ir (personal <strong>and</strong><br />
collective) identity, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir real interests. All characters are represented<br />
as well-aware of <strong>the</strong> importance that education has in <strong>the</strong>ir lives; a rigorous<br />
intellectual preparation combined with <strong>the</strong> improvement of sensibility<br />
<strong>and</strong> reflection.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> slow description of <strong>the</strong> formative process, both academic<br />
<strong>and</strong> vital, of <strong>the</strong> main characters has an enormous functional relevance<br />
in <strong>the</strong> romances of this author, especially in Os caminhos da vida. In<br />
Otero’s works <strong>the</strong> path towards self-knowledge culminates with <strong>the</strong> adoption<br />
of a commitment to Galica, with a proto-nationalist or even nationalist<br />
influence, on <strong>the</strong> part of <strong>the</strong>ir main characters.<br />
Therefore, that gradual awareness turns into a clear didactic solution<br />
that Otero Pedrayo uses to fix in his readers <strong>the</strong> key elements of <strong>the</strong> ideology<br />
that <strong>the</strong> author promoted in his writings. At this point it is important<br />
to note that travels, especially those that could be considered educational,<br />
play a fundamental role in <strong>the</strong> character’s development that <strong>the</strong> author<br />
meticulously describes. Encounters <strong>and</strong> contacts with new realities are essential<br />
for <strong>the</strong> formation of his characters’ personality <strong>and</strong> ideology. Metonymically,<br />
it explains <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>the</strong> author gives to <strong>the</strong> extension<br />
of that same educational process to <strong>the</strong> whole of <strong>the</strong> society, or at least to<br />
those who could afford it. In this case it is a trip to Paris <strong>and</strong> an encounter<br />
with <strong>the</strong> exiled that might stimulate <strong>the</strong> sensitivities of <strong>the</strong> Galician, <strong>and</strong><br />
7 We find Adrián Solobio or Solovio, Xacobe Vilasantar, Paio Soutelo, Martiño Dumbria<br />
or Pauliños Fontela in Otero Pedrayo’s works, <strong>the</strong>y are fictional characters who share<br />
many similarities, who are conceived as personifications of <strong>the</strong> author’s ideological discourse<br />
(see Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián 2003: 210-225).<br />
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224 Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián<br />
could make an essential contribution to <strong>the</strong> configuration of <strong>the</strong>ir ideology.<br />
Above all <strong>the</strong> figures of <strong>the</strong> Irish O’Bryan <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pole Potocky, given<br />
special importance due to <strong>the</strong>ir situation as fighters for <strong>the</strong>ir respective nations,<br />
are presented as identifying 8 points of reference that will eventually<br />
lead to <strong>the</strong> political commitment of <strong>the</strong> Galician Soutelo. It will be Soutelo<br />
himself – transformed into an autobiographic narrator – who many years<br />
later, having become a form of paternal figure, will describe this experience<br />
to his nephew Paio Soutelo. This narration, beyond its apparent<br />
nostalgic evocation of a vital period of youthful enthusiasm, intends to<br />
transmit to <strong>the</strong> nephew <strong>the</strong> same initial feeling of national pride that <strong>the</strong><br />
old Soutelo learnt from his <strong>Europe</strong>an friends. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> reader encounters<br />
an instructive <strong>and</strong> founding discourse that can be inserted into<br />
<strong>the</strong> integral educational programme that <strong>the</strong> family designs for <strong>the</strong> young<br />
nobleman. Let’s return <strong>the</strong>n to Adrián Soutelo’s story <strong>and</strong> see how he tells<br />
<strong>the</strong> story of his friendship with <strong>the</strong>se men, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> significant effect that<br />
<strong>the</strong>se encounters had upon his worldview:<br />
“It took me some time to find <strong>the</strong> city centre of Paris <strong>and</strong> company<br />
that suited my mood. One afternoon I went to Versailles. […] I walked up<br />
<strong>and</strong> down near a group of people I particularly liked. Soon I learnt <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
names: Potocky, O´Brian, with o<strong>the</strong>r two or three o<strong>the</strong>r emigrants, rushed<br />
through <strong>the</strong> tree-lined avenue, poorly dressed, <strong>the</strong>ir clo<strong>the</strong>s not matching<br />
at all, as if <strong>the</strong>y were being blown by <strong>the</strong> wind of <strong>the</strong> dead, just like dead<br />
leaves. But in <strong>the</strong>ir eyes <strong>the</strong>re shone a calm, restrained, fatal light which<br />
sparkled every now <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n like a gunshot! Their talk shone forth in bright<br />
pieces only to <strong>the</strong>n drop into long silences ruled by a great fixed idea: <strong>the</strong> enslaved country/homel<strong>and</strong>.<br />
They were castaways saved from <strong>the</strong> disaster of <strong>the</strong>ir l<strong>and</strong>s; <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y<br />
focussed <strong>the</strong>ir passions into a yearning that was wholly chimerical at that time. Pol<strong>and</strong>,<br />
Irel<strong>and</strong>, Hungary, ancient l<strong>and</strong>s, keepers of <strong>the</strong> bones of <strong>the</strong> free races, were immersed<br />
in <strong>the</strong> three nets of foreign bureaucracy, militarism, justice <strong>and</strong> instruction. Potocky’s<br />
wide chest sighed heavily whenever he thought about his mo<strong>the</strong>r’s language<br />
being swept away from schools, dragged away from printing houses,<br />
expelled from <strong>the</strong> sacred chair like a cursed jargon. O´Brian, his grey eyes<br />
lost on <strong>the</strong> line of <strong>the</strong> horizon of sea <strong>and</strong> sky, thought he was hearing <strong>the</strong><br />
beating of <strong>the</strong> Atlantic waters against <strong>the</strong> coastal cliffs of <strong>the</strong> sagas. The<br />
8 With regards to this, see <strong>the</strong> chapter “Os referentes de analoxía” (Beramendi 2007:<br />
586-589).<br />
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Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or <strong>the</strong> Fraternity of <strong>the</strong> Enslaved Nations 225<br />
white swans of Irel<strong>and</strong> were dying one by one in <strong>the</strong> warm lakes; year after<br />
year <strong>the</strong>re would be a time where <strong>the</strong> children would fill <strong>the</strong> schools <strong>and</strong><br />
churches singing in a strange, hoarse language. Maybe <strong>the</strong>y would even<br />
doubt <strong>the</strong> national faith when <strong>the</strong> Protestant minister hammered out biblical<br />
passages over <strong>and</strong> over again. The emigrants did not ask about names<br />
or countries. They could read in my eyes that I was also an emigrant,<br />
<strong>and</strong> talking to <strong>the</strong>m I felt that vision of Galica rising freely, which up to<br />
that moment had only appeared like a fog from childhood. […] Potocky<br />
remembered France’s old friendship with Pol<strong>and</strong>, he was a white, strong<br />
man, a little round shouldered, shy like a child with people, a great hunter,<br />
so he said, in <strong>the</strong> melancholic fir forests. There he found, fighting against<br />
<strong>the</strong> Russians, a heroic death! Of an old, noble lineage, he suffered for <strong>the</strong><br />
misery of emigration. Louis flew like water from his h<strong>and</strong>s into <strong>the</strong> poor<br />
man’s purse or like <strong>the</strong> courtesan’s onto <strong>the</strong> gambling table. He had decorated<br />
pipes <strong>and</strong> rich, shiny fur […]. One night, O´Brian saved Potocky<br />
from death. He found him on a bridge; <strong>the</strong> huge Polish man was staggering<br />
with unshapely steps, falling on both sides; <strong>the</strong> fur on him, skinned <strong>and</strong><br />
dirty, made his condition even worse. Drunk with spirits, he said: “What is<br />
<strong>the</strong> reason for living? I tried to look for comfort. Pol<strong>and</strong> is dead, <strong>the</strong> last<br />
b<strong>and</strong>s have crossed <strong>the</strong> border. Only a gun or <strong>the</strong> Seine will free me from<br />
this martyrdom”. The firm spark in <strong>the</strong> Celtic man’s eyes cured him <strong>and</strong><br />
gave him hope. That was a short time, before I made acquaintance with<br />
<strong>the</strong>m. In <strong>the</strong> poor restaurants, I told <strong>the</strong>m about my vision of Galica”. 9<br />
9 Original: “Tardei en atopar en París o centro e a compaña doadas para o meu xenio.<br />
Un serán fun a Versalles. [...] Andei rond<strong>and</strong>o un grupo de persoas que me interesaban.<br />
Axiña souben os seus nomes: Potocky, O’Bryan, con outros dous ou tres emigrados,<br />
alancaban polas alamedas, mal fateados, con indumentos contradictorios, como levados<br />
polo vento dos mortos igual que as follas murchas. ¡Mais nos seus ollos brillaba unha luz<br />
serena, contida, fatal, d<strong>and</strong>o ás veces un brillar súpeto de pistolazo! A conversa estralaba en<br />
anacos labarecentes para caer logo en espaciados silenzos dominados polo aleteo da gr<strong>and</strong>e idea fixa: a<br />
patria escravizada. Eran náufragos salvados da catástrofe das súas terras; e xuntaban as súas paixóns<br />
nun arelar polo de entón practicamente quimérico. Polonia, Irl<strong>and</strong>a, Hungría, antergas terras gardadoras<br />
dos ósos das razas ceibes, ficaban envolveitas nas triples redes da burocracia, do militarismo, da xustiza<br />
e do ensino estranxeiros. O vasto peito de Potocky estralaba en salaios ó pensar na lingua da<br />
súa nai varrida das escolas, arrincada das imprentas, botada como unha xerga maldizoada<br />
da cátedra sagrada. O’Bryan, os ollos griseiros perdidos nunha liña de mar e ceo, pensaba<br />
ouvir o bater das augas atlánticas nos rochedos da costa das sagas. Os cisnes brancos da<br />
Irl<strong>and</strong>a morrían un a un nos lagos mornos; ano tras ano chegaría tempo en que os rapaces<br />
encherían a escola e o templo cantarux<strong>and</strong>o nunha lingua estraña e bronca. Quizais ata<br />
dubidasen da fe nacional diante do martelar das pasaxes bíblicas polo pastor protestante.<br />
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226 Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> character of Potocky is based upon <strong>the</strong> stereotype of<br />
<strong>the</strong> romantic hero, <strong>and</strong> more precisely upon <strong>the</strong> conventional literary images<br />
that were adopted as a model of <strong>the</strong> nineteenth-century liberal man.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time this character demonstrates some of <strong>the</strong> images<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Slavic world that had been developed in <strong>the</strong> literature of <strong>the</strong> peninsula,<br />
<strong>and</strong> had also been advocated by o<strong>the</strong>r art forms such as opera<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> plastic arts. For example, <strong>the</strong> author first uses <strong>the</strong> patronymic<br />
Potocky (without any direct relationship with <strong>the</strong> figure of <strong>the</strong> writer Jan<br />
Potocky) due to its simple evocative power (which suggests an immediate<br />
connection with Pol<strong>and</strong>’s history <strong>and</strong> culture) <strong>and</strong> because it reinforces <strong>the</strong><br />
believability of <strong>the</strong> character in <strong>the</strong> eyes of his readers. Potocky’s character<br />
conforms to <strong>the</strong> stereotype of <strong>the</strong> slave, which helped to consolidate <strong>the</strong><br />
cult of Western <strong>Europe</strong> in literature <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r arts.<br />
In this case, <strong>the</strong> nobleman is a strong white man, a good hunter in<br />
<strong>the</strong> melancholic fir forests, who when in Paris is dressed in shiny rich furs<br />
<strong>and</strong> smokes with decorated pipes. Being romantic, passionate <strong>and</strong> daring,<br />
while at <strong>the</strong> same time being a shy <strong>and</strong> sensitive man, he is described as a<br />
hedonist who is fond of drinking, is generous <strong>and</strong> wasteful, <strong>and</strong> enjoys his<br />
Ós emigrados non se preguntaban os nomes nin as patrias, Nos meus ollos coñeceron<br />
que eu tamén era un emigrado, e eu, fal<strong>and</strong>o con eles, sentín xurdir ceibe aquela visión da<br />
Galiza que ata entón soamente se me tiña presentado como unha néboa de rapaz.<br />
[...] Potocky lembraba a vella amizade de Francia por Polonia, era un home branco e<br />
forte, un pouco cangado de ombreiros, curto como un neno coa xente, gran cazador,<br />
segundo dicía, nos melancólicos bosques de abetos, ¡Neles atopou, loit<strong>and</strong>o cos rusos,<br />
unha morte heroica! De caste antiga e fidalga, sufría coa miseria da emigración; os luíses<br />
decorrían como a auga dende a os seus dedos á faltriqueira do pobre ou da cortesá, na<br />
mesa do xogo. Levaba pipas adornadas e peles brillantes e ricas [...].<br />
Outra noite O’Bryan salvou da morte a Potocky. Atopouno nunha ponte; o xigane<br />
polonés alancaba con pasos disformes, caendo para os lados; as peles que o cubrían, espelexadas<br />
e porcas, facían máis duro o seu estado. Borracho de augardente, falaba: -¿Para<br />
que vivir? Quíxenme consolar. A Polonia está morta, as derradeiras b<strong>and</strong>as cruzaron a<br />
fronteira. Só a pistola ou o Sena me ceibarán deste martirio”.<br />
O firme respl<strong>and</strong>or dos ollos do celta curouno e deulle esperanza. Foi pouco denantes<br />
de facer eu coñecemento con eles. Nos pobres restaurantes conteilles eu a miña visión de<br />
Galiza” (Otero Pedrayo 1985: 228-230) My italics ; unless o<strong>the</strong>rwise stated, <strong>the</strong> translations<br />
are mine.<br />
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Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or <strong>the</strong> Fraternity of <strong>the</strong> enslaved Nations 227<br />
time visiting game rooms <strong>and</strong> courtesans while in exile. However, he never<br />
forgets that his life is completely focused upon saving his ‘enslaved nation’.<br />
This mission will even lead him to his death (he dies while fighting against<br />
<strong>the</strong> Russians), a tragic ending of which readers are informed thanks to a<br />
useful prolepsis. As mentioned above, Souleto’s awareness of his Galician<br />
national identity is insitigated by means of <strong>the</strong> characters of Potocky <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Irish O’Bryan.<br />
It is also important to note that comments <strong>and</strong> reflections by <strong>the</strong>se<br />
characters also promote ideas that represent passages of genuine importance<br />
to <strong>the</strong> novel. For instance, <strong>the</strong>y emphasise <strong>the</strong> role that language<br />
plays in any movement of national vindication, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> need to create a<br />
concept of national identity. For example, we read: “[…] Right now, in<br />
this <strong>Europe</strong> which boasts about being so cultivated, <strong>the</strong>re are many races<br />
subjected to foreign tyranny. One might have thought <strong>the</strong>y were dead if<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir soul were not speaking in <strong>the</strong> verses of various poets.” 10<br />
The author introduces ano<strong>the</strong>r fundamental point: Galiza has <strong>the</strong><br />
same problems – lack of political power, a peripheral location, <strong>the</strong> lack of<br />
leading elites – as o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>an nations in a similar situation.<br />
This would lead Otero Pedrayo to <strong>the</strong> most innovative idea within<br />
<strong>the</strong> Galician discourse up to that point: <strong>the</strong> importance of solidarity with<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r, not necessarily Atlantic, <strong>Europe</strong>an nations.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> idea of Atlantism (linked to Celtism in <strong>the</strong> Galician<br />
cultural tradition) is related to <strong>Europe</strong>anism, a st<strong>and</strong>ard concept in <strong>the</strong><br />
political <strong>and</strong> cultural work of <strong>the</strong> author 11 <strong>and</strong> his colleagues. 12<br />
By placing <strong>the</strong> situation of those <strong>Europe</strong>an nations without official<br />
status alongside <strong>the</strong> development of Galician self-consciousness in <strong>the</strong><br />
nineteenth century, Otero Pedrayo establishes a clear correlation between<br />
<strong>the</strong> birth of <strong>the</strong> first reflections upon <strong>the</strong> uniqueness of Galiza <strong>and</strong> those<br />
taking place across <strong>Europe</strong> at <strong>the</strong> same time: <strong>the</strong> emergence of nationalism<br />
10 Original: “[…] Agora mesmo, nesta Europa que se gaba de ser tan culta hai moitas<br />
razas que sofren baixo a tiranía estranxeira. Pensaríase que están mortas se non falara a<br />
súa alma nos versos dalgúns poetas” (Otero Pedrayo, 1985: 290).<br />
11 “Otero Pedrayo rejects <strong>the</strong> abstract <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ardising cosmopolitism although he does<br />
not request a closure in <strong>the</strong> narrow limits of <strong>the</strong> culture itself, but universality based on<br />
plurality, on <strong>the</strong> free <strong>and</strong> peaceful harmony of people. This position puts into practice a<br />
disposition open to <strong>the</strong> world culture, too” (Quintana / Valcárcel 1988: 87).<br />
12 An approach to <strong>the</strong> concept of <strong>Europe</strong>ism for <strong>the</strong> Galicianist movement can be found<br />
in Carro, 1985: 283-285. See also Villares (2006: 124f).<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 227 31-01-2012 17:24:29
228 Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián<br />
in territories which would later achieve <strong>the</strong>ir independence from <strong>the</strong> states<br />
that had dominated <strong>the</strong>m. Therefore, on one h<strong>and</strong>, in a dialogue concerning<br />
all matters Galician, he describes Galiza as equal with o<strong>the</strong>r nations in<br />
similar situations. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, he introduces a model of <strong>Europe</strong>anism,<br />
which is conceived from an open <strong>and</strong> integrated st<strong>and</strong>point, in <strong>the</strong><br />
line with <strong>the</strong> maxim of <strong>the</strong> Galician nationalist party Partido Galeguista, also<br />
used by <strong>the</strong> group Nós: “Galiza, cell of universality”. 13 As in many of his<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r works, <strong>the</strong> author depicts an idea of <strong>Europe</strong> that is closely linked to<br />
his vision of <strong>the</strong> Galician nation, <strong>and</strong> is far from <strong>the</strong> ideas of self-absorption,<br />
<strong>and</strong> of local reductionism. This is one of <strong>the</strong> fundamental <strong>the</strong>mes<br />
of his best-known novel: Arredor de si (About Himself), published in 1930.<br />
In this novel we are told about <strong>the</strong> local <strong>and</strong> foreign travels (around Spain<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>) of ano<strong>the</strong>r Adrián. In this case it is Adrián Solovio, ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
of those paradigmatic heroes who, after a long period of searching, rediscover<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir homel<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> embark upon a political engagement with it. 14 In<br />
<strong>the</strong> last chapter of this novel <strong>the</strong> reflections that <strong>the</strong> city of Santiago induces<br />
in <strong>the</strong> main character when he returns from his journey are described:<br />
“[…] [Santiago de Compostela] it didn’t give Adrián <strong>the</strong> impression<br />
of a cosmopolitan power. On <strong>the</strong> contrary, it affirmed <strong>the</strong> vitality of a<br />
small country, brilliant in spirit, necessary for <strong>the</strong> economy of <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Only on <strong>the</strong> shores of <strong>the</strong> Atlantic can small countries live free, perhaps<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are at <strong>the</strong> very centre of world events.” 15<br />
13 This maxim is also included in <strong>the</strong> “Programa de acción pra os Grupos Galeguistas<br />
aprobado na II Asambreia 1933” (Action Programme for Pro-Galician Groups as passed<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 2 nd Meeting 1933).<br />
14 The author himself talks about this work in an interview carried out in <strong>the</strong> last year of<br />
his life: “Adrián Solovio, <strong>the</strong> main character in <strong>the</strong> book, is me <strong>and</strong> all <strong>the</strong> young men we<br />
found in Galica at that time: Castelao, Lousada, Risco, Cuevillas, each of <strong>the</strong>m having<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir differences […]. How long it took us to discover our l<strong>and</strong> by going around <strong>the</strong> universe<br />
<strong>and</strong> through books! From time to time I came back to my hometown in Trasalba<br />
full of dilettante worries, <strong>and</strong> what did I find <strong>the</strong>re? A rural <strong>and</strong> suppressed Galiza, ignorant<br />
people who were forgotten in a corner while I was searching for <strong>the</strong> truth in books,<br />
<strong>and</strong> it burnt into my chest more <strong>and</strong> more every time” (Freixanes 1982: 22-23).<br />
15 Original: “[…] [Santiago de Compostela] non lle daba a Adrián a sensación dun poder<br />
cosmopolita. Polo contrario, afirmaba a vitalidade dunha pequena patria, lucente de espírito,<br />
necesaria na Economía do mundo. Só nas beiras atlánticas poden vivir os pequenos<br />
pobos, ceibes, quizais precisamente por estar no centro das correntes do mundo” (Otero<br />
Pedrayo 1990: 172-173).<br />
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Finally, in an even more explicit passage towards <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong><br />
novel <strong>the</strong> narrator explains Adrián’s dream of <strong>Europe</strong>, his vision of what<br />
<strong>Europe</strong> should become in a near future:<br />
“[...] The novelty of <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>the</strong> one she expects, <strong>the</strong> one she will<br />
always justify to <strong>the</strong> world [...] is nothing [...] but <strong>the</strong> discovery <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
adult age of all <strong>the</strong> nations that it consists of, <strong>the</strong> emergence of all <strong>the</strong> collective<br />
national souls. [...] Adrián [...] imagined <strong>the</strong> future map of <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
The borders were not customs lines but vital transition zones between <strong>the</strong><br />
harmonious consciousness of <strong>the</strong> nations.” 16<br />
As stated above, Otero Pedrayo was already describing <strong>the</strong> concept<br />
later known as <strong>the</strong> ‘<strong>Europe</strong> of <strong>the</strong> nations’, as opposed to that of <strong>the</strong><br />
states from an essentially literal point of view, in <strong>the</strong> first quarter of <strong>the</strong><br />
twentieth century.<br />
Conclusion<br />
Soutelo <strong>and</strong> Potocky, or <strong>the</strong> Fraternity of <strong>the</strong> enslaved Nations 229<br />
The present paper reveals that <strong>the</strong> two characters in question, <strong>the</strong><br />
Galician Adrián Soutelo <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pole Potocky, are reference points for<br />
self-identification that enable <strong>the</strong> author to sustain his affirmation of selfidentity.<br />
That identity had been rejected due to his nation’s situation of<br />
political dependence <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> marginalisation in regard to <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />
centres of power. At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong>se images are used to insist on <strong>the</strong><br />
necessity for spreading <strong>the</strong> idea of <strong>Europe</strong>anism, which must not be conceived<br />
from <strong>the</strong> perspective of national states – traditionally seen as central<br />
to <strong>the</strong> configuration of <strong>Europe</strong> – but from a different point of view<br />
that highlights <strong>the</strong> similarities between <strong>the</strong> peripheral <strong>Europe</strong>an nations,<br />
with or without an official status.<br />
16 Original: “[...] A novidade de Europa, a que ela agarda, a que xustificará para sempre<br />
no mundo [...] non é [...] senón o descubrimento e maioría de idade de todos os pobos<br />
que a compoñen, o xurdimento de todas as almas colectivas, nacionais. [...] Adrián [...]<br />
imaxinaba o futuro mapa da Europa. As fronteiras non eran liñas de aduanas senón vitais<br />
zonas de transición entre as harmoniosas conciencias dos pobos” (Otero Pedrayo 1990:<br />
191-192).<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 229 31-01-2012 17:24:29
230 Carme Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián<br />
Bibliography<br />
Primary sources:<br />
Otero Pedrayo, Ramón (1990[1928]): Os camiños da vida. Vigo.<br />
Otero Pedrayo, Ramón (1985[1930]): Arredor de si. Vigo.<br />
Secondary sources:<br />
Anderson, Benedict (1996): Imagined Communities. Reflections on <strong>the</strong> Origin <strong>and</strong><br />
Spread of Nationalism. London, New York.<br />
Beramendi, Justo (2007): De provincia a nación. Historia do galeguismo politico.<br />
Vigo.<br />
Carro, Xavier (1985): O galeguismo na encrucillada republicana. Ourense.<br />
Carvalho Calero, Ricardo (1990): Do galego e da Galiza. Santiago.<br />
Fernández Pérez-Sanjulián, Carme (2003): A construción nacional no discurso<br />
literario de Ramón Otero Pedrayo. Vigo.<br />
Freixanes, Víctor F. (1982): “Ramón Otero Pedrayo, memoria de todas as<br />
cousas” in: Freixanes, Víctor F., Unha ducia de galegos. Vigo, 15-38.<br />
Quintana, X. Ramón, Valcárcel, Marcos (1988): Ramón Otero Pedrayo. Vida,<br />
obra e pensamento. Vigo.<br />
Portugal, Francisco Salinas (2006) : “A literatura galega e os contornos da<br />
identidade” in: Salinas Portugal, Francisco, Tavares Maleval, Mª Amparo<br />
(Eds.), Estudos Galego-Brasileiros 2. A Coruña, 349-364.<br />
Sanmartin Rei, Goretti (2002): Lendo nas marxes. Lingua e compromiso nos<br />
paratextos (1963-1936). A Coruña.<br />
Sommer, Doris (1991): Foundational Fictions: The National Romances of Latin<br />
America. Berkeley.<br />
Thiesse, Anne M. (2001): La création des identités nationales. <strong>Europe</strong> XVIIIe-<br />
XXe siècle. Paris.<br />
Villares, Ramón (2006): Fuga e retorno de Adrián Solovio. Sobre a educación sentimental<br />
dun intelectual galeguista. A Coruña.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 230 31-01-2012 17:24:29
Approaches to Twentieth-First Century Slavic<br />
Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature:<br />
A Comparative Analysis<br />
Introduction<br />
Maria Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
(University of Santiago de Compostela)<br />
The aim of <strong>the</strong> present paper is to reflect upon literary representations<br />
of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an immigrant communities in two recently published<br />
works: A Sopa [The Soup] (Porto, 2004), by Filomena Marona Beja,<br />
<strong>and</strong> Ucrania [Ukraine] (Barcelona, 2006), by Pablo Ar<strong>and</strong>a. Through <strong>the</strong><br />
life, work <strong>and</strong> sentimental outlook of two main characters, both novels<br />
offer a detailed observation of <strong>the</strong> multiple factors that currently shape<br />
<strong>the</strong> complex societies of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula. Both novels describe <strong>the</strong><br />
struggle by individuals to face <strong>and</strong> overcome difficulties derived from laws,<br />
fears <strong>and</strong> diverse prejudices, which hinder <strong>the</strong>ir integration <strong>and</strong> coexistence.<br />
At <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>y introduce <strong>the</strong> reader to issues such as mixed<br />
couples; ‘transnational maternity’ <strong>and</strong> its potential costs for mo<strong>the</strong>rs <strong>and</strong><br />
children respectively; <strong>the</strong> existence of mafias <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir strategies in recent<br />
years; <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘ethnocentric perception’ of <strong>the</strong> societies that receive <strong>the</strong><br />
immigrants – for example in both books Ukrainians are represented <strong>and</strong><br />
generally designated as ‘Russians’, always ‘Russians’, despite certain voices<br />
pleading for respect for <strong>the</strong>ir own identity.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 231 31-01-2012 17:24:29
232 María Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
International migration has always been an important aspect of<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an history, having been of great importance in <strong>the</strong> formation of<br />
societies, in <strong>the</strong> development of markets <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> process of industrialisation.<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> most significant changes to <strong>the</strong> phenomenon of <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
migration in recent years took place in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain, which<br />
passed from being traditional points of departure for a significant section<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir populations, who were in search of better economic conditions,<br />
into recipients of workers from o<strong>the</strong>r countries. In our discussion<br />
we will analyse <strong>the</strong> literary approaches to <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an immigrant<br />
communities in two recently published Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish novels.<br />
In particular, we will analyse <strong>the</strong> treatment of certain characters in A Sopa<br />
<strong>and</strong> Ucrania, for example <strong>the</strong>ir lifestories, working conditions <strong>and</strong> personal<br />
relationships. Both novels provide an accurate observation of <strong>the</strong> multiple<br />
factors that make Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain today: <strong>the</strong>y describe behaviours <strong>and</strong><br />
conflicts that refer to a bleak <strong>and</strong> difficult reality, showing us <strong>the</strong> struggle<br />
of individuals to overcome obstacles.<br />
Both books depict this new <strong>and</strong> complex reality that we have to deal<br />
with everyday in <strong>the</strong> streets <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> written <strong>and</strong> audiovisual mass-media,<br />
<strong>the</strong> latter being of particular influence in <strong>the</strong> configuration of <strong>the</strong> image<br />
of <strong>the</strong> immigrant. The approach of <strong>the</strong> two novelists may be regarded as<br />
courageous because <strong>the</strong> phenomenon of immigration – despite becoming<br />
increasingly visible – remains a topic that is relatively absent from contemporary<br />
literature. It seems that both Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish authors try<br />
to avoid it, perhaps for fear of subscribing to what is derisively reffered to<br />
as ‘politically correct’, or perhaps for fear of being erroneously described<br />
as anachronistic due to following a neo-neo-realist discourse – “what is most<br />
certain is that <strong>the</strong> majority [...] flee from <strong>the</strong>se topics as <strong>the</strong> devil flees from<br />
holy water” (Silva 2004), states journalist José Maria Silva. 1<br />
1 It is worth mentioning o<strong>the</strong>r works that, to a certain extent, have recently brought <strong>the</strong><br />
issues relating to immigrant populations from <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> to <strong>the</strong> attention of Portuguese<br />
fiction. Above all note Pedro G. Rosado’s novel, titled as Ulianov e o Diabo [Ulianov<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Devil] (2006) written in <strong>the</strong> genre of detective fiction, whose main character is an<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an immigrant <strong>and</strong> former member of a Russian special armed forces<br />
(spetsnaz), who seeks justice <strong>and</strong> revenge in a dark <strong>and</strong> adverse Lisbon: hidden rooms,<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>ls, hooray Henrys, frustrations <strong>and</strong> crimes form <strong>the</strong> scene of such a narrative. Also<br />
think of Manuel da Silva Ramos’ novel, Sol da Meia-Noite [Midnight Sun] (2007), <strong>and</strong> of<br />
Manuela Gonzaga’s Meu único, gr<strong>and</strong>e amor: casei-me [My Only True Love: I got married] (2007),<br />
as well as <strong>the</strong> play Quarto Minguante [Last Quarter] (2007), with which Rodrigo Francisco<br />
began his career as a dramatist, <strong>and</strong> was already produced by Almada’s Theatre Company<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 232 31-01-2012 17:24:29
Approaches to 21st Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature 233<br />
In this context it should also be noted that in several interviews Pablo<br />
Ar<strong>and</strong>a has declared “if literature compromises, it runs <strong>the</strong> risk of being<br />
a pamphlet” (Cortés 2006), repeatedly affirming that he did not write<br />
a political book but instead narrated familiar stories with social characters<br />
of relevance to <strong>the</strong> present:<br />
“It tells of <strong>the</strong> story of a woman who arrives, as do many, in search<br />
of a job […]. I was even talking to a few of <strong>the</strong>m, in order to underst<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> sensations caused by <strong>the</strong> change of country, <strong>and</strong> what things attracted<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir attention about Malaga.” (Cortés 2006)<br />
In terms of narrative technique in both works <strong>the</strong> approach to oral<br />
speech, <strong>the</strong> fractured structure, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> construction of images that move<br />
on from <strong>the</strong> linearity of previous realistic writing, is remarkable. Some<br />
critics believe that <strong>the</strong> characters’ diverse experiences, as well as <strong>the</strong>ir natures<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir internal struggles, are better represented through dialogue<br />
<strong>and</strong> direct speech, which ignore <strong>the</strong> monomorphic configuration of o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
more traditional novels, which follow <strong>the</strong> conventions of written discourse<br />
accurately (Ibarrola-Armendariz 2006: 16-41).<br />
A Sopa<br />
In A Sopa, Filomena Marona Beja presents us with a selection of socially<br />
excluded persons whose lives revolve around an old coal warehouse<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Lisbon docks, which is run by a non-governmental humanitarian aid<br />
foundation. The staff <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> president live on official subsidies <strong>and</strong> philanthropic<br />
donations from private companies. In effect, A Sopa appears<br />
to be a survey of <strong>the</strong> socially excluded of <strong>the</strong> new, early twentieth-firstcentury<br />
Portugal, revealing <strong>the</strong> dark side of Portuguese cosmopolitism<br />
through descriptions of <strong>the</strong> lives of certain individuals: <strong>the</strong> Ukrainians<br />
(generally referred to as ‘Russians’) belong to a group of o<strong>the</strong>r immigrant<br />
communities (those from Africa for instance) <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> community of<br />
non-integrated or socially unadjusted Portuguese nationals (former soldiers<br />
of <strong>the</strong> colonial war; repatriates who have failed to earn <strong>the</strong>ir living<br />
in France; expatriates who had to return to Portugal as a consequence of<br />
drug abuse <strong>and</strong> drug trafficking).<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Local Theatre of this city during <strong>the</strong> months of March <strong>and</strong> April 2007.<br />
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234 María Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
The only differences by which <strong>the</strong> author-narrator identifies <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an immigrants from o<strong>the</strong>r marginalised groups within <strong>the</strong> host<br />
country are <strong>the</strong>ir working competence <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir physical-mental characteristics:<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are people of a blue, fixed <strong>and</strong> cold gaze; <strong>the</strong> colour of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
face is always pale; <strong>the</strong>y like hard liquor <strong>and</strong> have a ‘golden tooth’ popping<br />
through <strong>the</strong>ir lips; <strong>the</strong>y do not look directly at <strong>the</strong> Portuguese or at <strong>the</strong> Africans;<br />
<strong>the</strong>y do not protest, but seem to constantly display distrust towards<br />
everything. Not belonging to <strong>the</strong> Foundation in <strong>the</strong> novel, <strong>the</strong>y are always<br />
expecting alms in form of soup served in plastic cups:<br />
“It was impressive that <strong>the</strong> Russians never said anything. One would<br />
have expected <strong>the</strong>m at least to have exchanged some words between <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong>y melted into silence. Perhaps on account of distrust,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y stayed out of <strong>the</strong> Foundation as if <strong>the</strong>y did not exist. The stiffening<br />
wind coming from <strong>the</strong> river hit <strong>the</strong>ir bodies. They remained motionless,<br />
without making gestures. Nobody knew when <strong>the</strong>y had begun to appear.<br />
‘It was sudden’, people said. And who had <strong>the</strong>y possibly been? What had<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir lives been like before <strong>the</strong>y had engaged with <strong>the</strong> passadores <strong>and</strong> paid<br />
for <strong>the</strong> illegal border crossing?<br />
As far as this last question was concerned, many versions were<br />
circulating, some amazing ones among <strong>the</strong>m. But, with <strong>the</strong>ir visas overstayed,<br />
without work contracts <strong>and</strong> without a tax payer’s account number<br />
<strong>the</strong>y were denied an identity. Now <strong>the</strong>y were cl<strong>and</strong>estines or ‘illegals’ as <strong>the</strong><br />
authorities used to amend <strong>the</strong> term.<br />
Whatever <strong>the</strong>y were called, everything indicated that <strong>the</strong>y had become<br />
slaves. As <strong>the</strong> dining hall was <strong>the</strong> only reason for <strong>the</strong>m to come<br />
<strong>the</strong>re, getting [food] remains would humiliate <strong>the</strong>m.” 2<br />
2 Original: “Impressionava aquilo de os russos não dizerem nada. Seria de esperar que,<br />
pelo menos, trocassem umas palavras entre eles. Contudo, fundiam-se no silêncio. Possivelmente,<br />
por desconfiança, deixavam-se ficar no exterior da Fundação como se não existissem.<br />
O vento que enrijava, vindo do rio, batia-lhes nos corpos. Continuavam parados.<br />
Sem gestos. Não se fazia ideia da altura em que aquela gente teria começado a aparecer.<br />
‘Foi de repente’, dizia-se. E quem teriam sido? Quais as suas vidas, antes de se arriscarem<br />
aos passadores? A esse propósito corriam muitas versões, algumas de espantar. Mas,<br />
com vistos caducados, sem contratos de trabalho nem números de contribuinte, sonegara-se-lhes<br />
a identidade. Agora eram cl<strong>and</strong>estinos, ‘ilegais’, emendavam as autoridades.<br />
Chamassem-lhes como quisessem. Tudo indicava que se tinham tornado escravos. Sendo<br />
o refeitório a única razão de ali virem, receber restos [de comida] haveria de os humilhar.”<br />
(Beja 2004: 28). The author translates all quotes from this work within this paper.<br />
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Approaches to 21st Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature 235<br />
During <strong>the</strong> international conference of CompaRes in Lisbon in April<br />
2007, Miguel Real emphasised that <strong>the</strong>se conditions evoke, in our [Portuguese]<br />
collective (sub)unconsciousness, “<strong>the</strong> humble, menial work done<br />
by <strong>the</strong> black <strong>and</strong> Moorish [sic] slave community until <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth<br />
century, when it was liberated from slavery under <strong>the</strong> governance of <strong>the</strong><br />
Marquês de Pombal” (Real 2007). Of all <strong>the</strong> characters in <strong>the</strong> novel, Kiev<br />
sticks out most. He receives <strong>the</strong> name Kiev from <strong>the</strong> employees of <strong>the</strong><br />
foundation because <strong>the</strong>y do not know his real name. When Kiev starts to<br />
learn <strong>the</strong> Portuguese language <strong>and</strong> succeeds in getting his ideas across, his<br />
true name is revealed: Sergei.<br />
This circumstance makes <strong>the</strong> reader expect a transition from isolation<br />
to significant integration, but in <strong>the</strong> novel our expectations become<br />
progressively more frustrated: on <strong>the</strong> basis of its regulations <strong>the</strong> Foundation<br />
does not accept Sergei as a member, thus condemning him to existential<br />
<strong>and</strong> residential marginality, <strong>and</strong> he does not manage to acquire enough<br />
money for his monthly pay to <strong>the</strong> passadores, <strong>the</strong> mafia who menace <strong>and</strong><br />
finally assault him – his compatriots actually distance <strong>the</strong>mselves from him<br />
because <strong>the</strong>y know he is ‘marked’, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> love between Sergei <strong>and</strong> Rosa,<br />
a social worker, does not turn out well in spite of <strong>the</strong>ir efforts.<br />
Everything appears to contribute to <strong>the</strong> dividing wall that exists between<br />
both characters: she departs to Madrid in order to fur<strong>the</strong>r her studies,<br />
while he has to go through a series of difficult situations, <strong>and</strong> suffer<br />
hard physical aggression, until he finally dies after being poisoned by a<br />
homeless Portuguese woman: “Kiev was dead. Hair <strong>and</strong> pillow soaked in<br />
vomit.<br />
He lay openmou<strong>the</strong>d with his golden tooth visible”. 3 Integration<br />
does not occur, <strong>the</strong>refore encapsulating in fiction <strong>the</strong> situation that exists<br />
between Portugal <strong>and</strong> immigrants from East-<strong>Europe</strong>an countries. To a<br />
large extent Sergei’s situation turns out to be a prototype representing <strong>the</strong><br />
social <strong>and</strong> existential problems of <strong>the</strong> entire community.<br />
He has to endure employers who do not pay him fair wages, <strong>the</strong><br />
overstaying of his visa, his ‘illegal’ situation, <strong>the</strong> food petition to <strong>the</strong> NGO,<br />
some poorly-paid side jobs contrary to his musical education. 4<br />
3 Original: “O Kiev estava morto. Cabelo e almofada empapados num vómito. Boca<br />
aberta, a ver-se o dente de ouro” (Beja 2004: 192).<br />
4 To study <strong>the</strong>se circumstances in depth see – among many o<strong>the</strong>rs – <strong>the</strong> collective study<br />
by Baganha, Marques, Góis (2003). In few years <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian population became <strong>the</strong><br />
most numerous minority in Portugal, dislodging <strong>the</strong> Brazilian <strong>and</strong> Cape Verdians – two<br />
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236 María Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
Ukraine<br />
The author of Ucrania describes <strong>the</strong> experiences of Elena, a woman<br />
who travels to Málaga in search of a better life. 5<br />
She gets to know her Spanish husb<strong>and</strong> Jorge via <strong>the</strong> internet, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>ir relationship develops by email: he wants a woman to help him to<br />
escape from solitude <strong>and</strong> routine; she needs to leave her native country<br />
legally <strong>and</strong> to work abroad to be able to bring her son Viktor with her,<br />
which is her purpose, her main wish. A situation that creates a temporary<br />
rift between her <strong>and</strong> her husb<strong>and</strong>, a man from Andalusia, who is always<br />
characterised as timid <strong>and</strong> uptight. One of his colleagues had insisted on<br />
him choosing a woman from <strong>the</strong> East from a series of foreigners who<br />
were advertised on <strong>the</strong> internet:<br />
“People talk about <strong>the</strong> Swedes <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cubans or about <strong>the</strong> Brazilians<br />
who move <strong>the</strong>ir bums, but compared to a Russian <strong>the</strong>y are worth<br />
nothing, I tell you that”. 6<br />
After looking at a number of photos he chooses Elena’s, <strong>and</strong> from<br />
<strong>the</strong>n on stereotyped descriptions <strong>and</strong> attitudes follow each o<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong><br />
form of alerts concerning <strong>the</strong> dangers of any emotional bond. With each<br />
step <strong>the</strong> reader encounters <strong>the</strong> host society’s prejudices relating to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
belief that <strong>Eastern</strong> women are agents of flippancy <strong>and</strong> promiscuity:<br />
nationalities with a long tradition of migration to Portugal due to <strong>the</strong>ir postcolonial links.<br />
The impact of <strong>the</strong>ir arrival is also demonstrated by <strong>the</strong> fact that this group exceeds <strong>the</strong><br />
second most significant community from central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Moldovians,<br />
by nearly in five times in terms of quantity. For enquiries about data <strong>and</strong> percentages<br />
relating to <strong>the</strong> migrant situation in Portugal we follow Hellermann, Stanek 2007.<br />
5 Ukrainians are <strong>the</strong> most numerous <strong>Europe</strong>an immigrant group living in Malaga’s metropolitan<br />
zone, totalling 2603 residents in this city (Ramírez 2007). Actually this minority<br />
it is not so pominent in <strong>the</strong> Spanish mass media, <strong>the</strong> Romanian presence being <strong>the</strong> most<br />
significant: by <strong>the</strong> end of 2003 more than one in three foreigners coming from this part<br />
of <strong>the</strong> continent were of Romanian nationality (37.8%). The second most important<br />
community in terms of quantity is <strong>the</strong> Bulgarian, followed by <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian. On <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> we must remember that Polish immigration has fallen significantly lately. For<br />
more data, we still follow <strong>the</strong> information offered by Hellermann, Stanek 2007.<br />
6 Original: “la gente habla de las suecas y de las cubanas, o de las brasileñas esas que mueven<br />
el culo, pero al lado de una rusa no valen nada, te lo digo yo” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 19). The<br />
author translates all quotes from this work within this paper.<br />
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Approaches to 21st Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature 237<br />
“But no, man, damn, don’t you get it, Jorge? You meet a Russian or a<br />
black, you have your fun for a while, you screw her as often as you can, <strong>and</strong><br />
that’s it. And if one day you fuck one of <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> fall asleep before leaving<br />
<strong>and</strong> fuck her again when you wake up <strong>and</strong> you like it <strong>and</strong> you stay ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
day <strong>and</strong> remain like that for five years, fucking <strong>and</strong> talking afterwards<br />
about whatever, ‘cause that is what women like, <strong>the</strong>n you get married, but<br />
its not like that – ‘cause you don’t know her […]; ‘cause <strong>the</strong> only thing she<br />
wants are papers, <strong>and</strong> as soon as she gets <strong>the</strong>m she will confess that she<br />
has five children, <strong>and</strong> knowing you like I do, she will convince you to get<br />
<strong>the</strong>m into your house <strong>and</strong> when she has bled you dry as much as possible<br />
she will tell you to fuck off, ‘cause Russian women are like that, <strong>and</strong> before<br />
telling you to fuck off, she will tell you that, besides, she’s messing around<br />
with her ex-husb<strong>and</strong>, who is also Russian <strong>and</strong> has boxer’s arms <strong>and</strong> that if<br />
you don’t watch out he will smash your face in”. 7<br />
The reader follows Elena’s movements <strong>and</strong> finds in her a character<br />
situated between <strong>the</strong> categories of victim <strong>and</strong> heroine. She tries to keep<br />
her ‘deviations’ from <strong>the</strong> truth to as few as possible <strong>and</strong> she never forgets<br />
her duties as a mo<strong>the</strong>r. When <strong>the</strong> Spanish citizen offers her help she turns<br />
to marriage, but without illusion or hypocrisy:<br />
“I’ll be at Jorge’s mercy if he isn’t good, him accepting my proposal<br />
<strong>and</strong> me trusting his word, what else can I do [...]. I told Jorge: I need <strong>the</strong><br />
papers. I am going to marry a man who didn’t exist some months ago”. 8<br />
7 Original: “Que no, tío, que no te enteras, coño, Jorge, que uno conoce a una rusa, o a<br />
una negra, se ríe un rato, se harta de follar si puede y ya está. Y si un día te follas a una y<br />
antes de irte te quedas dormido y te la vuelves a follar cu<strong>and</strong>o te despiertas y te gusta y<br />
quedas para otro día y estás así cinco años, foll<strong>and</strong>o y habl<strong>and</strong>o después de lo que sea, que<br />
eso es lo que les gusta a las tías, pues entonces te casas, pero no así. Que no la conoces<br />
[...] ; ella lo único que quiere son los papeles y en cuanto los tenga te confesará que tiene<br />
cinco hijos y conociéndote te convencerá para meterlos en tu casa y cu<strong>and</strong>o ya te haya<br />
sangrado todo lo posivel te m<strong>and</strong>ará a tomar por culo, que las rusas son así, y antes de<br />
m<strong>and</strong>arte a tomar por culo te driá que además es que ainda por aquí su antiguo mardio<br />
que también es ruso y tiene unos brazos así de boxeador y que como te descuides te<br />
abrirá la cabeza” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 160). Allow us to remember that in O Sol de Meia-Noite<br />
[Midnight Sun], one of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese novels previously mentioned, describing a trip to<br />
<strong>the</strong> depths of Lisbon’s night life, dominated by madness, sex <strong>and</strong> alcohol, a new word<br />
is created to denominate <strong>the</strong> sexual practice between Portuguese men <strong>and</strong> Ukrainian<br />
women: kievaginação [kievagination].<br />
8 Original: “Jorge, que me tendrá a su merced si no es bueno, que accede a mi propuesta<br />
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238 María Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
She reconsiders <strong>and</strong> accepts <strong>the</strong> hospitality of Jorge, who respects<br />
her wish to only sleep next to him in order to keep up appearances, without<br />
touching her, but feeling passionate <strong>and</strong> hoping for it to be returned<br />
someday.<br />
Elena actually feels <strong>the</strong> constant need to justify herself for having<br />
left her country:<br />
“I am looking for warmth in Spain, like pups […] searching for <strong>the</strong><br />
warm haunches of <strong>the</strong>ir mo<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> tit. Spain is a tit, a giant breast that<br />
I’m pleading for me”. 9<br />
Along Elena’s journey we encounter some of <strong>the</strong> basic factors associated<br />
with <strong>the</strong> question of <strong>the</strong> acceptance <strong>and</strong> integration of immigrants<br />
from <strong>the</strong> East, especially in her condition as a woman.<br />
Through characters comments, especially those of Jorge’s friends<br />
<strong>and</strong> family, <strong>the</strong> book reveals <strong>the</strong> difficulty of overcoming prejudices concerning<br />
people who try to improve <strong>the</strong>ir situation, which lack any kind of<br />
moral scruple.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> we find allusions to <strong>the</strong> free help offered by<br />
NGOs. For example MÁLAGA ACOGE is mentioned several times,<br />
which promotes <strong>the</strong> cause of <strong>the</strong> immigrants <strong>and</strong> proposes respectful<br />
cross-cultural integration. 10<br />
Likewise <strong>the</strong> novel highlights <strong>the</strong> need of <strong>the</strong> immigrants to take<br />
jobs that are unworthy of <strong>the</strong>ir university education in order to survive<br />
<strong>and</strong> reach <strong>the</strong>ir objective of family reunification, as we can see in <strong>the</strong> following<br />
thoughts Elena has about her situation as servant <strong>and</strong> nanny, which<br />
involves living for twenty-four hours a day in <strong>the</strong> work place <strong>and</strong> an almost<br />
y yo confío en su palabra, qué otra cosa me puedo permitir [...]. Se lo dije a Jorge: necesito<br />
los papeles. Voy a casarme con un hombre que hace unos meses no existía” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a<br />
2006: 121).<br />
9 Original: “Yo busco en España calor, como los cachorros [...] cachorros que pretenden<br />
el lomo cálido de la madre, la teta. España es una teta, un pecho enorme que yo reclamo”<br />
(Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 170).<br />
10 ACOGE´s net is a federation of several pro-immigrant NGOs that comprise several<br />
entities working in a coordinated way in different areas of <strong>the</strong> country, pleading for a<br />
sensitive society that is in favour of a coexistence ruled by mutual respect. It also intends<br />
to serve as a negotiator with different administrations, public <strong>and</strong> private agents involved<br />
in <strong>the</strong> management of <strong>the</strong> migration phenomenon.<br />
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Approaches to 21st Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature 239<br />
complete loss of autonomy <strong>and</strong> flexibility, having to be available to her<br />
employers at all times. 11<br />
Faced with <strong>the</strong> recriminations of her mo<strong>the</strong>r (still in Ukraine) <strong>and</strong><br />
even herself, this woman tries to find a reason to explain <strong>and</strong> justify so<br />
much effort:<br />
“And she kept on walking, her mo<strong>the</strong>r’s words echoing in her ears,<br />
repeating, as a record automatically rewinds once it’s finished, to be reproduced<br />
in an undefined way, that’s what I paid your university for? How<br />
long without her mo<strong>the</strong>r scolding her, so much sacrifice for that? In recent<br />
years it had been <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r way round, it was for her to scold her mo<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
You finished your degree to start cleaning floors, cleaning Spanish babies’<br />
bottoms? And she wouldn’t stop talking, explaining, that it was a good<br />
family, that it was a decent job, that what was thought work consisted of<br />
for <strong>the</strong> thous<strong>and</strong>s of Ukrainian women with whom she was sharing <strong>the</strong><br />
city […]. Leaving <strong>the</strong> Ukraine to end up as a house worker, a live-in cleaner,<br />
only going out on Sundays, when she had probably read more books<br />
than both <strong>the</strong> master <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> mistress of <strong>the</strong> house […] were ever going<br />
to read. While cleaning floors <strong>and</strong> preparing meals she soon found <strong>the</strong><br />
answers herself, that this is not finishing, this is not <strong>the</strong> end, this is just a<br />
means, being a live-in servant involves not spending, just earning […] buying<br />
a plane ticket, a one way ticket <strong>and</strong> two returns, or three if my mo<strong>the</strong>r<br />
decides to come with us, looking for a school for Viktor.” 12<br />
11 It is precisely through this form of activity that immigrant women frequently gain<br />
access to remunerated work, which constitutes a continuation of <strong>the</strong> traditional gender<br />
role, as Carlota Solé <strong>and</strong> Sonia Paralla (2005) state when studying new experiences of<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>rhood from within <strong>the</strong> most recent migration flows.<br />
12 Original: “Y siguió <strong>and</strong><strong>and</strong>o, las palabras de su madre retumb<strong>and</strong>o en los oídos,<br />
repitiéndose, como una grabación que una vez escuchada se rebobinara automáticamente<br />
para reproducirse de forma indefinida, ¿para eso te pagué la universidad?, cuánto tiempo<br />
sin que su madre le regañase, ¿para eso tanto sacrificio?, en los últimos años había sido<br />
precisamente al revés, era ella la que reñía a su madre, ¿terminas una licenciatura para<br />
ponerte a limpiar suelos, a limpiar culos de niños españoles?, y no le dejaba hablar, explicarle,<br />
que era una buena familia, que se trataba de un trabajo digno, que a ver en qué creía<br />
ella que consistía el trabajo de los miles de ucranianas con las que compartía ciudad […]<br />
salir de Ucrania, para acabar empleada en una casa de limipadora, interna, saliendo apenas<br />
los domingos, habiendo leído probablemente más libros que los que entre el señor<br />
y la señora de la casa […] fuesen a leer jamás, pero limpi<strong>and</strong>o sus suelos, prepar<strong>and</strong>o sus<br />
comidas, aunque ella misma, menos mal, se topó rápido con las respuestas, es que esto<br />
no es acabar,esto no es el fin, este sólo es el medio, ser interna significa no tener gastos,<br />
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240 María Isabel Morán Cabanas A<br />
A significant number of physical-mental characteristics used in <strong>the</strong><br />
Potuguese novel to define <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian people can be found in <strong>the</strong> Spanish<br />
one: <strong>the</strong>ir light skin <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir fixed stare, <strong>the</strong>ir penchant for vodka, <strong>and</strong><br />
a certain attitude of distrust that serves as protective weapon <strong>and</strong> defence.<br />
However, <strong>Eastern</strong> immigrants receive much greater prominence in Ucrania,<br />
as <strong>the</strong> title itself indicates, taking us from Malaga to <strong>the</strong> city of Lvov,<br />
where Elena has her home <strong>and</strong> where her family lives. The readers also<br />
witness occasional trips made to o<strong>the</strong>r parts of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> – both<br />
physically <strong>and</strong> through deep reflections about <strong>the</strong> most recent history of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation – for example Kiev, Odessa, <strong>the</strong> phantom-city of Pripiat <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Chernobyl nuclear plant (originally called Vladimir Lenin). Circulating<br />
through <strong>the</strong> memory of this character without stopping, in an often<br />
feverish rhythm, <strong>and</strong> through speech influenced by a hard critical attitude<br />
to past <strong>and</strong> present:<br />
“The Ukraine disintegrated at Chernobyl, in that damned April<br />
when <strong>the</strong> Ukraine rose to <strong>the</strong> skies <strong>and</strong> burst into pieces, Ukraine, a broken<br />
cup when falling onto <strong>the</strong> ground. And now, <strong>the</strong> Ukraine is made up<br />
of pieces that bit by bit complete an artisan’s unfinished work, an extended<br />
carpet beaten by someone that, when one tries to put back, does not<br />
fit anymore, <strong>the</strong> Ukraine is now a different country. Lvov reaches out to<br />
<strong>the</strong> difficult <strong>Europe</strong>an Union, while <strong>the</strong> East intends to stay connected to<br />
Russia. Kiev, in <strong>the</strong> middle, focuses its strengths on Brussels, but Moscow<br />
has immense political influence, <strong>and</strong> corruption: money represents <strong>the</strong><br />
point of <strong>the</strong> string where those pulling from each side meet. So, meanwhile,<br />
<strong>the</strong> pieces settle, people leave, women [...]. I leave, too. It is a question<br />
of survival.” 13<br />
sólo ingresos, […] comprar el billete de avión, uno de ida y dos de vuelta, o tres si mi<br />
madre se decide a venir con nosotros, buscar un colegio para Viktor” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 223).<br />
13 Original: “Ucrania se desintegró en Chernobil, aquel abril maldito en que Ucrania se<br />
elevó hasta los cielos y estalló en pedazos, Ucrania un vaso hecho añicos al caer al suelo.<br />
Y ahora Ucrania la forman muchos trozos que poco a poco van encaj<strong>and</strong>o, un porducto<br />
de artesanía inacabado, una alfombra extendida que alguien ha sacudido y al ir a colocarla<br />
de nuevo ya no cabe, Ucrania es ahora un país distinto. Lvov se estira hacia la difícil<br />
Unión <strong>Europe</strong>a, el este pretende seguir conectado a Rusia, Kiev, en medio, apunta sus<br />
fuerzas hacia Bruselas, pero Moscú pesa mucho, y la corrupción: el dinero señala el punto<br />
de la cuerda donde se encuentran los que tiran de ambos lados. Y mientras las piezas<br />
se colocan, la gente se va, las mujeres [...]. Yo también me marcho. Es una cuestión de<br />
supervivencia” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 120).<br />
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Approaches to 21st Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature 241<br />
Pablo Ar<strong>and</strong>a also tells <strong>the</strong> reader about various means <strong>and</strong> ways to<br />
enter <strong>the</strong> host country: aside from <strong>the</strong> tourist visa with a validity lasting<br />
ninety days, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> negotiated marriage used by Elena, <strong>the</strong> author focuses<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> presence of mafias that search for more intricate ways of entering<br />
<strong>the</strong> Spanish state, as well as upon criminal gangs that specialise in bank<br />
robbery <strong>and</strong> in assaulting businesses. In this context Alex<strong>and</strong>rer, Elena’s<br />
ex-husb<strong>and</strong>, plans to cross borders under <strong>the</strong> pretence of a fictitious fencing<br />
competition, a sport that appears to be a characteristic attribute of <strong>the</strong><br />
eastern countries: “Five hundred euros for each member of <strong>the</strong> team. Our<br />
team may comprise twelve people, do you underst<strong>and</strong>? Twelve people are<br />
six thous<strong>and</strong> euros. You just have to accompany me to <strong>the</strong> consulate.” 14<br />
The actions of <strong>the</strong> characters reveal <strong>the</strong> two sides of immigration:<br />
that of <strong>the</strong> worker as an individual who is fighting for a better life, <strong>and</strong><br />
that of groups that intend to exploit human wants <strong>and</strong> needs, unscrupulously<br />
taking maximum economic advantage from <strong>the</strong> situation of <strong>the</strong><br />
workers. In fact, in Alex<strong>and</strong>rer’s actual words, <strong>the</strong> character of <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian<br />
woman who is <strong>the</strong> (co-)protagonist in <strong>the</strong> novel is justified ethically,<br />
emphasising <strong>the</strong> difference between both characters: “She is stubborn. I<br />
offered to take her to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union, to <strong>the</strong> country she wants to go<br />
to, but some women think <strong>the</strong>y can do it all by <strong>the</strong>mselves, you know how<br />
women are, comrade.” 15<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, when Elena recalls her efforts <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> strategies she<br />
adopted in order to reach Málaga, she insists that staying away from <strong>the</strong><br />
mafia was <strong>the</strong> most important.<br />
Conclusion<br />
In conclusion it is evident that both of <strong>the</strong> books analysed above<br />
are a product of an almost journalistic research that is in direct contact<br />
with <strong>the</strong> world <strong>the</strong>y are depicting. We feel that at any moment prose may<br />
slide into a sweet, affected moralism, but both Filomena Marona Beja <strong>and</strong><br />
Pablo Ar<strong>and</strong>a succeed in avoiding easy, mild sentimentality.<br />
14 Original: “Quinientos euros por cada miembro del equipo. Nuestro equipo lo pueden<br />
formar doce personas, ¿comprendes?, doce personas son seis mil euros. Sólo tienes que<br />
acompañarme al consulado” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 56).<br />
15 Original: “Es terca, le ofrecí meterla en la Unión <strong>Europe</strong>a, en el país que quisiera, pero<br />
algunas mujeres creen que pueden hacerlo todo solas, ya sabes cómo son las mujeres,<br />
camarada” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 55).<br />
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242 María Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
Their strategy is clear <strong>and</strong> surprisingly efficient: instead of showing<br />
<strong>the</strong> problematic existence of individuals, who were angry at <strong>the</strong> world <strong>and</strong><br />
at <strong>the</strong> situations <strong>the</strong>y had to endure, from <strong>the</strong> outside, <strong>the</strong>y insert readers<br />
among <strong>the</strong>m, in <strong>the</strong> midst of <strong>the</strong>ir reflections <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir dialogues. Both<br />
writers allow us to enter <strong>the</strong> day-to-day life of <strong>the</strong> characters, <strong>the</strong>ir confessions,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir wishes, <strong>and</strong> frustrations, at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>y put us in front<br />
of <strong>the</strong> imaginary space of Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish culture through which<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an immigrants are perceived, in Lisbon <strong>and</strong> in Malaga respectively.<br />
In both novels interpretations of immigrants are depicted as a<br />
general ‘collectiveness’ (that of <strong>the</strong> ‘o<strong>the</strong>rs’) <strong>and</strong>, particularly in <strong>the</strong> case of<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘Russians’, are always merged toge<strong>the</strong>r in an indiscriminate way, <strong>and</strong> to<br />
whom a certain lack of interest is always shown in terms of acknowledging<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir nationality <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir identity.<br />
‘Russians or Ukrainians, it’s all <strong>the</strong> same’ – this statement encapsulates<br />
<strong>the</strong> thinking of <strong>the</strong> host country in A Sopa, <strong>and</strong> with even more<br />
insistence in <strong>the</strong> Spanish novel. The former insists on it: “By <strong>the</strong> store’s<br />
door, <strong>the</strong> queue of Russians. To set on one was <strong>the</strong> same as setting on all<br />
of <strong>the</strong>m” 16 <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> latter <strong>the</strong> difference existing between Russia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Ukraine is repeatedly made clear: “[…] you are Elena, aren’t you? Russian,<br />
aren’t you? And Elena explains that she is from <strong>the</strong> Ukraine <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> lady<br />
doesn’t seem to focus on what Elena has said […] how good that you<br />
speak Spanish, <strong>and</strong> asked if Elena learned it in Russia, <strong>and</strong> Elena again –<br />
I’m from <strong>the</strong> Ukraine, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> lady – ah, <strong>the</strong> Ukraine.” 17<br />
It is clear that isolation <strong>and</strong> exclusion haunt <strong>the</strong> characters in both<br />
works. It now appears that <strong>the</strong> few years between publication of <strong>the</strong> two<br />
novels <strong>and</strong> time in which <strong>the</strong> narrated stories were set, is reflected in <strong>the</strong><br />
wider presence, acceptance, <strong>and</strong> coexistence in <strong>the</strong> host society of <strong>the</strong><br />
Spanish novel.<br />
16 Original: “À porta do armazém, a fila dos russos. Fixar um era o mesmo que fixá-los<br />
a todos (Beja 2004: 86).<br />
17 Original: “[…] Tu eres Elena, ¿no?, rusa, ¿no?, y Elena le explica que es de Ucrania y la<br />
señora parece no fijarse en lo que dice [...] qué bien que hables español y si lo aprendió en<br />
Rusia y Elena otra vez que soy de Ucrania, y la senhora ah Ucrania” (Ar<strong>and</strong>a 2006: 225).<br />
As stated by Christiane Hellermann <strong>and</strong> Mikolaj Stanek, <strong>and</strong> repeatedly remarked in different<br />
sociological research, this perspective reveals <strong>the</strong> “ethnocentric perception” – or<br />
we could even say “ethnocentric blindness” – of nations receiving immigrants, which<br />
constitutes a barrier for integration <strong>and</strong> sharpens <strong>the</strong> feeling of having been uprooted<br />
(Hellermann, Stanek 2004).<br />
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Approaches to 21st Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature 243<br />
This fact is adequately represented through <strong>the</strong> conditions of characters<br />
playing <strong>the</strong> lead in <strong>the</strong> novel <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong>ir environment: in A Sopa we<br />
scarcely witness <strong>the</strong> experience of a man who arrives – <strong>and</strong> please note<br />
this: he arrives alone. In A Sopa we observe <strong>the</strong> absence of women coming<br />
from <strong>the</strong> East, which is referred to explicitly in <strong>the</strong> discourse: “During<br />
a few months, <strong>the</strong> last of <strong>the</strong>m, some had disappeared. O<strong>the</strong>rs arrived.<br />
There were never women or children among <strong>the</strong>m. In fact, children had<br />
stayed in <strong>the</strong> East. Who looked after <strong>the</strong>m? That question could not be<br />
asked in a country where <strong>the</strong>re has always been emigration.” 18<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> in Pablo Ar<strong>and</strong>a’s novel it is a woman who crosses<br />
<strong>the</strong> border <strong>and</strong> is able to enter <strong>the</strong> country without ever loosing <strong>the</strong><br />
hope of meeting her son Viktor again.<br />
Therefore, within its pages this novel is able to fictionalise all of<br />
<strong>the</strong> problems associated with <strong>the</strong> situations of women working <strong>and</strong> living<br />
abroad, while <strong>the</strong>ir under-age children remain in <strong>the</strong> country of origin in<br />
<strong>the</strong> care of relatives.<br />
This phenomenon has received various appellations in sociological<br />
studies such as ‘multi-local home’, ‘transnational maternity’, ‘distance maternity’<br />
or ‘globalisation of maternity’ <strong>and</strong> its immediate repercussions are<br />
represented through Elena, who is <strong>the</strong> protagonist of <strong>the</strong> Spanish story:<br />
<strong>the</strong> pain of separation, <strong>the</strong> feeling of self-accusation, <strong>the</strong> struggle to find<br />
social support in order to achieve a happy reunion with her son in <strong>the</strong> host<br />
country, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> important cost to <strong>the</strong> affections. 19<br />
18 Original: “Durante alguns meses os últimos, alguns tinham desaparecido. Chegado<br />
outros. Nunca mulheres ou crianças. Decerto, as crianças teriam ficado no Leste. Entregues<br />
a quem? Nunca se deveria fazer tal pergunta num país onde sempre se tem emigrado”<br />
(Beja 2004: 86-87).<br />
19 Due to <strong>the</strong> increase of <strong>the</strong>se experiences of a mo<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> son living apart in <strong>the</strong> social<br />
reality that surrounds us, some lines of research have begun into its implications for <strong>the</strong><br />
mental <strong>and</strong> physical health of mo<strong>the</strong>rs <strong>and</strong> children. For example, it has been demonstrated<br />
that people suffering such circumstances are at risk of suffering <strong>the</strong> so-called ‘Immigrant<br />
Syndrome with Chronic <strong>and</strong> Multiple Stress’ or ‘The Ulysses Syndrome’, referring<br />
to <strong>the</strong> mythical Greek hero who suffered countless adversities, <strong>and</strong> had to go through all<br />
kinds of dangers while away from his loved ones. For detailed information about <strong>the</strong>se<br />
clinical symptoms that today appear as an emerging health problem in host countries,<br />
see Atxotegui Lozarte (2002 <strong>and</strong> 2003). On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, relating to <strong>the</strong> behaviour of<br />
women in an era marked by a ‘risk society’, this society is characterised by an expansion<br />
of options, leading to <strong>the</strong> permanent need to chose ways never travelled before by her,<br />
we refer specially to Torrabadella, Tejero, Lemkow 2001.<br />
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244 María Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
It appears that <strong>the</strong> difference of a few years that exists between<br />
<strong>the</strong> publication of <strong>the</strong> two novels <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> dates of <strong>the</strong> stories narrated<br />
is reflected in <strong>the</strong> higher presence, awareness <strong>and</strong> acceptance of migrant<br />
phenomena in <strong>the</strong> Spanish text, which accords with social reality.<br />
This fact is expressed metonymically, for example, in <strong>the</strong> difference<br />
that may be observed between <strong>the</strong> amorous Ukrainian-Portuguese relationship<br />
in A Sopa, which does not bear fruit <strong>and</strong> only remains an unfulfilled<br />
project, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> outcome of <strong>the</strong> Ukrainian-Spanish union that<br />
ends satisfyingly for <strong>the</strong> two characters – <strong>the</strong>y reach an open <strong>and</strong> honest<br />
relationship based on mutual confidence, <strong>and</strong> succeed in overcoming<br />
<strong>the</strong> social barriers <strong>the</strong>y had encountered throughout <strong>the</strong> novel. Elena <strong>and</strong><br />
Jorge even wish to get married again to confirm <strong>the</strong>ir mutual love. She<br />
even manages to bring her son, who starts to learn <strong>the</strong> Spanish language,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> process of his of adaption <strong>and</strong> insertion into society seems to<br />
develop in a simple <strong>and</strong> natural way. Therefore, to an extent we witness <strong>the</strong><br />
simultaneous representation of a future of more harmonious coexistence<br />
for generations descending from immigrants, creating mixed identities<br />
on a personal <strong>and</strong> cultural level. Humour, irony <strong>and</strong> criticism combine in<br />
<strong>the</strong>se two narratives, which eventually provide, through fiction, a thorough<br />
analysis of a current topic that is very often an object of debate in <strong>the</strong><br />
street <strong>and</strong> in sociological studies, but has been almost absent from literary<br />
creations: immigration on Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> twentieth<br />
century <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> next. And alongside this issue<br />
both authors address <strong>the</strong> eternal problems: love, indifference, loneliness,<br />
crime, personality complexes, traumas; involving us in <strong>the</strong> evolution of<br />
<strong>the</strong> thoughts, fears, desires, dreams <strong>and</strong> frustrations of characters arriving<br />
from <strong>the</strong> Ukraine, <strong>and</strong> of those related to <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Primary sources:<br />
Ar<strong>and</strong>a, Pablo (2006): Ucrania. Barcelona.<br />
Beja, Filomena Marona (2004): A Sopa. Porto.<br />
Secondary sources:<br />
Atxotegui Lozarte, Josefa (2003): Ansiedad y depresión en los inmigrantes. Barcelona.<br />
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Approaches to 21st Century Slavic Immigration in Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish Literature 245<br />
--- (2002): “Los duelos de la migración: una perspectiva psicopatológica y<br />
psicosocial” [Migration Grieves: A Psychopathological <strong>and</strong> Psychosocial<br />
Perspective] in: Perdiguero, E., Comelles, J.M. (Eds.), Medicina y cultura.<br />
Barcelona, 88-100.<br />
Baganha, Maria Ioannis, Marques, José Carlos, Góis, Pedro (2003): “A Última<br />
Vaga: Imigrantes de Leste em Portugal”. Paper presented in <strong>the</strong> Seminário<br />
Internacional sobre Imigração do Leste – Uma Nova Realidade: Oportunidades<br />
e Desafios , International Seminar on <strong>Eastern</strong> Immigration – A New Reality:<br />
Oportunities <strong>and</strong> Challenges, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Lisbon,<br />
14.10.2003.<br />
Cortés, Rafael (2006): “Si la literatura se compromete: corre el riesgo de ser<br />
un panfleto” [If literature compromises, it runs <strong>the</strong> risk of being a pamphlet].<br />
Interview held with Pablo Ar<strong>and</strong>a, in: SURDigit@l [Culture <strong>and</strong><br />
Entertainment Guide],18.10.2006,URL:http://www.diariosur.es/prensa/20061018/cultura/pablo-ar<strong>and</strong>a-literatura-compromete_20061018.<br />
html.<br />
Francisco, Rodrigo (2007): Quarto Minguante. Coimbra.<br />
Gonzaga, Manuela (2007) : Meu único, gr<strong>and</strong>e amor: casei-me. Lisbon.<br />
Hellermann, Christiane, Stanek, Mikolaj (2004): “Estudios sobre la inmigración<br />
de Europa Central y Oriental en España y Portugal – Tendencias<br />
actuales y propuestas” [Studies on Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Immigration in<br />
Spain <strong>and</strong> Portugal – Current tendencies <strong>and</strong> Proposals] in: 4º Congreso<br />
sobre la Inmigración en España. Ciudadanía y Participación, 4 th Congress on Immigration<br />
in Spain. Citizenship <strong>and</strong> Participation, University of Girona<br />
(10-13.11.2004), URL: http://www.n340.org/txt_n340/downloads/12_<br />
M9P-Stanek.pdf.<br />
Ibarrola-Armendariz, Aitor (2006): “Ampli<strong>and</strong>o las fronteras de la ficción<br />
narrativa canadiense: la experiencia de los personajes inmigrantes en In<br />
<strong>the</strong> Skin of a Lion, de M. Ondaatje” [Widening <strong>the</strong> Borders of Canadian<br />
Narrative Fiction: <strong>the</strong> Experience of Inmigran Characters in In <strong>the</strong> Skin of<br />
a Lion, de M. Ondaatje] in: Santibáñez Gruber, Rosa / Maiztegui Oñate,<br />
Concepción (Eds.), Inmigacion: miradas y reflejos. Historias, identidades y claves de<br />
intervención social [Inmigration: Perspectives <strong>and</strong> Projections. Histories, <strong>Identities</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />
Keys to Social Intervention], Bilbao,16-41.<br />
Ramírez, Mairelys (2007): “Los inmigrantes son el 61% de los nuevos<br />
malagueños” [Immigrants Are 61% of Malaga’s New Inhabitants], in<br />
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246 María Isabel Morán Cabanas<br />
20minutos.es, 07.06.2007, URL: http :// www .20minutos .es/ noticia/<br />
244547/0/ inmigrantes/ nuevos/ malaguenos/.<br />
Ramos, Manuel da Silva (2007): Sol da Meia-Noite. Lisbon.<br />
Real, Miguel (2007): “Imagens de imigrantes eslavos na literatura portuguesa<br />
recente – O caso de A Sopa, de Filomena Marona Beja” in: Conferência<br />
Internacional “Culturas Ibéricas e Eslavas em Intercambio e Comparação:<br />
entre crise e prosperidade”, International Conference “<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>and</strong> Slavonic Cultures in<br />
Contact <strong>and</strong> Comparison: Towards Crisis <strong>and</strong> prosperity”. Lisbon, 26.-28.04.2007.<br />
Rosado, Pedro G. (2006): Ulianov e o Diabo, Lisbon.<br />
Silva, José Maria (2004): “Uma casa onde se cruzam muitas vidas esfarrapadas”,<br />
in: Diário de Notícias, 18.11.2004 URL: http dn.sapo.pt /2004 /11 /18<br />
/ artes/ uma _casa_onde_cruzam_muitas_vidas_es.html.<br />
Solé, Carlota, Paralla, Sonia (2005): “Discurso sobre la maternidad transnacional<br />
de las mujeres de origen latinoamericanas residentes en Barcelona”<br />
in: Accueil - Colloque International Mobilités au féminin. Journées de rencontres<br />
internationales (15.-19.11.2005). URL: http: // www .sieres .org<br />
/ documentos /comunes / OL.BIBLIO.Mternidad%20transnacional.pdf.<br />
Torrabadella, Laura, Tejero, Elisabet, Lemkow, Louis (Eds.) (2001): Mujeres<br />
y lucha cotidiana por el bienestar. Barcelona.<br />
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Part IV<br />
National <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Identity<br />
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Introduction<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> in Hungary<br />
Wolfgang Aschauer<br />
(Chemnitz University of Technology)<br />
When dealing with peripheral identities within a country it is clear<br />
that a psychological approach would be quite senseless, because peripheral<br />
identities involve societies <strong>and</strong> not individuals. Identity has to be understood<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore as <strong>the</strong> self-description of a society. At <strong>the</strong> same time<br />
it is clear that this does not mean <strong>the</strong> self-description of a society as a<br />
whole, because important subsystems of society, for example <strong>the</strong> economy<br />
or ‘<strong>the</strong> scientific community’, are parts of <strong>the</strong> global system <strong>and</strong> define<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves by functional ra<strong>the</strong>r than spatial criteria (Luhmann 1997).<br />
Self-description by means of <strong>the</strong> centre-periphery dichotomy is <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
limited to those subsystems of (global) society that are differentiated segmentally.<br />
The most important subsystem of this kind is <strong>the</strong> political system,<br />
which is differentiated into nation states (Stichweh 2000; Bahrenberg,<br />
Kuhm 1999). Within <strong>the</strong> nation states self-description can occur through<br />
<strong>the</strong> medium of culture, which achieves coherence in most of <strong>the</strong> Central<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an societies. Culture defines social coherence within a<br />
nation-state <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> same time supports self-description within <strong>the</strong> criteria<br />
of centre <strong>and</strong> periphery, which results from <strong>the</strong> spatial differentiation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> political global system.<br />
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250 Wolfgang Aschauer<br />
From this point of view periphery means <strong>the</strong> awareness of being<br />
determined by <strong>the</strong> special conditions of a spatially defined position within<br />
global society, or at least <strong>Europe</strong>an society. Periphery is not only <strong>the</strong> position<br />
of a place but also, <strong>and</strong> perhaps even more so, <strong>the</strong> effect of being<br />
in a place. A regional or national group regards itself as deeply affected<br />
by living on a certain area of <strong>the</strong> earth’s surface. This position bears two<br />
aspects, according to <strong>the</strong> perpective one assumes towards periphery. The<br />
first form of periphery can be understood as looking to <strong>the</strong> outside of a<br />
core periphery relationship (periphery 1). Periphery is <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong> outermost<br />
part of <strong>the</strong> core periphery system, to which <strong>the</strong> periphery belongs by<br />
definition. Looking outwards <strong>the</strong> periphery’s situation is defined by being<br />
<strong>the</strong> most exposed part of <strong>the</strong> whole regional system; this may be related to<br />
<strong>the</strong> notion of being in danger to an especially great extent, or to <strong>the</strong> notion<br />
of representing <strong>the</strong> whole system to outsiders, <strong>and</strong> perhaps of building<br />
bridges or something similar.<br />
From this point of view <strong>the</strong> periphery plays an essential role for <strong>the</strong><br />
whole core periphery system; it secures its existence <strong>and</strong> maintains its contacts<br />
with neighbouring regions.On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, periphery means <strong>the</strong><br />
view from <strong>the</strong> periphery towards <strong>the</strong> core (periphery 2), i.e. a comparison<br />
of one’s own situation against <strong>the</strong> situation in <strong>the</strong> core, or a discussion<br />
which reflects upon <strong>the</strong> special kind of connection with <strong>the</strong> core, which<br />
is normally interpreted as dependence. Therefore, periphery results in a<br />
never ending fight for equal relations <strong>and</strong>, in addition, simply to be recognized<br />
by <strong>the</strong> core (Gottmann 1980).<br />
In this paper <strong>the</strong> above aspects of peripheral identity will be demonstrated<br />
by <strong>the</strong> Hungarian example, with a focus on cultural issues. Therefore,<br />
<strong>the</strong> question is to what extent public discourses in Hungary talk of a<br />
special, unique role for Hungary in <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
Firstly in terms of its uniqueness in itself; secondly in terms of its<br />
unique role towards <strong>the</strong> outside of <strong>Europe</strong>; <strong>and</strong> thirdly in terms of its<br />
unique relations with <strong>the</strong> core of <strong>Europe</strong>. I will discuss <strong>the</strong>se points by<br />
interpreting official documents that have been published since <strong>the</strong> 1990s,<br />
irrespective of ruling party.<br />
These papers were published by conservative as well as by socialist,<br />
post-communist governments. One can assume that <strong>the</strong>se papers, a large<br />
number of which can be found on <strong>the</strong> Hungarian government’s website,<br />
reflect <strong>the</strong> general position of <strong>the</strong> political elite in Hungary.<br />
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Although this elite is deeply divided on most topics of public interest,<br />
this is clearly not <strong>the</strong> case with respect to <strong>the</strong> notion of Hungary’s<br />
position in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Periphery 1<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> in Hungary 251<br />
Dealing with <strong>the</strong> role of states within a core periphery system first<br />
requires <strong>the</strong> identification a country’s peculiarity within <strong>the</strong> system. Therefore,<br />
<strong>the</strong> first point to be discussed is Hungary’s uniqueness as it is seen<br />
by itself. Sources that illustrate this point can be located with relative ease.<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> documents is titled: Hungaricum: all that is inimitable, unique, distinct<br />
– <strong>and</strong> Hungarian (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004b).<br />
The Latin word Hungaricum means Hungarian or – perhaps more<br />
precisely – <strong>the</strong> characteristics of Hungarian culture. The sense of such<br />
a phrase is best discussed a contrario: Hungarian cultural features that are<br />
imitable, widespread <strong>and</strong> ambiguous. It is clear that such a sentence makes<br />
no sense. Using a word such as ‘Hungarian’ means that something is distinguished<br />
from something else; using a word is always an act of distinction.<br />
If ‘<strong>the</strong> Hungarians’ were not distinct <strong>the</strong>y would not exist. From this<br />
point of view <strong>the</strong> emphasis on <strong>the</strong> uniqueness of Hungarian culture is<br />
quite dubious, because it emphasises something that is already defined by<br />
<strong>the</strong> word ‘Hungarian’.<br />
If <strong>the</strong> sentence makes no sense as a grammatically correct arrangement<br />
of words in itself, we must look for <strong>the</strong> sense somewhere else. If<br />
<strong>the</strong> sentence is not a simple statement it can only be understood as a form<br />
of request for <strong>the</strong> reader to accept that Hungarian culture is inimitable,<br />
unique <strong>and</strong> distinct. However, such a request is based upon <strong>the</strong> fear or<br />
knowledge that <strong>the</strong> reader may not agree with this sentence. The sentence<br />
does not mean that Hungarian culture is unique, but that <strong>the</strong> reader should<br />
kindly agree with <strong>the</strong> writer that Hungarian culture is unique. It demonstrates<br />
<strong>the</strong> fear of not being noticed or, at least, being lumped toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
with o<strong>the</strong>r small <strong>and</strong> faraway countries.<br />
Despite meeting <strong>the</strong> request <strong>and</strong> accepting that Hungarian culture<br />
is unique, <strong>the</strong> concrete elements of <strong>the</strong> uniqueness are still missing. The<br />
sentence has to be filled with Hungarian characteristics that are different<br />
to those of o<strong>the</strong>r countries; this is achieved in two ways in this paper, firstly<br />
through visible examples of Hungarian culture, <strong>and</strong> secondly through<br />
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252 Wolfgang Aschauer<br />
historical <strong>and</strong> contemporary definitions of uniqueness. These arguments<br />
attempt to demonstrate <strong>the</strong> historical <strong>and</strong> geographical situation of Hungary.<br />
The former arguments are very simple <strong>and</strong> do not differ from <strong>the</strong><br />
contents of tourist guides. Hungarian culture is unique, because of Tokaj<br />
wine <strong>and</strong> goulash, because <strong>the</strong>re are special breeds of cattle or dogs for<br />
example, <strong>and</strong> because <strong>the</strong>re are certain special occupations, mainly in agriculture,<br />
where people in special costumes deal with those animals <strong>and</strong> eat<br />
<strong>and</strong> drink <strong>the</strong> above food <strong>and</strong> beverages. In this instance, Hungarian culture<br />
is presented to tourists from inside <strong>and</strong> outside Hungary as folklore.<br />
This form of argument in favour of <strong>the</strong> uniqueness of Hungarian<br />
culture ignores a very important point: nobody would claim that <strong>the</strong>se cultural<br />
elements are typical or at least widespread in Hungary. Goulash is not<br />
an everyday meal, <strong>and</strong> most Tokaj wine is exported. Looking at Hungary<br />
does not reveal any typical characteristics, everyday life does not differ<br />
from that lived by <strong>the</strong> citizens of o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>an countries.<br />
There is market economy <strong>and</strong> relatively well functioning democracy.<br />
How <strong>the</strong>n is it possible to claim Hungarian uniqueness? If Hungary<br />
is unique, what does this mean with respect to neighbouring countries?<br />
What is <strong>the</strong> place of Hungary?<br />
The answer to this question is based mainly on historical arguments.<br />
A key sentence is worth quoting in full:<br />
“The Hungarians created <strong>the</strong>ir own national culture at <strong>the</strong> crossroads<br />
of two major cultures: <strong>the</strong>y originated in <strong>the</strong> East, <strong>and</strong> originally<br />
derived <strong>the</strong>ir traditions from <strong>the</strong> archaic culture of <strong>the</strong> Eurasian steppes,<br />
while <strong>the</strong> true Christian devotion <strong>and</strong> acute political awareness of <strong>the</strong> first<br />
Hungarian kings led to <strong>the</strong> adoption of Western culture. [...] Under <strong>the</strong><br />
strong influence of Western culture, <strong>and</strong> having adapted to <strong>the</strong> spirit <strong>and</strong><br />
values of Christian civilisation, <strong>the</strong> cultural heritage, which <strong>the</strong> Hungarians<br />
brought with <strong>the</strong>m from <strong>the</strong> East, lived on only at <strong>the</strong> deep structural level<br />
of culture” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2000: 2).<br />
The ‘deep structural level of culture’ means <strong>the</strong> language <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> cultural elements connected with it. This formula – <strong>Eastern</strong> culture<br />
through language <strong>and</strong> language-based notions of <strong>the</strong> world, Western culture<br />
through Christianity <strong>and</strong> integration into <strong>the</strong> Western part of <strong>the</strong><br />
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<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> in Hungary 253<br />
world system – denotes <strong>the</strong> basic self-image, fostered by Hungarian descriptions<br />
of its place in <strong>the</strong> world. All historical <strong>and</strong> contemporary findings<br />
are typically organised in relation to this formula; only <strong>the</strong> evaluation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> respective aspects of this historical <strong>and</strong> geographical place differs.<br />
Some examples will help to illustrate this.<br />
Due to its special position, Hungary can be regarded as <strong>the</strong> most<br />
outward part of <strong>Europe</strong>an civilisation (periphery 1):<br />
“Historical Hungary [...] was <strong>the</strong> borderline <strong>and</strong> last bastion of western<br />
civilisation: in <strong>the</strong> south it was bordered by <strong>the</strong> Byzantine Empire representing<br />
eastern Christianity, <strong>and</strong> later <strong>the</strong> Mohammedan Turkish Empire<br />
which grew up on its ruins, while to <strong>the</strong> east lay <strong>the</strong> Mongol khanates, <strong>and</strong><br />
later <strong>the</strong> Russian Empire [sic]” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2000: 2-3).<br />
In <strong>the</strong> perspective of this text, Hungary is <strong>the</strong> last bastion against<br />
non-Christians <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> Christians, both of whom do not belong to<br />
Western civilisation. This antagonistic interpretation of world history, history<br />
as an everlasting battlefield of cultures <strong>and</strong> nations, can be regarded<br />
as a constituent element of nationalist thinking in general, but in <strong>the</strong> Hungarian<br />
case it is combined with its role as a nation fighting not only for<br />
itself, but representing <strong>the</strong> whole of <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> beyond that, Western<br />
Christianity: “Hungary not only adopted <strong>the</strong> culture of Western Christianity,<br />
but also took upon itself <strong>the</strong> defence of its values, at great selfsacrifice”<br />
(Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2000: 4).<br />
There is no doubt that this bastion is not aggressive: “The Hungarian<br />
kingdom was important as a defensive bastion of Western Christendom<br />
during <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2000: 3).<br />
Before this sentence <strong>the</strong> document quoted here notes: “Hungarian<br />
knights <strong>and</strong> kings participated in <strong>the</strong> Crusades to <strong>the</strong> Holy L<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> to a<br />
certain extent <strong>the</strong> country played <strong>the</strong> role of missionary <strong>and</strong> cultural mediator<br />
in relation to <strong>the</strong> east <strong>and</strong> south.” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2000:<br />
3). On <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong>, we have a purely defensive fight against aggressors,<br />
<strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> participation in <strong>the</strong> Crusades, which in <strong>the</strong><br />
ministry’s opinion was a example of cultural mediation.<br />
Hungary regards itself as a peaceful outpost of Western <strong>Europe</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> of Western Christianity. But according to <strong>the</strong> texts, this situation is<br />
often represented as under threat due to its exposed position. Hungary<br />
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254 Wolfgang Aschauer<br />
was <strong>the</strong> first to be affected by aggressions from outside: “This difficult<br />
struggle [for <strong>the</strong> values of Western Christianity] led, on several occasions,<br />
to defeat at <strong>the</strong> h<strong>and</strong>s of enemies from <strong>the</strong> East” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs<br />
2000: 4). These enemies were <strong>the</strong> Turks (in <strong>the</strong> sixteenth <strong>and</strong> seventh<br />
centuries) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russians (nineteenth <strong>and</strong> twentieth centuries). <strong>Between</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>se two periods alone “Hungarian culture [was] able to catch up [...] with<br />
<strong>the</strong> culture of Western nations.” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2000: 6).<br />
The latter of <strong>the</strong>se periods – <strong>the</strong> socialist era – drove Hungary into<br />
isolation from its ancestral place, a place at <strong>the</strong> “heart of <strong>Europe</strong>, right on<br />
<strong>the</strong> borderline between East <strong>and</strong> West” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004:<br />
1):<br />
“Hungary had observed <strong>the</strong> co-operation of o<strong>the</strong>r countries as well<br />
as <strong>the</strong> development, <strong>the</strong> prosperity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> advance of <strong>the</strong> Western <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
countries from <strong>the</strong> periphery of <strong>Europe</strong>an development over several<br />
decades, but today Hungary is already a full member of this co-operation“<br />
(Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004: 16).<br />
Being situated on <strong>the</strong> fringe of Western <strong>Europe</strong>, Hungary is always<br />
in danger to invasion; aggressors such as <strong>the</strong> Turks or <strong>the</strong> Russians can<br />
cause such a separation.<br />
Periphery means an everlasting uncertainty about <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />
with Western <strong>Europe</strong>, which is threatened by outside powers as well as by<br />
a lack of interest <strong>and</strong> engagement from within.<br />
For example when <strong>the</strong> Hungarians fought <strong>the</strong> Russian troops in<br />
1956 western countries did not intervene.<br />
To summarise <strong>the</strong>se aspects of periphery (periphery 1), one can say<br />
that <strong>the</strong> relations between Hungary, as a part of Western <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>and</strong><br />
countries from outside demonstrate that <strong>the</strong> situation of Hungary is quite<br />
precarious. It is in a situation of danger, <strong>and</strong> in readiness for <strong>the</strong> fighting<br />
associated with its role as a representative of Western <strong>Europe</strong>, often without<br />
being recognised for <strong>the</strong>se efforts.<br />
Periphery 2<br />
The second form of periphery mentioned above concerns <strong>the</strong> special<br />
relationship with <strong>the</strong> core. Periphery (periphery 2) means <strong>the</strong> specific<br />
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<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> in Hungary 255<br />
place that a country assumes in <strong>the</strong> core periphery system; peripheral identity<br />
is <strong>the</strong> idea of having a special position that is not identical with that<br />
of <strong>the</strong> core, <strong>and</strong> moreover to define one’s own position by differing from<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r, more central parts of <strong>the</strong> system. In <strong>the</strong> case of Hungary peripheral<br />
identity it is <strong>the</strong> will to diverge from what is regarded as a homogeneous<br />
<strong>and</strong> homogenising <strong>Europe</strong>an culture.<br />
This idea can be found in historical arguments as well as in today’s<br />
statements about cultural policy. In both cases <strong>the</strong> survival of a nation facing<br />
unifying tendencies is <strong>the</strong> main issue.<br />
“Hungary has safeguarded all <strong>the</strong> values which are <strong>the</strong> most important<br />
for any people: its culture, its mo<strong>the</strong>r tongue, its national characteristics<br />
<strong>and</strong> identity. Hungary, as opposed to so many oppressed nations,<br />
managed to stay on <strong>the</strong> historical scene, <strong>and</strong> did not get lost in <strong>the</strong> giant<br />
continental melting pot that came to be named <strong>Europe</strong> from <strong>the</strong> XII-XIII<br />
centuries” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004: 1).<br />
According to this text, similar dangers exist in <strong>the</strong> present, but could<br />
also be overcome:<br />
“Accession to <strong>the</strong> mainstream of <strong>Europe</strong>an development, to <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Union, dem<strong>and</strong>ed serious studies <strong>and</strong> extensive preparations.<br />
This proved to be <strong>the</strong> only way for Hungary to preserve <strong>and</strong> streng<strong>the</strong>n<br />
its traditions, customs <strong>and</strong> culture” (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004: 4).<br />
The <strong>Europe</strong>an Union is seen as a danger to <strong>the</strong> uniqueness of Hungarian<br />
culture mentioned above. In terms of core <strong>and</strong> periphery, <strong>the</strong> periphery<br />
fears becoming dominated by <strong>the</strong> core <strong>and</strong> has to fight for its different<br />
qualities, its uniqueness, which rule by <strong>the</strong> core is going to destroy.<br />
This cultural uniqueness is synonymous with <strong>the</strong> perseverance of <strong>the</strong> nation.<br />
Within <strong>the</strong> core periphery relationship <strong>the</strong> nation tends to vanish or<br />
at least to lose its relevance. Therefore, <strong>the</strong> task of Hungarian national<br />
policy is to work to maintain cultural uniqueness, <strong>the</strong>reby preserving <strong>the</strong><br />
nation.<br />
This goal can be reached in two ways. The first, mentioned in all of<br />
<strong>the</strong> documents, begins with <strong>the</strong> notion that <strong>the</strong> core-periphery relationship<br />
depends on <strong>the</strong> respective strength of <strong>the</strong> core <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> periphery,<br />
<strong>and</strong> that Hungary’s relative weakness results from <strong>the</strong> fact that it is ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
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256 Wolfgang Aschauer<br />
small. This is <strong>the</strong> effect of <strong>the</strong> Trianon peace treaty after <strong>the</strong> First World<br />
War. However, efforts to combat <strong>the</strong> weak position of <strong>the</strong> Hungarian nation<br />
within <strong>Europe</strong> are not reduced to state borders.<br />
The Hungarian nation is much bigger than <strong>the</strong> state territory. Official<br />
policy is, of course, not openly revisionist; it does not claim back<br />
Slovakia, Croatia or parts of Romania. Instead it attempts to organize <strong>the</strong><br />
‘big nation’ beyond <strong>the</strong> level of statehood by a sophisticated set of measures<br />
<strong>and</strong> minority policies.<br />
Hungarian minority policy works on integrating members of <strong>the</strong><br />
nation that live in neighbouring countries into <strong>the</strong> whole nation. Increasing<br />
<strong>the</strong> size of <strong>the</strong> nation reduces <strong>the</strong> danger of being homogenised by<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>’s core (von Ahn 2004; Stewart 2002).<br />
The o<strong>the</strong>r way to preserve <strong>the</strong> nation is to emphasise <strong>and</strong> enhance<br />
differences with respect to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an mainstream. Today <strong>the</strong>re actually<br />
seems to be a shift towards a more isolationist position, at least in public<br />
debates <strong>and</strong> public opinion ra<strong>the</strong>r than political action. Hungarian society<br />
tends to deepen <strong>the</strong> division between a part of society that is strongly orientated<br />
towards <strong>Europe</strong>an identities, but lacks a publicly accepted justification,<br />
<strong>and</strong> a part of society that believes in <strong>the</strong> myth of <strong>the</strong> old <strong>and</strong> steadily<br />
renewed unique Hungarian nation.This latter position can be found in<br />
a vast bulk of literature, for instance <strong>the</strong> cover picture of <strong>the</strong> book Die<br />
Magyaren by György Balázs <strong>and</strong> Károly Szelényi (Balázs / Szelényi 1989)<br />
about <strong>the</strong> history of Hungary <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hungarians, is a nineteenth century<br />
painting in which Árpád, <strong>the</strong> mythical leader of <strong>the</strong> Hungarian tribes in<br />
<strong>the</strong> ninth century, is accepting <strong>the</strong> subjection of <strong>the</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> newly<br />
conquered Carpathian basin. No modern or a late medieval Hungarian is<br />
chosen to represent <strong>the</strong> Hungarians, but a conjectural picture of a ninth<br />
century mythical figure. Ano<strong>the</strong>r example is provided by architecture.<br />
Regarded as <strong>the</strong> master of contemporary Hungarian architecture, Imre<br />
Makovecz has been constructing buildings such as <strong>the</strong> Roman Catholic<br />
Church in Paks (1987) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Hungarian pavilion at <strong>the</strong> World Expo in<br />
Seville (1992), using stylistic forms which are thought to refer to <strong>the</strong> arts<br />
of <strong>the</strong> ninth century Hungarians. Current right-wing politicians are also<br />
using <strong>the</strong>se cultural signs to emphasise <strong>the</strong> difference to mainstream <strong>Europe</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> to Western culture.<br />
Right-wing politicians as well as cultural activists are promoting an<br />
increasing deviation from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an consensus <strong>and</strong> its cultural ele-<br />
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ments, for example at <strong>the</strong> annual open air event called ‘Hungarian Isl<strong>and</strong>’<br />
Siberian tents, Mongolian riders <strong>and</strong> b<strong>and</strong>s with names like ‘Szkitia’ (which<br />
means <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>s of <strong>the</strong> Scythians) represent <strong>the</strong> orientation towards <strong>the</strong><br />
mythical past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> unreachable place of <strong>the</strong> nation’s birth in <strong>the</strong> East.<br />
In this universe Hun runes meet maps of <strong>the</strong> Hungarian territory<br />
before <strong>the</strong> First World War <strong>and</strong> a flag, which refers to <strong>the</strong> first flags of <strong>the</strong><br />
Hungarian kings in medieval times as well as to <strong>the</strong> emblem of <strong>the</strong> Hungarian<br />
fascists in <strong>the</strong> 1930s <strong>and</strong> 1940s.<br />
In summary, it is clear that both aspects of peripheral identities that<br />
have been mentioned above can be found in Hungary: <strong>the</strong>re is <strong>the</strong> periphery<br />
(periphery 1) which plays a role as a part of <strong>the</strong> centre periphery<br />
system towards <strong>the</strong> outside, which suffers while being a bastion defending<br />
<strong>the</strong> whole system. And <strong>the</strong>re is also <strong>the</strong> periphery that has to defend itself<br />
against <strong>the</strong> homogenising tendencies from within <strong>the</strong> system <strong>and</strong> which<br />
threaten to break away if its special role is not recognised <strong>and</strong> rewarded<br />
(periphery 2).<br />
However, in both peripheral identities <strong>the</strong>re is <strong>the</strong> same intention:<br />
to define <strong>the</strong> nation by defining its role in <strong>the</strong> world. In a globalised world<br />
society such a problem seems quite atavistic, but it is real <strong>and</strong> has to be<br />
observed <strong>and</strong> analysed.<br />
This short overview is only <strong>the</strong> first step towards that goal.<br />
Bibliography<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> in Hungary 257<br />
Ahn, Thomas von (2004): “Ungarn und sein Umgang mit den eigenen<br />
Minderheiten in den Nachbarländern. Das Statusgesetz und der Magyarenausweis”<br />
in: Das Parlament, 17, 19.04. URL:http://www.das-parlament.<br />
de/2004/17/Thema/019.html.<br />
Bahrenberg, Gerhard / Kuhm, Klaus (1999): “Weltgesellschaft und Region<br />
– eine system<strong>the</strong>oretische Perspektive“ in: Geographische Zeitschrift,<br />
87/4, 193-209.<br />
Balázs, György; Szelényi, Károly (1989): Die Magyaren. Budapest.<br />
Gottmann, Jean (ed.) (1980): Centre <strong>and</strong> periphery. Spatial variation in politics.<br />
Beverly Hills, London.<br />
Luhmann, Niklas (1997): Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft. Frankfurt a.M.<br />
Makovecz, Imre (2008): www.macovecz.hu (1.2.2008).<br />
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of <strong>the</strong> Republic of Hungary (Ed.) (2000): One<br />
thous<strong>and</strong> years of Hungarian culture. URL: http:// www.kulugyminiszterium.<br />
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258 Wolfgang Aschauer<br />
hu / NR/ rdonlyres/AA11A74A-CE78-4049-817A 878E8BBFAC5/0/<br />
Kultura_EN.pdf<br />
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of <strong>the</strong> Republic of Hungary (Ed.) (2004a):<br />
Hungary in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union. Budapest. URL: http:// www.kulugyminiszterium.hu<br />
/NR/rdonlyres/F3C63FCB-8B7A-431E-910ACE5F7D4B-<br />
7C6F/0/EU_angol.pdf.<br />
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of <strong>the</strong> Republic of Hungary (Ed.) (2004b):<br />
Hungaricum: all that is inimitable, unique, distinct – <strong>and</strong> Hungarian. Budapest.<br />
URL: http:// www.kulugyminiszterium.hu/NR/rdonlyres/56997B6D-<br />
A939-4ED6-91A7-5075718B6B61/0/Hungaricum_en.pdf.<br />
Stewart, Michael (2002): The Hungarian Status Law: A new <strong>Europe</strong>an form of<br />
Transnational politics? London.<br />
Stichweh, Rudolf (2000): Die Weltgesellschaft. Soziologische Analysen. Frankfurt<br />
a.M.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 258 31-01-2012 17:24:31
Balkan Visions: Conceptualisations of <strong>Europe</strong><br />
in Contemporary Macedonia<br />
Introduction<br />
Sonja Koroliov<br />
(University of Halle / Wittenberg)<br />
When we discuss centre <strong>and</strong> periphery, <strong>and</strong> in particular of peripheral<br />
identities, we tend to assume that being in <strong>the</strong> centre is better than<br />
being on <strong>the</strong> periphery, or that a peripheral identity may be lacking in<br />
features that a central identity, whatever that might be, would have. The<br />
meanings of <strong>the</strong> terms ‘centre’ <strong>and</strong> ‘periphery’ shift in accordance with<br />
those who use <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> points of view <strong>the</strong>y express, <strong>the</strong> purposes <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
used for <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> metaphorical level on which <strong>the</strong>y are located.<br />
However, when we apply <strong>the</strong>se terms to regions of <strong>the</strong> world such<br />
as <strong>the</strong> Balkans, even though <strong>the</strong>ir meaning remains ambiguous, some general<br />
assumptions come to <strong>the</strong> fore, favouring certain contexts over o<strong>the</strong>rs,<br />
<strong>and</strong> it is usually against this form of generalised background assumption<br />
that we can shed light on <strong>the</strong> more complex phenomena that influence<br />
<strong>the</strong> ways in which ‘centres’ <strong>and</strong> ‘peripheries’ are constructed within <strong>the</strong>se<br />
regions, <strong>and</strong> by those who look upon <strong>the</strong>m.<br />
In this instance, I would like to explore two mutually connected<br />
background contexts that are of particular importance: current politics<br />
<strong>and</strong> historiography. In <strong>the</strong> case of current politics, <strong>the</strong> background for <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 259 31-01-2012 17:24:31
260 Sonja Koroliov<br />
literary production. I will describe below an opposition between ‘<strong>Europe</strong>’<br />
as <strong>the</strong> centre, which in its current borders more or less overlaps with <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Union, <strong>and</strong> ‘those who would like to be part of <strong>Europe</strong>, but<br />
are not’.<br />
This first opposition already highlights certain specific features of<br />
<strong>the</strong> centre / periphery divide that go beyond a simple statement of political<br />
membership: <strong>the</strong> construction of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union as a centre to a<br />
periphery cannot dispense with <strong>the</strong> need to instil desire in those who view<br />
<strong>the</strong> centre from <strong>the</strong> periphery – <strong>the</strong> centre is only a centre to those who<br />
recognise it as such.<br />
The second opposition is similar in that it also rests on <strong>the</strong> original<br />
equation of <strong>the</strong> ‘centre’ with a region of political power, but here centres<br />
are multiplied in a historical perspective – this means that, in <strong>the</strong> case of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Balkans, we are dealing with a region construed as a form of ‘eternal<br />
periphery’ to centres such as Vienna or Constantinople.<br />
Of course, this raises questions concerning historiography <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
persistence of its dominant narratives. The second opposition also points<br />
towards a problem within <strong>the</strong> first – for while any centre depends on being<br />
recognized by <strong>the</strong> periphery, this recognition is dependent on earlier definitions<br />
which may <strong>the</strong>mselves be <strong>the</strong> result of centre governed narratives.<br />
Looking at present day discourses engendered by <strong>the</strong> arguments<br />
emerging from <strong>the</strong>se two basic approaches, it is useful to trace some of<br />
<strong>the</strong> cultural <strong>and</strong> even mythological origins of <strong>the</strong> centre / periphery divide<br />
for two reasons – firstly, because it will enable us to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
nature of this divide as a cultural construction, <strong>and</strong> secondly, because this<br />
will help to clarify <strong>the</strong> extent to which issues of identity in countries, that<br />
are widely considered marginal in relation to <strong>the</strong> political centre of <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Union, are determined by conformity with or dissent from this<br />
construction.<br />
After this general outline, I will go on to analyse <strong>the</strong> example of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Republic of Macedonia – a c<strong>and</strong>idate for <strong>Europe</strong>an Union membership,<br />
though not a very successful one, <strong>and</strong> a good example of how political<br />
marginalisation can affect identity discourses: Macedonian national<br />
identity has been <strong>the</strong> topic of age-old controversies, <strong>the</strong> most recent version<br />
of which began when Greece claimed an exclusive right to <strong>the</strong> name<br />
Macedonia <strong>and</strong> has ended in <strong>the</strong> seemingly final solution, still perceived as<br />
traumatic by some Macedonians, of <strong>the</strong> country being officially named <strong>the</strong><br />
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Balkan Visions: Conceptualisations of <strong>Europe</strong> in Contemporary Macedonia 261<br />
‘Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’ or, as regularly appears on <strong>the</strong><br />
Eurovision Song Contest results board, FYROM.<br />
I will analyse images of <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union in <strong>the</strong><br />
Macedonian media, <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong> centre / periphery opposition<br />
is incorporated into recent <strong>the</strong>oretical <strong>and</strong> literary publications.<br />
For <strong>the</strong> latter purpose I will examine two novels: Snegot vo Kazablanka<br />
(Snow in Casablanca) by Kica Kolbe, a Macedonian expatriate who now lives<br />
near Düsseldorf, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> award winning 20 Papokot na svetot (The Navel of<br />
<strong>the</strong> World) by Venko Andonovski, a writer <strong>and</strong> professor of Macedonian<br />
literature who currently lives in Skopje, looking for some mythological,<br />
religious <strong>and</strong> philosophical origins of <strong>the</strong> centre / periphery opposition.<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> main origins of <strong>the</strong> centre metaphor is to be sought in<br />
Neoplatonism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> manner in which it shaped western Christianity<br />
<strong>the</strong>oretically. In <strong>the</strong> Enneads Plotinus conceives <strong>the</strong> world as being composed<br />
of <strong>the</strong> One, a divine entity emanating reality, <strong>and</strong> a number of layers<br />
or orders of reality produced by this emanation. In this system <strong>the</strong> One<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> layers of reality closest to it have a higher degree of reality, or being,<br />
than <strong>the</strong> outer layers. The peripheral forms of being are less real, but,<br />
given that <strong>the</strong> One is also an undivided unity of <strong>the</strong> Good, <strong>the</strong> True <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Beautiful, <strong>the</strong> periphery is removed from <strong>the</strong>se values to <strong>the</strong> degree<br />
that it is removed from <strong>the</strong> One. While <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> One<br />
<strong>and</strong> its emanations was not to be understood spatially, <strong>the</strong> Platonic <strong>and</strong><br />
Neoplatonic use of <strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong> Sun emanating light, suggests a circular<br />
<strong>and</strong> thus spatially determined setup. It is important to note, that in<br />
spite of Plotinus’ philosophical dependence on Plato, <strong>the</strong>re is not a direct<br />
continuity leading from classical antiquity, or even Platonic philosophy,<br />
to Plotinian metaphysics. In <strong>the</strong> matter that concerns us ancient Greek<br />
thought is far more periphery friendly, as can be observed in <strong>the</strong> alternative<br />
modes of ascent to <strong>the</strong> divine, for example in Plato’s Phaedrus, where<br />
<strong>the</strong> soul ascends to <strong>the</strong> outer circles of heaven, <strong>and</strong> also in <strong>the</strong> pattern of<br />
departure <strong>and</strong> homecoming that underlies both Homeric epics <strong>and</strong> a large<br />
proportion of Greek tragedy, which suggests that it is <strong>the</strong> departure from<br />
<strong>the</strong> centre, whe<strong>the</strong>r this is conceived as <strong>the</strong> home, <strong>the</strong> Greek mainl<strong>and</strong><br />
or any o<strong>the</strong>r variant, <strong>and</strong> not <strong>the</strong> return that constitutes <strong>the</strong> essence of<br />
<strong>the</strong> hero (see <strong>the</strong> Greeks Odysseus, Philoctetes, Medea, <strong>and</strong> to a degree<br />
Oedipus).<br />
20 In 2001, Andonovski won <strong>the</strong> Balkanika Award.<br />
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262 Sonja Koroliov<br />
This is unlike <strong>the</strong> Aeneid, <strong>the</strong> Roman version of <strong>the</strong> Iliad <strong>and</strong> Odyssey,<br />
which is mainly characterised by a centre motivated movement of<br />
return. It is probably safe to assume, that <strong>the</strong> Greek classical model is<br />
in some sense responsible for <strong>the</strong> modern notion of <strong>the</strong> periphery as a<br />
sphere of innovation, as <strong>the</strong> place where important events occur <strong>and</strong> new<br />
discoveries are made that affect <strong>and</strong> change <strong>the</strong> centre itself. This conception<br />
of <strong>the</strong> periphery may <strong>the</strong>refore be regarded as <strong>the</strong> basis of both <strong>the</strong><br />
colonial movement <strong>and</strong> its abolition, <strong>and</strong> as <strong>the</strong> foundation of Eurocentrism<br />
while bearing <strong>the</strong> seeds of its gradual displacement.<br />
The Balkans as a <strong>Peripheral</strong> Territory in <strong>the</strong> Macedonian<br />
Media<br />
The Balkans, formerly <strong>the</strong> periphery of <strong>the</strong> Byzantine <strong>and</strong> Ottoman<br />
Empires <strong>and</strong> now situated on <strong>the</strong> periphery of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union, have<br />
been compared to <strong>the</strong> Orient by Maria Todorova, who coined <strong>the</strong> term<br />
‘Balkanism’ as a extension of Saidian ‘Orientalism’ in her book Imagining<br />
<strong>the</strong> Balkans (Todorova 1997); <strong>the</strong> book became extremely popular in Macedonia,<br />
<strong>and</strong> although Todorova had identified several differences between<br />
Western views of <strong>the</strong> Orient <strong>and</strong> Western views of <strong>the</strong> Balkans, <strong>and</strong> had<br />
in fact argued that Balkan countries did not have a colonial consciousness,<br />
Macedonian writers soon began discussing <strong>the</strong> country’s postcolonial status<br />
<strong>and</strong> ways of overcoming it. The media have adopted <strong>the</strong> simplest position<br />
in this discussion, which on <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong> focuses upon <strong>the</strong> possibility<br />
<strong>and</strong> likeliness of joining <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r oscillates<br />
between discussing what Macedonia has to do in order to become ‘worthy’<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>and</strong> criticising <strong>Europe</strong> for having lost its clear <strong>and</strong> definable<br />
identity <strong>and</strong> finding itself unable to face global challenges in an adequate<br />
way.<br />
Therefore, in <strong>the</strong> political column of Dnevnik, one of Macedonia’s<br />
most popular daily newspapers, <strong>the</strong> commentator Radmila Šekerinska<br />
(Šekerinska 2006) defines <strong>Europe</strong> in accordance with Paul Valéry, who she<br />
quotes extensively, as <strong>the</strong> place where we witness <strong>the</strong> “maximum of needs,<br />
<strong>the</strong> maximum of labour, capital , <strong>and</strong> production, <strong>the</strong> maximum of ambition<br />
<strong>and</strong> power, <strong>the</strong> maximum transportation of external Nature, <strong>the</strong> maximum of<br />
relations <strong>and</strong> exchanges” (Valéry 1962), while more Eurosceptic authors such<br />
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as Ljubomir D. Frčkoski point out that <strong>Europe</strong> was facing its Hegelian<br />
aufgehoben:<br />
“The internalisation of <strong>the</strong> enemy produces a schizophrenic stance<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> crisis of an identity that used to offer protection … This leads to<br />
fear <strong>and</strong> disorientation, it questions <strong>the</strong> very basis of <strong>Europe</strong>’s identity.<br />
What is <strong>Europe</strong> now? Is it a real multicultural Babel, a superstructure of<br />
countless narrations?” (Frčkoski 2006, my translation)<br />
Among cultural <strong>the</strong>orists, critics <strong>and</strong> literary commentators, <strong>the</strong> debate<br />
centres upon Macedonia’s status as a ‘small culture’ which labours<br />
under its own peripheral, stereotyped <strong>and</strong> ‘colonised’ quality while at <strong>the</strong><br />
same time facing ‘neo-colonial’ (Sheleva 2000) threats from its closest<br />
neighbours on <strong>the</strong> one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong>, less directly, from a globalised economy<br />
on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r. Having broken away from an initially symbiotic coexistence<br />
with a group of similarly affected ‘bro<strong>the</strong>r countries’ provided by <strong>the</strong><br />
framework of <strong>the</strong> former Yugoslavia (Sheleva 2000: 60), it now faces a<br />
situation where <strong>the</strong> need to deal with <strong>the</strong> consequences of <strong>the</strong> break-up<br />
is suppressed by <strong>the</strong> more urgent need to struggle for a place ‘within’ <strong>the</strong><br />
EU, NATO <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘civilised’ world. The predominance of <strong>the</strong>se issues in<br />
<strong>the</strong> country’s cultural debate serves to exacerbate precisely what is being<br />
contested – <strong>the</strong> well-known image of <strong>the</strong> Balkans as an ‘outsider’ territory,<br />
a place <strong>and</strong> a form of existence on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side of <strong>the</strong> symbolic boundary,<br />
which divides <strong>the</strong> realm of order, wealth <strong>and</strong> civilisation from <strong>the</strong><br />
much larger ‘outer’ realm of chaos, poverty <strong>and</strong> ethnic violence (Sheleva<br />
2000: 62).<br />
The Slovenian critic Zoran Roško once summarised this development<br />
in his remark that <strong>the</strong> Balkan people “adopt <strong>the</strong> place of <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
in <strong>the</strong>ir own view” (Roško 1998: 182), <strong>and</strong> several Macedonian intellectuals<br />
have pointed out that this pronounced post-colonial focus masked<br />
genuine cultural difficulties – whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se be post-colonial phenomena<br />
or not – which prevent <strong>the</strong> successful establishment of modern, liberal<br />
societies in <strong>the</strong> region. For example, <strong>the</strong> strong role of family ties, limited<br />
opportunities for individual development (Manchevski, cited in Sheleva<br />
2000: 76-77) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> insufficient implementation of women’s rights. The<br />
critic Svetlana Najčevska also pragmatically remarked that:<br />
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264 Sonja Koroliov<br />
“[w]hile we are losing ourselves in <strong>the</strong> fundamental <strong>and</strong> traumatic<br />
questions of identity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> way towards it, in this onslaught of selfdiscovery<br />
we will forget our empty stomachs <strong>and</strong> fail to notice civilisation<br />
passing us by” (Najchevska, cited in Sheleva 2000: 84).<br />
In contemporary Macedonian fiction, however, <strong>the</strong> identity problem<br />
assumes a quite different angle, while always remaining present in<br />
<strong>the</strong> background. Here identity is sought <strong>and</strong> found, but is sometimes also<br />
lost through voluntary or involuntary exile. The literary tradition incorporates<br />
<strong>the</strong> trauma of exile from so-called Aegean Macedonia, which was<br />
annexed by Greece during <strong>the</strong> Balkan wars <strong>and</strong> remains a controversial issue<br />
between <strong>the</strong> two countries, <strong>and</strong> also <strong>the</strong> years <strong>and</strong> in fact centuries of<br />
emigration due to economic <strong>and</strong> political pressures upon <strong>the</strong> population.<br />
The latter is more interesting for us at present, as this form of emigration<br />
is interpreted as a reversal of <strong>the</strong> classical concept of exile, since it is<br />
presented as exile to <strong>the</strong> centre ra<strong>the</strong>r than away from it. In contemporary<br />
prose, <strong>the</strong>se motives are transported into modern settings <strong>and</strong> become<br />
part of a post-modern analysis of how exile, as a change of orientation<br />
towards <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> a redefinition of <strong>the</strong> Self, can influence a country’s<br />
identity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways individuals relate to it.<br />
It should be noted that, while more traditional types of prose appear<br />
to ultimately reinforce <strong>the</strong> centre / periphery divide, o<strong>the</strong>r authors,<br />
who still accept <strong>the</strong> divide as such, do not stop at this – some continue<br />
by asking why <strong>the</strong> divide is <strong>the</strong>re <strong>and</strong> by at least trying to identify some<br />
aspects of what it is that makes <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> periphery<br />
<strong>the</strong> periphery.<br />
Kolbe’s Snow in Casablanca<br />
In Kica Kolbe’s romantic novel Snow in Casablanca, <strong>the</strong> female protagonist<br />
is <strong>the</strong> young writer Dina, who has spent many years surviving on<br />
various scholarships in various <strong>Europe</strong>an cities, most of <strong>the</strong>m acknowledged<br />
cultural centres such as Paris <strong>and</strong> Florence. She returns to her hometown<br />
of Skopje <strong>and</strong> spends time in her old <strong>and</strong> ab<strong>and</strong>oned family home.<br />
Her parents have recently moved to America, supposedly in fear<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Yugoslav war spreading, but no clear motivation is revealed by <strong>the</strong><br />
narrative. The protagonist meets various old friends, most of whom are<br />
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now well-established in <strong>the</strong>ir jobs, <strong>and</strong> also her old love, a Jewish painter,<br />
with whom she spent a very passionate night in her youth, but who left<br />
without an explanation <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> mean time has also spent many years<br />
abroad <strong>and</strong> has now returned to take care of his sick mo<strong>the</strong>r. Dina wants<br />
to leave almost as soon as she has arrived, but is kept in Skopje by a very<br />
unusual onslaught of snow which finally leads to her getting back toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
with her former lover. Dina’s life abroad is described in terms of a loss<br />
of identity. It is, in fact, not even a life in its own right: “I am <strong>the</strong> perfect<br />
onlooker into o<strong>the</strong>r people’s lives” (Kolbe 2005: 7). On her return to her<br />
hometown, she feels even more out of place, especially as she compares<br />
herself to her friend Nora, who seems to be unaware of any uneasiness:<br />
“Nora could behave here as if she was in Paris or London. She produced<br />
<strong>the</strong> world around her herself. Her motto was that <strong>the</strong> centre of <strong>the</strong><br />
world is where I am.” (Kolbe 2005: 65)<br />
Yet over <strong>the</strong> course of <strong>the</strong> novel, most of which is set in artistic <strong>and</strong><br />
intellectual circles, it becomes clear that a measure of success in any cultural<br />
undertaking can only be achieved outside of <strong>the</strong> country. The artists,<br />
directors <strong>and</strong> writers Dina meets, are all pursuing careers abroad <strong>and</strong> only<br />
come home to boast, <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> end <strong>the</strong> protagonist only achieves a homecoming<br />
on a private level, by becoming part of her boyfriend’s family, <strong>and</strong><br />
even so an additional ‘centring strategy’ is required: The boyfriend’s family<br />
is Jewish, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore represents a long tradition of exile which gives a<br />
cultural, <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>and</strong> somehow more valid foundation to Dina’s own experience<br />
of exile, <strong>the</strong> apparent implication being that a purely Macedonian<br />
context would lack such a justification.<br />
However, while <strong>the</strong> constellations in Kolbe’s novel reflect cultural<br />
nuances <strong>and</strong> typical behaviours with some precision, <strong>the</strong> issues at stake<br />
are not brought into <strong>the</strong> open or elaborated in any depth, but merely form<br />
a background for nostalgia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> romantic love story with which this<br />
novel is ultimately concerned.<br />
Andonovski’s The Navel of <strong>the</strong> World<br />
In Venko Andonovski’s novel The Navel of <strong>the</strong> World <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />
conception of <strong>the</strong> centre’s function is set off by various episodes imply-<br />
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266 Sonja Koroliov<br />
ing <strong>the</strong> supremacy of <strong>the</strong> centre over <strong>the</strong> periphery by means of a power<br />
relationship that assumes quite specific <strong>and</strong> recognizable characteristics.<br />
The novel consists of three parts, with an introduction <strong>and</strong> additional<br />
appended materials. In <strong>the</strong> introduction, <strong>the</strong> narrator receives a coffin<br />
containing his bro<strong>the</strong>r Jahn’s dead body <strong>and</strong> a suitcase containing a<br />
manuscript (Andonovski 2005: 5). This manuscript is a novel about <strong>the</strong><br />
Slavic apostle Cyril <strong>and</strong> forms part of <strong>the</strong> book in question. It is followed<br />
by Jahn’s diary, <strong>the</strong> centrepiece of <strong>the</strong> novel that focuses upon his<br />
youthful love for Lucia, a girl from his school. The latter section is complemented<br />
by a written sample of <strong>the</strong> testimony given by Lucia on Jahn’s<br />
death. We ga<strong>the</strong>r from <strong>the</strong> diary that <strong>the</strong> early love between Lucia <strong>and</strong> Jahn<br />
is overshadowed by <strong>the</strong> fact that she joins <strong>the</strong> newly formed party ‘of <strong>the</strong><br />
People’s Spirit’, which is concerned with promoting folklore <strong>and</strong>, we are<br />
also led to believe, by her secret involvement with <strong>the</strong> sports teacher. Jahn<br />
rebels against both, gets into trouble for writing a rude essay, <strong>and</strong> finally<br />
leaves school to join a circus.<br />
Throughout <strong>the</strong> diary, an opposition is upheld between <strong>the</strong> physical<br />
forces of ‘real life’, which are seen as powerful <strong>and</strong> binding, but also<br />
brutal, primitive <strong>and</strong> limiting, <strong>and</strong> Jahn’s attempt to escape to an elusive<br />
world of liberty, art <strong>and</strong> cosmopolitism: as a very young man, he starts<br />
by playing jazz on his saxophone. Later, he discovers his acrobatic talent,<br />
which finally enables him to escape to a world that is as far removed from<br />
<strong>the</strong> physical as possible, insofar as his performances as a circus artist seem<br />
to defy <strong>the</strong> laws of nature.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> diary sets up a traditional dichotomy by opposing art<br />
<strong>and</strong> life <strong>and</strong> overlaying this by a more specific one in which art is equated<br />
to internationalism, lightness <strong>and</strong> a free-floating, elusive form of identity,<br />
while life is associated not only with <strong>the</strong> heaviness of physical existence,<br />
but also with parochialism, <strong>the</strong> political exploitation of folk culture <strong>and</strong><br />
sexual corruption.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> diary is contradicted by <strong>the</strong> introduction, which suggests<br />
that Jahn’s existence <strong>and</strong> his literary work is doubtful, as his bro<strong>the</strong>r<br />
lists <strong>the</strong> books he has found in his suitcase <strong>and</strong> voices <strong>the</strong> supposition that<br />
Jahn might have copied his work from <strong>the</strong>se foreign books. Jahn even uses<br />
variations of <strong>the</strong> names he finds in one of <strong>the</strong>se books, Milan Kundera’s<br />
Joke, for his edition of <strong>the</strong> complete material. The diary also appears to<br />
be contradicted by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> mysterious manuscript is a rework-<br />
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ing of <strong>the</strong> legend of Cyril, who is said to have deciphered a Hebrew <strong>and</strong><br />
Samaritan inscription supposedly taken from Solomon’s cup <strong>and</strong> kept<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Hagia Sophia, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore, centres upon a story from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an cultural sphere, <strong>the</strong>reby drawing to our attention <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that Macedonia, particularly <strong>the</strong> city of Ohrid, is considered ‘<strong>the</strong> cradle<br />
of Slavic written culture’, an expression widely used by <strong>the</strong> Macedonian<br />
Tourist Board to this day.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> apparent affirmation of <strong>the</strong> cultural importance of<br />
eastern Christianity, <strong>the</strong> Byzantine heritage <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Slavic world in general,<br />
is consistently questioned in <strong>the</strong> novel’s sujet <strong>and</strong> episodes. These are narrated<br />
from <strong>the</strong> perspective of an Orthodox Fa<strong>the</strong>r, who is himself both<br />
a central <strong>and</strong> peripheral figure. At <strong>the</strong> outset he is a subordinate figure in<br />
his community. He is of unknown descent, but enjoys a special regard as<br />
he had been left in <strong>the</strong> inner room of <strong>the</strong> Hagia Sophia by his mo<strong>the</strong>r as a<br />
baby <strong>and</strong> found <strong>the</strong>re by <strong>the</strong> priests. The latter gave him <strong>the</strong> slightly deprecatory<br />
name of Skaznik: someone who tells made-up stories.<br />
The episodes related by this individual of <strong>the</strong> arrival of Cyril, alias<br />
Constantine <strong>the</strong> Philosopher, are in fact miniature discussions of <strong>the</strong><br />
respective value of written <strong>and</strong> oral narration <strong>and</strong> communication. One<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r exemplary episode is <strong>the</strong> tale of an old man, who remembers <strong>the</strong><br />
history of <strong>the</strong> whole world until he is visited by a stranger, who persuades<br />
him that it will be good to write everything down. He tells <strong>the</strong> stranger all<br />
his stories <strong>and</strong> afterwards cannot remember <strong>the</strong>m anymore, which is all<br />
<strong>the</strong> more tragic, because <strong>the</strong> stranger has taken <strong>the</strong> only written copy with<br />
him <strong>and</strong> disappeared (Andonovski 2005: 14-15).<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r episode involves ano<strong>the</strong>r priest, who had invented a special<br />
alphabet for his superior, as <strong>the</strong> latter was too stupid to learn <strong>the</strong> current<br />
one. The new alphabet is a script of only 32 characters denoting whole<br />
words or concepts. Characteristically, it contains signs for power, conspiracy,<br />
banishment, spying, army, but <strong>the</strong>re is no sign for love (Andonovski<br />
2005: 30). The narrator lists <strong>the</strong> complete script, followed by his own reflections<br />
on how <strong>the</strong> people could use it, in that <strong>the</strong>y would have to invent<br />
second meanings for <strong>the</strong> words so as to be able to communicate at all. In<br />
both episodes writing is associated with loss, but also with <strong>the</strong> power to<br />
change people’s perceptions by assuming <strong>the</strong> prerogative of definition.<br />
The people’s subversive ability to invent second meanings is bound to be<br />
defeated due to its fleeting, unfixed nature, whereas it remains <strong>the</strong> privi-<br />
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268 Sonja Koroliov<br />
lege of <strong>the</strong> powerful to affix names to things <strong>and</strong> persons without regard<br />
for <strong>the</strong>ir true nature:<br />
“The names were <strong>the</strong>n printed at <strong>the</strong> King’s press, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> King<br />
would not check <strong>the</strong> correctness of each name, but would simply seal it<br />
with his ring, confirming that he agreed for that thing or that man to be<br />
called that name from <strong>the</strong>n on” (Andonovski 2005: 36).<br />
These individual episodes, of which <strong>the</strong>re are a considerable number<br />
in Andonovski’s text, merge into <strong>the</strong> main sujet, which is also set as a struggle<br />
for power over <strong>the</strong> signs.<br />
There is a conspiracy by twelve priests to prevent Cyril from deciphering<br />
<strong>the</strong> script from Solomon’s cup, which is said to have already killed<br />
two people in <strong>the</strong> attempt <strong>and</strong> is <strong>the</strong>refore considered poisonous unless<br />
solved. Gaining power over this script promises great advantages to <strong>the</strong><br />
decipherer <strong>and</strong> thus becomes <strong>the</strong> object of <strong>the</strong> priests’ ambition. However<br />
<strong>the</strong> conspiracy fails in mysterious ways, <strong>and</strong> as <strong>the</strong> narrative unfolds, <strong>the</strong><br />
secret script is equated with <strong>the</strong> divine logos that is <strong>the</strong> centre of <strong>the</strong> world<br />
<strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong> centre of a pernicious spider’s web. It emerges that <strong>the</strong> script<br />
may only be accessed through its copies, <strong>and</strong> that its interpretation not<br />
only depends upon <strong>the</strong> reader’s perspective, but can also be appropriated,<br />
rightly or wrongly, by various agents <strong>and</strong> for very differing reasons. The<br />
original script is not accessible except as <strong>the</strong> object of an orally transmitted<br />
legend <strong>and</strong> can only keep its power as long as it remains undeciphered.<br />
That this is not just a point about letters is made clear in <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
parts of <strong>the</strong> book, where life is frequently equated with reading:<br />
“All things in a man’s life happen in <strong>the</strong> way of an unknown script,<br />
like messages that only reveal <strong>the</strong>ir meaning later. Our life is reading; each<br />
event not only happens, but also needs to be filled with meaning; life itself<br />
fills <strong>the</strong>se gaps when <strong>the</strong> time comes, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n we can read our mistakes,<br />
failings or heroic deeds” (Andonovski 2005: 192).<br />
Therefore, while Andonovski follows Plato’s Phaedrus in equating<br />
oral culture with living culture <strong>and</strong> adopts a graphophobic stance, in contrast<br />
to Plato <strong>the</strong>re also seems to be a sense that <strong>the</strong> balance cannot be<br />
tipped any fur<strong>the</strong>r. Written culture is <strong>the</strong> winner, <strong>and</strong> this poses a major<br />
problem for small <strong>and</strong> peripheral cultures.<br />
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Balkan Visions: Conceptualisations of <strong>Europe</strong> in Contemporary Macedonia 269<br />
This does not concern <strong>the</strong> present state of alphabetisation in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
countries, <strong>and</strong> locating this problem does not amount to qualifying peripheral<br />
cultures as oral cultures, or as cultures that have not yet come to<br />
terms with writing. It reaches deeper than that: it is <strong>the</strong> problem of representing<br />
one’s cultural heritage in a way that will make it readable to <strong>the</strong><br />
outsider <strong>and</strong> that will ensure its acknowledgement in <strong>the</strong> perceptions <strong>and</strong><br />
institutions of <strong>the</strong> Western, script defining world.<br />
Andonovski’s text is a novel <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>refore, does not contain any<br />
solutions; but it does draw very clear conclusions from <strong>the</strong> Macedonian<br />
debate concerning <strong>Europe</strong>. His point is that while some may see Western<br />
<strong>Europe</strong> or <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union as a centre worth striving towards, <strong>and</strong><br />
while o<strong>the</strong>rs may try to posit <strong>the</strong>ir own alternative centre or deny <strong>the</strong><br />
meaning of centres <strong>and</strong> peripheries altoge<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> cultures we call peripheral<br />
will always have to face <strong>the</strong> fact that Western <strong>Europe</strong> appears to<br />
have chosen <strong>and</strong> established <strong>the</strong> means of cultural expression <strong>and</strong> representation,<br />
<strong>and</strong> that this makes it extremely difficult for countries that have<br />
long been objects of foreign rule to ‘catch up’. This especially applies to<br />
Macedonia, where <strong>the</strong>re is a large material gap between <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, which is only beginning to be bridged, but<br />
it also raises interesting general questions about <strong>the</strong> connection between<br />
memory <strong>and</strong> narrative, <strong>the</strong> nature of representation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> role of value<br />
judgements in cultural contexts.<br />
Conclusion<br />
The material I have analysed here suggests that, while political developments<br />
<strong>and</strong> necessities may have initially triggered Macedonian discussions<br />
of national identity, <strong>and</strong> may have caused <strong>the</strong>se discussions to<br />
be set in terms of an opposition between a ‘centre’ <strong>and</strong> a ‘periphery’,<br />
<strong>the</strong> effects of <strong>the</strong>se discussions have reached much deeper than could<br />
ever be reflected on <strong>the</strong> level of political argument. They have led Macedonian<br />
writers <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>orists to reconsider <strong>the</strong> status of <strong>the</strong>ir culture in<br />
a comprehensive sense, i.e. in a continuum extending from <strong>the</strong> realm of<br />
popular culture (including youth culture <strong>and</strong> lifestyle choices such as food<br />
or fashion) to complex <strong>and</strong> highly academic considerations regarding national<br />
historiography for example, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways in which a small culture<br />
can assert <strong>and</strong> express itself adequately, even where cultural expression<br />
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270 Sonja Koroliov<br />
seems to be dictated by <strong>the</strong> necessities of political power relationships.The<br />
breadth of intellectual effort involved in this has led to a higher awareness<br />
of both, <strong>the</strong> everyday detail <strong>and</strong> long-term developments in <strong>the</strong> cultural as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> political sphere, <strong>and</strong> has thus contributed to <strong>the</strong> more reflective<br />
<strong>and</strong> critical stance of <strong>the</strong> Macedonian public towards itself <strong>and</strong> towards<br />
external interpretations <strong>and</strong> general definitions of its proper role.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Andonovski, Venko (2005[2000]): Papokot na svetot. Skopje.<br />
Burnet, John (Ed.) (1993): Plato. Opera Vol. II. Oxford.<br />
Frčkoski, Ljubomir D. (2006): “Aufgehoben” in: Dnevnik, 26.12.<br />
Henry, Paul, Schwyzer, Hans-Rudolph (Eds.) (1964): Plotinus I. Enneades<br />
I-III cum vita Porphyrii. Oxford.<br />
Kolbe, Kica (2005): Snegot vo Kazablanka. Skopje.<br />
Roško, Zoran (1998): “Eksplozivna Implozija: Digitalne Inkunabule I<br />
Technološki Šamanizam” in: Republika, 1-2/2, 182-98.<br />
Said, Edward W. (1978): Orientalism. New York.<br />
Šekerinska, Radmila (2006): “Ne go čuv prašanjeto” in: Dnevnik, 23.03.<br />
Sheleva, Elizabeta (2000): “Аh, tie Balkanci!” in: Kulturološki ese, 59.<br />
Todorova, Maria (1997): Imagining <strong>the</strong> Balkans. New York.<br />
Valéry, Paul (1962): “But who, after all, is <strong>Europe</strong>an?” in: Ma<strong>the</strong>ws, Jackson<br />
(Ed.), The Collected Works of Paul Valéry. Princeton, vol.10.<br />
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Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? Discourses on Postcolonialism<br />
between Nationalism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western Gaze<br />
Introduction<br />
Ulrich Best<br />
(York University, Toronto)<br />
Postcolonialism is often considered to be a number of very different<br />
situations. On one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> term is used to describe a situation<br />
whereby <strong>the</strong> world, a country, a political movement, a book or an author is<br />
considered postcolonial or postcolonialist. ‘Postcolonial’ is often taken to<br />
mean something that follows a colonial episode. For example a country’s<br />
political situation was colonial <strong>and</strong> is now postcolonial. ‘Postcolonialist’,<br />
on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, could mean that practices or concepts are consciously<br />
different from those determined by colonialism. This applies to literary<br />
forms, identity constructions <strong>and</strong> academic concepts for example. The<br />
geographer James Sidaway characterises <strong>the</strong>se consciously postcolonialist<br />
approaches as “committed to critique, expose, deconstruct, counter <strong>and</strong><br />
(in some claims) to transcend <strong>the</strong> cultural <strong>and</strong> broader ideological legacies<br />
<strong>and</strong> presences of imperialism“ (Sidaway 2002: 13).<br />
The starting point for many postcolonialist approaches were <strong>the</strong><br />
relations between former British colonies <strong>and</strong> Great Britain, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> resulting<br />
cultural complexity of <strong>the</strong> former, which have been influenced by<br />
migration <strong>and</strong> cultural exchange. More recently similar approaches have<br />
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272 Ulrich Best<br />
been adopted in Germany by writers drawing upon migratory or postmigratory<br />
experiences, <strong>and</strong> in research on colonial relations (Steyerl / Rodríguez<br />
2003).<br />
The focus of <strong>the</strong>se approaches is on discrimination, racism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
struggle against <strong>the</strong>m on one h<strong>and</strong>. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> idea of ‘hybridity’,<br />
a form of cultural encounter that transcends racist concepts, has<br />
become important to <strong>the</strong>oretical approaches (Young 1995).<br />
While on one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>re is an established body of literature <strong>and</strong><br />
a significant influence of post-colonialism in <strong>the</strong> academy, some points<br />
of critique have emerged in recent years. One of <strong>the</strong>se points is that <strong>the</strong><br />
global debate on post-colonialism is not entirely global – it ignores <strong>the</strong><br />
situation of <strong>the</strong> post-Soviet <strong>and</strong> post-communist states, <strong>and</strong> of regions<br />
still under Russian or Chinese domination. Moore calls this a “blank spot<br />
on <strong>the</strong> map” (Moore 2006: 19). Similarly Sidaway (2002) comments on <strong>the</strong><br />
global map of postcolonialism <strong>and</strong> attempts to draw attention to those<br />
areas of <strong>the</strong> Far East that had been dominated by <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union. As<br />
Moore <strong>and</strong> many o<strong>the</strong>r participants in <strong>the</strong> debate specifically stress, <strong>the</strong><br />
Soviet Union was really colonialist (although Moore also points out that<br />
Soviet expansionism was of a different kind to <strong>the</strong> British version).<br />
Many participants in <strong>the</strong> debate not only draw upon <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union<br />
as a former quasi-colonialist power, but construct a longer legacy of<br />
colonialism in <strong>the</strong> area. Jirgens writes about <strong>the</strong> Baltic states for example:<br />
“[A] deeper historical reading reveals that <strong>the</strong> colonization of <strong>the</strong><br />
Baltics includes <strong>the</strong> occupation <strong>and</strong> subsequent attempted genocide not<br />
only by <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union during <strong>the</strong> XX century, but also roughly one<br />
thous<strong>and</strong> years of intermittent colonization by wave after wave of foreign<br />
forces” (Jirgens 2006: 46).<br />
It is, of course, an unlikely task to find a continuous subject for a<br />
millennial history of suffering. In this case, ‘<strong>the</strong> Baltics’ are used as a subject,<br />
meaning <strong>the</strong> three Baltic states of today <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir inhabitants, who<br />
define <strong>the</strong>mselves as formerly oppressed, <strong>and</strong> excluding for example <strong>the</strong><br />
Polish or Russian speaking populations of <strong>the</strong>se countries. Similarly it is<br />
not possible to speak simply of ‘foreign forces’ of oppression. This not<br />
only ignores <strong>the</strong> complexity of inter-state <strong>and</strong> social relations, but <strong>the</strong>se<br />
‘foreign forces’ have little continuity as (a state) subjects, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> idea of<br />
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Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? 273<br />
constructing foreignness along national lines for times that preceded <strong>the</strong><br />
emergence of <strong>the</strong> modern nation state is hardly tenable. This perspective<br />
of a millennium of colonial oppression is inspired to a remarkably small<br />
degree by postcolonialist <strong>the</strong>ory: it constructs binaries of a stable colonial<br />
subject <strong>and</strong> an outside threat.<br />
There are more convincing analyses of <strong>the</strong> cultural dynamics of imperial<br />
situations in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>. For example Shk<strong>and</strong>rij (2001) analyses<br />
how Russian <strong>and</strong> Ukrainian literature constructed <strong>and</strong> construct empire<br />
<strong>and</strong> nationality. Shk<strong>and</strong>rij demonstrates that anticolonial motives are not<br />
always easy to distinguish from nationalist <strong>and</strong> postcolonial motives <strong>and</strong>,<br />
consequently, that Russian <strong>and</strong> Ukrainian literature were thus interconnected.<br />
But is <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> postcolonial? Referring to <strong>the</strong> period after<br />
1989, <strong>the</strong> question of economic inequality between Western <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong> has also become important. Berend (2004) argues that <strong>the</strong>re has<br />
been a development ‘from periphery to periphery’. Following a world-systems<br />
<strong>the</strong>ory inspired approach, he (2004) shows how <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> has<br />
been allotted <strong>the</strong> same peripheral role as it used to have before 1945 <strong>and</strong><br />
also in <strong>the</strong> eighteenth <strong>and</strong> nineteenth centuries. Numerous o<strong>the</strong>r publications<br />
analyse <strong>the</strong> role of western companies in <strong>the</strong> East <strong>Europe</strong>an markets<br />
(Hofbauer 2003; Gowan 1996; Dümcke / Vilmar 1995).<br />
They reveal that <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> served <strong>the</strong> market expansion of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se companies <strong>and</strong> of global capitalism. Trade relations between <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> Western <strong>Europe</strong>an states show <strong>the</strong> emergence of a peripheral<br />
capitalism in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, as international political economy dem<strong>and</strong>s<br />
(Bohle 2002).<br />
This analysis also looks at a more detailed level: for example it acknowledges<br />
<strong>the</strong> emergence of neo-liberal think tanks in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> in<br />
connection with <strong>the</strong> transformation of global capitalism. Ano<strong>the</strong>r str<strong>and</strong><br />
of literature analyses political <strong>and</strong> discursive inequalities, for example as<br />
<strong>the</strong>y emerged in <strong>the</strong> accession negotiations (Böröcz / Kovács 2001). In<br />
recent years <strong>the</strong> EU has also been examined as an ‘Empire’ (Engel-Di<br />
Mauro 2006; for a pro-imperial position see Beck / Gr<strong>and</strong>e 2007). These<br />
critical contributions argue that <strong>the</strong>re is a new relationship of dependency<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than a postcolonial situation.<br />
However, in this paper I will not try to analyse <strong>the</strong> facts of a new<br />
dependency not too deeply, but will focus instead upon <strong>the</strong> imagination<br />
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274 Ulrich Best<br />
<strong>and</strong> construction of colonial <strong>and</strong> postcolonial positions within <strong>the</strong> Polish<br />
debate on postcolonialism.<br />
For this purpose, I will first discuss <strong>the</strong> main characteristics of <strong>the</strong><br />
constructions of colonial subject <strong>and</strong> coloniser. Secondly, I will discuss<br />
different approaches to <strong>the</strong> relationship between nationalism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
postcolonial situation.<br />
Finally, building on <strong>the</strong> West-German/East-German example, I will<br />
analyse some aspects of <strong>the</strong> Polish debate about colonialism <strong>and</strong> postcolonialism.<br />
From ‘Good’ <strong>and</strong> ‘Bad’ Nationalism<br />
In his science fiction novel Childhood’s End (1990) Arthur C. Clarke<br />
describes <strong>the</strong> arrival of aliens in <strong>the</strong> Earth’s orbit <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir ensuing rule<br />
over <strong>the</strong> planet. Their rule is a benevolent one, limited to punishing violent<br />
crimes <strong>and</strong> cruelty against animals. They contribute to <strong>the</strong> formation of<br />
a world government, succeeding <strong>the</strong> United Nations, which <strong>the</strong>n forms<br />
a representative institution for <strong>the</strong>ir dealings with humanity. This body<br />
is headed by a Norwegian called Stormgren, initially <strong>the</strong> only human in<br />
direct communication with <strong>the</strong> aliens.<br />
A large part of <strong>the</strong> human population does not challenge <strong>the</strong> aliens’<br />
rule. Few protest movements emerge. Clarke describes a march of one of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se movements:<br />
“[H]ere <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re fists were being shaken […]. As pygmies may<br />
threaten a giant, so those angry fists were directed against <strong>the</strong> sky fifty<br />
kilometres above his head” (Clarke 1990: 4).<br />
The humans appear powerless, backward, as “pygmies”. However<br />
in a later dialogue <strong>the</strong> leader of <strong>the</strong> protest movement sees his role differently:<br />
“As you know, for <strong>the</strong> last five years we have tried to awaken <strong>the</strong><br />
human race to <strong>the</strong> danger that confronts it. The task has been a difficult<br />
one, for <strong>the</strong> majority of people seem content to let <strong>the</strong> Overlords run <strong>the</strong><br />
world as <strong>the</strong>y please. Never<strong>the</strong>less, more than five million patriots, in every<br />
country, have signed our petition” (Clarke 1990: 5).<br />
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Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? 275<br />
The protester sees himself as a patriot fighting for freedom. One<br />
of <strong>the</strong> leaders of <strong>the</strong> movement (‘Joe’) is of Polish origin. From <strong>the</strong> perspective<br />
of Stormgren, Joe is physically impressive, but mentally stuck in<br />
<strong>the</strong> past. Having been kidnapped by <strong>the</strong> resistance movement, Stormgren<br />
reflects on Joe – <strong>and</strong> about Pol<strong>and</strong>:<br />
“Joe was an altoge<strong>the</strong>r more complex individual, though sometimes<br />
he reminded Stormgren of an overgrown baby. Their interminable poker<br />
games were punctuated with violent political arguments, <strong>and</strong> it soon became<br />
obvious to Stormgren that <strong>the</strong> big Pole had never thought seriously<br />
about <strong>the</strong> causes for which he was fighting. Emotion <strong>and</strong> extreme conservatism<br />
clouded all his judgements. His country’s long struggle for independence<br />
had conditioned him so completely that he still lived in <strong>the</strong> past.<br />
He was a picturesque survival, one of those who had no use for an ordered<br />
way of life. When his type vanished, if it ever did, <strong>the</strong> world would<br />
be a safer, but less interesting place “ (Clarke 1990: 28 f.).<br />
Clarke’s novel displays <strong>the</strong> typical traits of colonial literature. On<br />
one h<strong>and</strong> are <strong>the</strong> Overlords, rational rulers, who only want <strong>the</strong> best for<br />
humanity, even if <strong>the</strong>y have to force <strong>the</strong>m to accept it. 1 There are rational<br />
rulers <strong>and</strong> backward natives, labelled as ‘pygmies’.<br />
The Poles, in <strong>the</strong> figure of Joe, also represent backwardness <strong>and</strong><br />
pointless patriotic struggle. In this way, Clarke delivers a defence of colonialism<br />
<strong>and</strong> uses <strong>the</strong> Pole as a symbol of anticolonial struggle misled by<br />
his unquestioning nationalism.<br />
That Clarke uses a Pole to represent this figure is not a coincidence.<br />
Even if Pol<strong>and</strong> is not traditionally <strong>the</strong> focus of colonial literature (in <strong>the</strong><br />
English language <strong>the</strong>y are Africa <strong>and</strong> South Asia), this image of Pol<strong>and</strong><br />
reflects a common stereotype.<br />
In Germany in particular <strong>the</strong> image of <strong>the</strong> nationalist, unquestioningly<br />
patriotic <strong>and</strong> troublemaking Pole was widespread. In Gustav<br />
Freytag’s novel Soll und Haben (Debit <strong>and</strong> Credit, 1855), Polish insurgents<br />
are described in very similar terms. Set against <strong>the</strong> Polish uprising against<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir Prussian occupiers in 1848, a young German travels to Pol<strong>and</strong> to<br />
look after his mentor’s business.<br />
1 In <strong>the</strong> end it emerges that <strong>the</strong> aliens are a form of cosmic nurse with <strong>the</strong> task of helping<br />
promising civilisations to transcend to cosmic greatness, which is denied to <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
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276 Ulrich Best<br />
On <strong>the</strong> way he encounters various groups of insurgents, who are<br />
described as backward, are led by fanatics <strong>and</strong> act more as a looting mob<br />
than a political group or an army:<br />
“The people on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side of <strong>the</strong> frontier, excited by old memories<br />
<strong>and</strong> by <strong>the</strong>ir l<strong>and</strong>ed proprietors, rose, <strong>and</strong>, led by fanatical preachers,<br />
marched up <strong>and</strong> down <strong>the</strong> frontier, falling upon travellers <strong>and</strong> merch<strong>and</strong>ise,<br />
plundering <strong>and</strong> burning small towns <strong>and</strong> noblemen’s seats, <strong>and</strong> aiming<br />
at a military organization under <strong>the</strong> comm<strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong>ir favourite leaders”<br />
(Freytag 1858 Chapter XIX, §2).<br />
The people are ‘excited’, fanatic <strong>and</strong> driven by myths of <strong>the</strong> past. In<br />
a fur<strong>the</strong>r scene <strong>the</strong> young German <strong>and</strong> his escort are stopped by a group<br />
of insurgents.<br />
“In this manner <strong>the</strong>y passed a group of fallen houses, which lay on<br />
a flat close to a marsh, looking like giant fungi that had shot up on a malarian<br />
soil, when <strong>the</strong>y suddenly found <strong>the</strong>mselves surrounded by a b<strong>and</strong><br />
of insurgents. […] At length <strong>the</strong> merchant put an end to <strong>the</strong> whole scene<br />
by suddenly flogging <strong>the</strong> horses, <strong>and</strong> thus compelling <strong>the</strong> last recusants to<br />
jump aside as fast as <strong>the</strong>y could. The horses galloped off, loud interjections<br />
were heard in <strong>the</strong> distance, <strong>and</strong> a few shots passed harmlessly over<br />
<strong>the</strong> heads of <strong>the</strong> travellers, probably fired out of a general enthusiasm<br />
for fa<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong> ra<strong>the</strong>r than with any definite purpose (Freytag 1858 [1855]<br />
Chapter XX, §10).”<br />
The Polish insurgents are not pictured as serious opponents: <strong>the</strong><br />
strong will of <strong>the</strong> German merchant overpowers <strong>the</strong>ir roadblock. Their<br />
‘general enthusiasm for <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>’ does not give <strong>the</strong>m a clear purpose<br />
– <strong>the</strong>y only become a disorganized b<strong>and</strong>. Poles in Freytag’s novel are<br />
characterised by <strong>the</strong>ir unquestioning patriotism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir enthusiasm for<br />
old memories.<br />
In contrast <strong>the</strong> Prussians/Germans are organised, efficient, rational<br />
<strong>and</strong> disciplined (<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> end <strong>the</strong>se virtues emerge as triumphant). His<br />
novel <strong>the</strong>refore follows <strong>the</strong> lines of colonial literature that justifies (quasi-)<br />
colonial rule by describing <strong>the</strong> colonizers as rational, civilized <strong>and</strong> more<br />
suited to rule.<br />
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Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? 277<br />
In summary a number of characteristic traits of colonial literature<br />
appear in <strong>the</strong>se novels. The general juxtaposition of rational (<strong>the</strong> colonizer)<br />
<strong>and</strong> irrational (<strong>the</strong> colonised), finds its equivalent in different forms of<br />
nationalism – a purposeless “general enthusiasm” for making trouble <strong>and</strong><br />
an emotional backward-looking patriotism on one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> a rational nation<br />
(or, in Clark’s case, civilisation) on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
The juxtaposition of ‘good’ (or civil) <strong>and</strong> ‘bad’ (or exaggerated) nationalism<br />
is also a topic of academic literature. In <strong>the</strong> debate about ‘<strong>Eastern</strong><br />
nationalism’ Poles <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>ans in general are ascribed a<br />
tendency to irrational nationalism.<br />
Originally dating back to Hans Kohn, who analysed German nationalism,<br />
John Plamenatz interpreted <strong>the</strong> distinction between different<br />
kinds of nationalism in <strong>the</strong> context of global structures of hegemony.<br />
Like Kohn, he distinguished a ‘western’, rational <strong>and</strong> civil nationalism<br />
from an ‘eastern’, ethnic nationalism. Germany was <strong>the</strong> original example<br />
of ethnic nationalism for Kohn, but Plamenatz identified this form of<br />
nationalism as eastern. According to Plamenatz it is “a reaction of peoples<br />
who feel culturally at a disadvantage” (Plamenatz 1976: 27).<br />
This form of nationalism is not unique to <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, he explains,<br />
but it first appeared <strong>the</strong>re:<br />
“What I call <strong>Eastern</strong> nationalism has flourished among <strong>the</strong> Slavs as<br />
well as in Africa <strong>and</strong> Asia, <strong>and</strong> is to be found also in Latin America. So I<br />
could not call it non-<strong>Europe</strong>an, <strong>and</strong> have thought it best to call it <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
because it first appeared to <strong>the</strong> East of Western <strong>Europe</strong> (Plamenatz 1976:<br />
23).”<br />
Plamenatz locates his concept of nationalism within a <strong>the</strong>ory of<br />
modernisation. While <strong>the</strong> west was already civilised, <strong>the</strong> east was (in common<br />
with <strong>the</strong> south) subjugated by <strong>the</strong> west <strong>and</strong> reacted with a certain<br />
form of nationalism. Plamenatz explains <strong>the</strong> different nationalisms by <strong>the</strong><br />
cultural hegemony of <strong>the</strong> west.<br />
“The case with <strong>the</strong> Slavs, <strong>and</strong> later with <strong>the</strong> Africans <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Asians,<br />
has been quite different [than in Germany or Italy]. Drawn gradually, as a<br />
result of <strong>the</strong> diffusion among <strong>the</strong>m of Western ideas <strong>and</strong> practices, into a<br />
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278 Ulrich Best<br />
civilisation alien to <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong>y have had to re-equip <strong>the</strong>mselves culturally,<br />
to transform <strong>the</strong>mselves (Plamenatz 1976: 30).”<br />
Plamenatz <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> debate about <strong>Eastern</strong> nationalism are not <strong>the</strong><br />
only ones to regard <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> as nationalist. In modern literature<br />
Fredric Jameson claimed that <strong>the</strong> ‘second world’ ( at that time <strong>the</strong> socialist<br />
bloc) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘third world’ have a need to catch up on nationalism <strong>and</strong><br />
might even have a right to it.<br />
“Judging from recent conversations among third-world intellectuals,<br />
<strong>the</strong>re is now an obsessive return of <strong>the</strong> national situation itself, <strong>the</strong> name<br />
of <strong>the</strong> country that returns again <strong>and</strong> again like a gong, <strong>the</strong> collective attention<br />
to ‘us’ <strong>and</strong> what we have to do <strong>and</strong> how we do it, to what we can’t<br />
do <strong>and</strong> what we do better than this or that nationality, our unique characteristics,<br />
in short, to <strong>the</strong> level of <strong>the</strong> ‘people’.<br />
This is not <strong>the</strong> way American intellectuals have been discussing<br />
‘America,’ <strong>and</strong> indeed one might feel that <strong>the</strong> whole matter is nothing but<br />
that old thing called ‘nationalism,’ long since liquidated here <strong>and</strong> rightly so.<br />
Yet a certain nationalism is fundamental in <strong>the</strong> third world (<strong>and</strong> also<br />
in <strong>the</strong> most vital far East of <strong>the</strong> second world), thus making it legitimate<br />
to ask whe<strong>the</strong>r it is all that bad in <strong>the</strong> end (Jameson 1986: 65).”<br />
Jameson believes that nationalism has been overcome in <strong>the</strong> West<br />
but is flourishing in <strong>the</strong> South <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> East, <strong>and</strong> may even be beneficial<br />
for <strong>the</strong>se countries. As in literature, <strong>the</strong> East appears in academic debate as<br />
nationalist <strong>and</strong> backwardly, while <strong>the</strong> West is represented as postnationalist<br />
or at least being rational about nationalism. This interpretation follows <strong>the</strong><br />
traits of colonial writing: one’s ‘own’ position is described as rational <strong>and</strong><br />
normal, <strong>the</strong> ‘o<strong>the</strong>r’ (weaker) position as irrational <strong>and</strong> nationalist.<br />
The Western gaze on <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> can be described as <strong>the</strong> cultural<br />
parallel of political <strong>and</strong> economic inequality. The interpretations analysed<br />
above are typical of <strong>the</strong> historical construction of <strong>the</strong> West in opposition<br />
to <strong>the</strong> East, as Larry Wolff (2000) demonstrates for <strong>the</strong> invention of<br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>and</strong> Maria Todorova (1999) for <strong>the</strong> Balkans, both in <strong>the</strong><br />
eighteenth century. Wolff stresses how travellers pictured <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong><br />
as wild <strong>and</strong> barbaric, yet fascinating. Likewise Todorova reveals how <strong>the</strong><br />
Balkans were described as wild <strong>and</strong> unruly. Today <strong>the</strong> ‘Balkans’ are often<br />
still represented as ‘too nationalist’, in contrast to <strong>the</strong> ‘West’ (Hatzopoulos<br />
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2003). While this construction of <strong>the</strong> Balkans has been researched <strong>and</strong><br />
criticised, <strong>the</strong> image of Pol<strong>and</strong> as nationalist has rarely been analysed.<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Orientalism<br />
Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? 279<br />
In political terms, although <strong>the</strong> situation in <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> is not<br />
straightforwardly postcolonial, <strong>the</strong> representation of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> in<br />
<strong>the</strong> West <strong>and</strong> its cultural dynamics follow <strong>the</strong> model of <strong>Europe</strong>an orientalism.<br />
However, in order to analyse <strong>the</strong> debate within Pol<strong>and</strong> as an<br />
exemplary case, it is first necessary to look at <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical approaches<br />
which can be found in debates about nationalism <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> fields of society<br />
<strong>and</strong> politics.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> years of decolonisation <strong>the</strong> nation <strong>and</strong> nationalism became<br />
<strong>the</strong> subject of critical analysis in <strong>the</strong> former colonies <strong>the</strong>mselves. However,<br />
<strong>the</strong> analysis was much more sophisticated than was <strong>the</strong> case in <strong>the</strong><br />
debate about eastern nationalism.<br />
The discussion of <strong>the</strong> postcolonial state can be summarised in three<br />
steps. Fanon (1981) describes <strong>the</strong> formation of <strong>the</strong> ‘native intellectual’ in<br />
<strong>the</strong> former colonies.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> struggle for independence, or after independence, <strong>the</strong><br />
idea of <strong>the</strong> nation gained importance.<br />
This involved <strong>the</strong> development of a nationally orientated literature<br />
<strong>and</strong> culture which discovered <strong>and</strong> re-worked national traditions.<br />
The ‘native intellectual’ <strong>the</strong>n takes on <strong>the</strong> role of a fighter for <strong>the</strong><br />
national cause. However, at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>y take on <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong><br />
former colonial powers by ‘exoticising’ <strong>the</strong>ir own position. The native intellectual<br />
thus becomes a conservative figure.<br />
Amílcar Cabral’s analysis (1974) locates this figure within <strong>the</strong> social<br />
field. His point of departure is <strong>the</strong> neocolonialism of <strong>the</strong> 1960s, when <strong>the</strong><br />
former colonial powers attempted to hold on to <strong>the</strong>ir position of strength<br />
through o<strong>the</strong>r means. One of those means is <strong>the</strong> support of a national<br />
pseudo-bourgeoisie which takes elite positions in <strong>the</strong> former colonies <strong>and</strong><br />
uses nationalist discourse.<br />
This discourse impedes <strong>the</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>r liberation of <strong>the</strong> former colonies,<br />
in particular where this liberation concerns social inequality in <strong>the</strong><br />
former colonies <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />
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280 Ulrich Best<br />
Nationalist discourse for <strong>the</strong>se groups serves <strong>the</strong> purpose of legitimising<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir privileged position towards <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> population as well<br />
as towards <strong>the</strong> former colonial powers. Finally, Partha Chatterjee (1986)<br />
develops <strong>the</strong> idea of nationalism as a derivative discourse. The nationalism<br />
of privileged groups in <strong>the</strong> former colonies transfers national discourse<br />
from <strong>the</strong> West to postcolonial situations. Analysing <strong>the</strong> development of<br />
Indian independence, he shows that nationalism was a concept of <strong>the</strong><br />
elites, who used it to streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>ir position.<br />
Following Gramsci, Chatterjee calls this process a passive revolution;<br />
an elite-induced transformation in which one elite (<strong>the</strong> colonial one)<br />
is replaced by ano<strong>the</strong>r (<strong>the</strong> national one).<br />
In all three examples nationalist discourse in postcolonial situations<br />
is criticised as a tactical instrument. It is shown to be <strong>the</strong> instrument of<br />
elites, who can reach <strong>and</strong> maintain power through this discourse.<br />
In summary, from a postcolonial perspective, nationalism has a dual<br />
role. On one h<strong>and</strong>, discussions about nationalism in peripheral countries<br />
claim <strong>the</strong> superiority of <strong>the</strong> West, <strong>and</strong> to represent <strong>the</strong> ‘East’ <strong>and</strong> former<br />
colonies as less rational, less civilised. This is an elitist strategy that can be<br />
deployed in former colonial or (in a centre / periphery perspective) central<br />
states.<br />
The elites of <strong>the</strong>se states legitimise <strong>the</strong>ir rule (over <strong>the</strong> population<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir own state) as ‘good rule’, as rational, as postnationalist (or less<br />
nationalist). At <strong>the</strong> same time, <strong>the</strong>y legitimise <strong>the</strong>ir former rule (or claims<br />
to also set a ‘good’ example in <strong>the</strong> present) over <strong>the</strong> colonised states.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, nationalism is a strategy of elites in formerly<br />
colonised (or peripheral) states. Employing nationalist discourse <strong>the</strong>y legitimise<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir position by claiming that it represents <strong>the</strong> nation <strong>and</strong> its<br />
interests, <strong>the</strong>reby maintaining <strong>the</strong>ir elite privileges.<br />
This stress on <strong>the</strong> nation is an aspect of postcolonial situations,<br />
which is rarely analysed in current <strong>the</strong>ories of hybridity or hybrid <strong>the</strong>ories.<br />
In <strong>the</strong>se concepts postcolonialism signifies <strong>the</strong> overcoming of clear binary<br />
distinctions.<br />
However, both uses of nationalism outlined above are strategies<br />
of, so to speak, ‘un-hybridisation’, claiming clear differences <strong>and</strong> national<br />
uniqueness. I now will turn to an analysis of <strong>the</strong> role of national discourse<br />
in situations which are also regarded as hybrid.<br />
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Postcolonial Discourse in Pol<strong>and</strong><br />
Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? 281<br />
The interrelation of nationalist <strong>and</strong> postcolonial discourse can be<br />
analysed from <strong>the</strong> two sides of its use – in <strong>the</strong> centre as orientalist discourse,<br />
<strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> periphery as elite discourse.<br />
I will focus upon <strong>the</strong> second use of nationalism, because a body<br />
of criticism of western orientalism has been developed in <strong>the</strong> discourse<br />
on <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> (for example Böröcz / Kovacs 2001). Using <strong>Eastern</strong><br />
Germany as <strong>the</strong> initial example, I will <strong>the</strong>n focus upon Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> postcolonial<br />
discourse in Pol<strong>and</strong>.<br />
East Germany can serve as a good case study because both <strong>the</strong><br />
material processes of impoverishment <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reaction to <strong>the</strong>m in quasi-colonial<br />
<strong>and</strong> anticolonial discourse occurred within a relatively simple<br />
framework: West Germany functioned as a clear o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
After <strong>the</strong> Wende 1989 <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> course of <strong>the</strong> accession of <strong>the</strong><br />
GDR, <strong>the</strong> first fears emerged of colonisation (or a comparable process)<br />
by West Germany. However, <strong>the</strong> main discussion hoped for <strong>the</strong> promises<br />
of <strong>the</strong> market <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western democratic model. In <strong>the</strong> West, 1989 was<br />
taken as a proof of <strong>the</strong> superiority of <strong>the</strong> Western model <strong>and</strong> narratives<br />
about East Germany also drew in part upon orientalist discourse. After<br />
unification, a discourse developed in which West German colonisation<br />
stories met with East German stories of marginalisation. Pinkert analyses<br />
a number of novels that emerged from this setting. She contrasts <strong>the</strong> novel<br />
Neul<strong>and</strong> (New l<strong>and</strong>, 1999) with novels by East German authors. In Neul<strong>and</strong><br />
a West German woman relates her experiences after moving to East<br />
Germany with her husb<strong>and</strong>, a physician. In her story she follows colonial<br />
patterns: her perspective is defined as universal, civilised <strong>and</strong> superior, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> east is described as a region where <strong>the</strong>se values have not yet been put<br />
into practice. This Western gaze on <strong>Eastern</strong> Germany can also be found<br />
in <strong>the</strong> debate about <strong>the</strong> alleged lack of values in <strong>Eastern</strong> Germany, which<br />
often surfaces in discussions about infanticide (according to <strong>the</strong> former<br />
West German minister of <strong>the</strong> interior of Br<strong>and</strong>enburg, this is due to <strong>the</strong><br />
dehumanisation that happened in <strong>the</strong> GDR) or right-wing extremism (to<br />
which <strong>the</strong> East is considered more susceptible). In <strong>the</strong>se interpretations,<br />
<strong>the</strong> East is constructed regarded as less civilised <strong>and</strong> more backward than<br />
<strong>the</strong> West. This is not necessarily restricted to <strong>the</strong> geographical region to<br />
<strong>the</strong> east of West Germany, but from <strong>the</strong> legacy of <strong>the</strong> GDR.<br />
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282 Ulrich Best<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> interpretations follow <strong>the</strong> pattern of Western progress<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> backwardness <strong>and</strong> barbarism. In East Germany, this discourse<br />
is accompanied (or countered) by <strong>the</strong> invention of an <strong>Eastern</strong> ‘ethnicity’,<br />
as Daniljuk <strong>and</strong> Holm (1998) call it. The invention of such an ethnicity,<br />
characterised by certain traditions, cultural traits, but also by <strong>the</strong> feeling<br />
of being oppressed by <strong>the</strong> West, follows <strong>the</strong> patterns of a postcolonial<br />
nationalist discourse.<br />
Applying postcolonial perspectives to <strong>the</strong> East German case, it becomes<br />
clear that <strong>the</strong>re exists a neocolonial Western discourse which is<br />
opposed by an <strong>Eastern</strong> national discourse in <strong>Eastern</strong> Germany, <strong>and</strong> is not<br />
supported by all members of <strong>the</strong> political field, but is certainly one of <strong>the</strong><br />
instruments applied in <strong>the</strong> struggle for <strong>the</strong> elite political positions. In West<br />
Germany (<strong>and</strong> for West Germans in East Germany), <strong>the</strong> quasi-colonialist<br />
discourse allows a construction of <strong>the</strong> self as a rational <strong>and</strong> civilised being.<br />
What is <strong>the</strong> relationship between national <strong>and</strong> postcolonial discourses in<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>? In <strong>the</strong> political debate, particularly under <strong>the</strong> conservative PiS-led<br />
coalition, threats to Pol<strong>and</strong> were being stressed. These threats could be<br />
from external (an attempt by Germany or Russia to dominate Pol<strong>and</strong>) or<br />
internal (for example ‘communists’ or o<strong>the</strong>r enemies of Pol<strong>and</strong>) actors.<br />
The discourse of internal threats was much more intensive than that on<br />
external threats, even if <strong>the</strong> latter was more widely reported outside of<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>. Huterer (2006) analyses <strong>the</strong> rhetoric of constant threat, through<br />
which <strong>the</strong> Kaczynski bro<strong>the</strong>rs represented <strong>the</strong>mselves as defending <strong>the</strong><br />
nation against internal enemies <strong>and</strong> conspiracies.<br />
The discourse on external threats was rich in historical references<br />
to former periods of domination by neighbouring states, <strong>and</strong> was thus<br />
explicitly postcolonial. In reference to <strong>the</strong> planned construction of <strong>the</strong><br />
Baltic pipeline, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n minister of defence, Sikorski, warned of a repetition<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Hitler-Stalin treaty by which <strong>the</strong> division of Pol<strong>and</strong> was settled.<br />
In Germany, <strong>the</strong> Polish government was described as nationalist <strong>and</strong> irrational.<br />
For example in 2006, after <strong>the</strong> negotiations about <strong>the</strong> Nice-Treaty,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Berlin newspaper Tagesspiegel wrote: “It may be that Pol<strong>and</strong>, after a<br />
period of Socialism, has a need to catch up on nationalism” (Tagesspiegel<br />
Berlin, 12.9.06).<br />
A Polish need to catch up, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore a certain backwardness on<br />
its part, is connected with increased nationalism in <strong>the</strong> eyes of <strong>the</strong> news-<br />
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Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? 283<br />
paper. The Western gaze, which regards its own position as rational <strong>and</strong><br />
superior, is easy to recognise in this interpretation.<br />
Both, in <strong>the</strong> German representation of Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> discussion<br />
within Pol<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> influences of postcolonial discourses are clear.<br />
However, beyond <strong>the</strong> political arena <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> media, <strong>the</strong>re is an explicit<br />
academic debate about Polish literary postcolonialism. After 1989, some<br />
Polish writers have expressed a Habsburg nostalgia, in which <strong>the</strong> former<br />
empire is described as a culturally rich past <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong> is regarded through<br />
a peripheral, neo-romantic gaze (for example Stasiuk, see Hänschen 2004).<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r work can be considered a critique of nationalism <strong>and</strong> stereotypes,<br />
for example Masłowska’s Snow White <strong>and</strong> Russian Red (2004 originally The<br />
Polish-Russian War under <strong>the</strong> White-red Flag).<br />
The journal Teksty Drugie featured a number of articles on Polish<br />
postcolonialism, but <strong>the</strong>re were also o<strong>the</strong>r publications on <strong>the</strong> topic. Some<br />
of <strong>the</strong> contributions consisted of analyses of Polish literary works, like<br />
that of <strong>the</strong> world traveller Kapuściński (Tabaszewska 2006). These contributions<br />
analysed Polish literature using postcolonial <strong>the</strong>ories. The greatest<br />
controversy surfaced in <strong>the</strong> second type of contribution, which was<br />
dedicated to <strong>the</strong> role of Polish literature in <strong>the</strong> global literary world <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> effects of postcolonialism upon it. For example <strong>the</strong> American scholar<br />
Clare Cavanagh (2003, 2004) claimed that Pol<strong>and</strong> was (unjustly) a black<br />
spot on <strong>the</strong> map of <strong>the</strong> global debate on postcolonialism.<br />
The postcolonial nature of Pol<strong>and</strong> was not recognised but ignored<br />
she complained, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore Pol<strong>and</strong> was being excluded <strong>and</strong> discriminated<br />
against. Alex<strong>and</strong>er Fiut (2003) replied that this view simply represented<br />
a repetition of <strong>the</strong> myth of Polish martyrdom.<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r article supported Cavanagh’s argument: Dariusz Skórczewski<br />
(2006b) complained that Polish literature was not being discussed<br />
globally under <strong>the</strong> label of postcolonalism.<br />
Therefore, Polish literature was being denied a chance of recognition.<br />
He made it his aim to fight for <strong>the</strong> place of Pol<strong>and</strong> in this discourse:<br />
“From what has been said above it is clear that it is even more difficult<br />
to fight for <strong>the</strong> place of Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
countries in postcolonial discourse. How can this be achieved?” (Skórczewski<br />
2006b: 108, my translation).<br />
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284 Ulrich Best<br />
The debate about postcolonial Polish literature in <strong>the</strong>se contributions<br />
became a debate about <strong>the</strong> discrimination of Polish literature, <strong>and</strong><br />
about <strong>the</strong> roles of Skórczewski <strong>and</strong> Cavanagh, who described <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
as fighting for <strong>the</strong> postcolonial status of Polish literature.<br />
An additional article by Skórczewski is also interesting in this respect<br />
(2006a). In an analysis of <strong>the</strong> novel Castorp by Paweł Huelle, he points out<br />
<strong>the</strong> postcolonial traits of <strong>the</strong> book, in which a section of Thomas Mann’s<br />
Magic Mountain is reinterpreted in <strong>the</strong> context of German-Polish relations<br />
in <strong>the</strong> interwar years. In addition to his convincing analysis of <strong>the</strong> novel<br />
Skórczewski also makes a plea to German literary critics (in his English<br />
text): <strong>the</strong>y should not only commend <strong>the</strong> fine style of <strong>the</strong> book, but also<br />
recognise that <strong>the</strong> book was an accusation of German colonialism (<strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>refore of <strong>the</strong>se critics’ past). In this article Skórczewski again takes on<br />
<strong>the</strong> role of fighting for his nation, in this case against its former colonisers.<br />
He not only argues against <strong>the</strong> disregard of his country or his<br />
country’s literature, but also for a recognition of this literature, which,<br />
being disadvantaged <strong>and</strong> emerging from a colonial situation, is worthy of<br />
acknowledgment <strong>and</strong> discussion.<br />
In his article quoted above (2006b), he goes on to write that through<br />
this struggle, <strong>the</strong> entire national corpus of Polish literature could also be<br />
introduced to <strong>the</strong> world (<strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong>’s long literary tradition could gain<br />
deserved recognition):<br />
“The comprehension of our literature from this perspective [of<br />
postcolonialism] is not only a possible task, but even more a necessary<br />
one. Necessary for <strong>the</strong> introduction of our literature into a world where,<br />
apart from a few experts on contemporary poetry, Pol<strong>and</strong> as a country<br />
with a centuries-old tradition of literature does not exist. In <strong>the</strong> light of<br />
<strong>the</strong> above said however it is clear that we will have to shoulder <strong>the</strong> task<br />
alone.“ (Skórczewski 2005: 112)<br />
Skórczewski described himself as leading a struggle for <strong>the</strong> nation,<br />
against <strong>the</strong> disregard for <strong>and</strong> disadvantages of Polish national literature<br />
(<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Polish nation) in <strong>the</strong> international arena. On one h<strong>and</strong>, this arena<br />
is postcolonial criticism, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> it is world literature. The global<br />
postcolonial discourse appears as <strong>the</strong> coloniser, <strong>and</strong> Skórczewski becomes<br />
<strong>the</strong> native intellectual in Fanon’s sense.<br />
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Postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong>? 285<br />
The discovery of a national tradition <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> struggle for its recognition<br />
are important aspects of <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> postcolonial elite. In political<br />
terms, <strong>the</strong> Polish debate, which I have only been able to sketch here, is<br />
characterised by <strong>the</strong> typical discourse of a postcolonial elite that presents<br />
itself as a defender of <strong>the</strong> nation against new quasi-colonial threats. In<br />
particular <strong>the</strong> rhetoric of <strong>the</strong> PiS-led government followed <strong>the</strong>se patterns<br />
in order to justify <strong>the</strong>ir position (<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir policies).<br />
In <strong>the</strong> debate about postcolonial literature <strong>the</strong>re is a postcolonial<br />
meta-discourse. The charge is that postcolonial Pol<strong>and</strong> is not recognised<br />
as such in global postcolonial discourse. Global postcolonial discourse is<br />
ascribed <strong>the</strong> status of a coloniser, against whom national interests have to<br />
be fought for. Skorczewski (<strong>and</strong> also Cavanagh) place <strong>the</strong>mselves in this<br />
role of fighting for Pol<strong>and</strong>. How can <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> nation in debates<br />
about postcolonialism be summarised?<br />
In Germany after <strong>the</strong> Wende, colonial <strong>and</strong> postcolonial discourses<br />
can be identified. In parts of <strong>the</strong> political debate <strong>and</strong> also within <strong>the</strong> literature,<br />
a Western gaze regards its own position as rational, civilised <strong>and</strong><br />
universal. The East is regarded as different <strong>and</strong> less civilised.<br />
In East Germany, this discourse is countered by a discourse that<br />
stresses <strong>the</strong> value of East German traditions, <strong>and</strong> in which <strong>the</strong> West Germans<br />
are pictured as colonisers, <strong>the</strong> East Germans as victims. These views<br />
are repeated in <strong>the</strong> German <strong>and</strong> Polish debates about <strong>the</strong> respective o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> German media <strong>and</strong> political arena, Pol<strong>and</strong> is decribed as irrational<br />
<strong>and</strong> nationalist, Germany as rational <strong>and</strong> post-national.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> Polish debate (at least in <strong>the</strong> PiS government), Germany is<br />
regarded as a threat, as a former <strong>and</strong> potentially new coloniser that Polish<br />
politicians fight in <strong>the</strong> name of <strong>the</strong> nation.<br />
However, Pol<strong>and</strong> is also believed to be discriminated against in terms<br />
of literary criticism, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Polish debate on postcolonialism even<br />
describes <strong>the</strong> global postcolonial discourse as an oppressor. These literary<br />
critics fulfil <strong>the</strong> role of Fanon’s ‘native intellectual’ who employs a nationalist<br />
discourse in order to acquire elite status.<br />
Postcolonialism in Central <strong>and</strong> Western <strong>Europe</strong>, as everywhere, is<br />
a field of unequal power relations, interpretations <strong>and</strong> social/political actors,<br />
<strong>and</strong> nationalist discourse is a strategic tool. The different interpretations<br />
<strong>the</strong>reby regard different relationships as postcolonial, pre-colonial<br />
or colonial.<br />
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286 Ulrich Best<br />
Conclusion<br />
In conclusion, <strong>the</strong> representations of rational / irrational <strong>and</strong> nationalist/post<br />
national that are typical for contemporary discourse can also<br />
be identified in German-Polish literary <strong>and</strong> political discourses. On one<br />
h<strong>and</strong>, this is hardly surprising, as similar stereotypes have been a part of<br />
German-Polish relations for centuries, along with political <strong>and</strong> economic<br />
power inequalities. Unusually however, postcolonial discourse, which is<br />
normally dedicated to a critique of such interpretations, is used by some<br />
contributors to <strong>the</strong> Polish debate in order to reinforce <strong>the</strong>se beliefs by<br />
defining <strong>the</strong>mselves as colonised. These opinions are not necessarily held<br />
by <strong>the</strong> majority, but <strong>the</strong>y demonstrate that <strong>the</strong> ‘national argument’ can be<br />
usefully employed in both fields. There are, <strong>the</strong>refore, two discourses of<br />
postcolonialism <strong>and</strong> nationalism. They are not tied to specific countries,<br />
even though a long legacy of similar discourses has been discussed in this<br />
paper. Instead, <strong>the</strong>y are tools that can be employed in a political struggle.<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, in Pol<strong>and</strong> a discourse of enlightened westerness can be employed,<br />
<strong>and</strong> in West Germany a discourse of <strong>the</strong> threatened nation can be<br />
employed (<strong>and</strong> both are employed in <strong>the</strong> two countries). Regarding <strong>the</strong><br />
conceptual aspects of <strong>the</strong> paper, it is clear, that not all is hybrid. A hybrid<br />
postcolonial discourse that criticises nationalism is accompanied by a<br />
postcolonial discourse that reinforces nationalism. Using <strong>the</strong> concepts of<br />
<strong>the</strong> political <strong>the</strong>ories of postcolonial nationalism, it is possible to fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />
analyse <strong>the</strong> strategies <strong>and</strong> power relations within <strong>Europe</strong>an postcolonialism.<br />
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Central <strong>Europe</strong>an Constructions of Central <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>, or, “What is <strong>the</strong> Centre <strong>and</strong> who are <strong>the</strong><br />
Central <strong>Europe</strong>ans”?<br />
Introduction<br />
Miloš Havelka<br />
(Charles University Prague)<br />
I would like to introduce my contribution with a quote from Péter<br />
Esterházy’s novel Harmonia Cælestis:<br />
“I have <strong>the</strong> feeling – one of <strong>the</strong> things my fa<strong>the</strong>r worried about for<br />
a long time <strong>and</strong> without success – that <strong>the</strong> holiest things are those, which<br />
we do not remember” (Esterházy 2003: 7). 1<br />
An equivocal sentence, which not only points to <strong>the</strong> facts <strong>and</strong> norms<br />
we cannot remember, as <strong>the</strong>y are not an integral part of ourselves <strong>and</strong> are,<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, omnipresent, but is also directed against a contemporary idola<br />
mentis, which encourages us to forget <strong>the</strong> forgetting. Historical consciousness<br />
<strong>and</strong> identity creating remembering can be found within Esterházy in an<br />
original Hungarian perspective – <strong>the</strong> perspective of oblivion, which allows<br />
us to seek shortcomings in <strong>the</strong> relationship between being <strong>and</strong> remembering,<br />
<strong>and</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, to reveal its cultural, political, ideological <strong>and</strong><br />
1 My translation.<br />
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290 Miloš Havelka<br />
its psychological degradation as well – which may be as important <strong>and</strong><br />
interesting to us as <strong>the</strong> process of remembering itself. The specific quality<br />
of social oblivion will be denoted, which allows us to accept oblivion as a<br />
process by means of which remembering can be constructed, <strong>and</strong> which<br />
is a vital precondition for <strong>the</strong> process of remembering itself. One may ask,<br />
to what extent oblivion, ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>n remembering, streng<strong>the</strong>ns collective<br />
<strong>and</strong> individual identity on one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> arouses interest in history on <strong>the</strong><br />
o<strong>the</strong>r. In this respect, I would like to stress Leopold von Ranke’s dictum of<br />
asking how it actually has been? As different policies of remembering show,<br />
<strong>the</strong> sphere of identity-creating memory must always be considered in relation<br />
to its negativity, which relates to what has been left out, neglected or<br />
replaced. Oblivion does not come into being as a result of constraint, but<br />
through <strong>the</strong> encouragement of remembering – because <strong>the</strong> development<br />
of remembering is only possible if oblivion develops as well (Esposito<br />
2002: 30). The fact, that collective memory is a medium of oblivion <strong>and</strong><br />
that, toge<strong>the</strong>r with o<strong>the</strong>r cultural constructions, memory content is always<br />
<strong>the</strong> result of <strong>the</strong> general interaction of value relationships, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore,<br />
has <strong>the</strong> potential to carry an ideologically charged component that can<br />
compromise memory content <strong>and</strong> memory creation in <strong>the</strong>ir role as a starting<br />
point. Individual <strong>and</strong> collective memories are not rationally transparent<br />
<strong>and</strong> are never complete in terms of historical reality.<br />
Therefore, or in spite of this, <strong>the</strong>y are of great importance to societies<br />
in <strong>the</strong>ir role as inventions or constructed realities. 2 It is important to<br />
bear this in mind when analysing <strong>the</strong> transnational Central <strong>Europe</strong>an constructions<br />
of Central <strong>Europe</strong> that are rooted in <strong>the</strong> collective Central <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
memory. This <strong>the</strong>oretical approach to memory has experienced a<br />
surge of attention, because of <strong>the</strong> intellectual rise of an aspect of existence<br />
that causes people to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir historically determined world,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> new context created by <strong>the</strong> collapse of communism. 3<br />
2 I would like to point out <strong>the</strong> radical <strong>the</strong>ory of Ernst Gellner, which is in <strong>the</strong> same vein,<br />
who writes in his book Conditions of Liberty about <strong>the</strong> inability of reason to create a consensus<br />
out of itself that could serve as basis for a society (Gellner 1998: 32).<br />
3 Older methodological innovations in historiography <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> social sciences (especially<br />
<strong>the</strong> Annales school, Niklas Luhmann’s <strong>the</strong>ory which reformulated centres <strong>and</strong> borders,<br />
Michel Foucault <strong>and</strong> his attempts to identify epistéme <strong>and</strong> spatial constructions, Pierre<br />
Bourdieu’s field <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs) have been up-dated in connection to historical <strong>and</strong><br />
political changes in <strong>the</strong> world <strong>and</strong> in <strong>Europe</strong> at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> last century, which not<br />
only changed maps <strong>and</strong> geo-political spheres of influence but also <strong>the</strong> self-identity of<br />
countries <strong>and</strong> nations, <strong>the</strong>ir cultural <strong>and</strong> political orientation as well as <strong>the</strong>ir normative<br />
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Central <strong>Europe</strong>an Constructions of Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> 291<br />
Perhaps this is part of a greater tendency that combines or even<br />
substitutes a radical modern opinion – that space should not only be understood<br />
with regard to time, change <strong>and</strong> development, <strong>and</strong> history in<br />
general – with an asymmetrical, yet complementary, (post-modern) perspective<br />
– that time can be defined by space, which according to Ernst<br />
Bloch is simultaneously a-simultaneous.<br />
This points to a loss of time, leaps in time, plurality <strong>and</strong> incompatibility<br />
<strong>and</strong> so on. Im Raume lesen wir die Zeit (‘We read time in space’) is <strong>the</strong><br />
title of <strong>the</strong> latest book of <strong>the</strong> expert on <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an history, Karl<br />
Schlögel (Schlögel 2003).<br />
Representations of Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> During <strong>the</strong><br />
20 th Century<br />
When discussing how space is created in <strong>the</strong> eye of <strong>the</strong> beholder or<br />
how collective images of space, so-called frames, are created <strong>and</strong> passed<br />
on, <strong>the</strong> term mental maps (Schlögel 2000, 2001; Conrad 2002) comes to<br />
mind. Mental maps are kept alive, shaped <strong>and</strong> maintained by <strong>the</strong> collective<br />
imagination.<br />
They often differ greatly from political, cultural, civilising, religious,<br />
national <strong>and</strong> any o<strong>the</strong>r spaces as drawn on actual maps. One may say that<br />
mental maps are vehicles of collective wishful thinking. They map out l<strong>and</strong>scapes<br />
which, according to <strong>the</strong> afore-mentioned Karl Schlögel:<br />
“[…] cannot be surveyed by <strong>the</strong> methods of astronomy or trigonometry.<br />
They are nei<strong>the</strong>r less exact nor are <strong>the</strong>y less real. They consist of<br />
a different material, of pictures, of memories, smells, but <strong>the</strong>y are no less<br />
impressive. They are so deeply engraved, that <strong>the</strong>y may not even touched<br />
by time, which usually conquers most things.<br />
These pictures may be temporarily in <strong>the</strong> background, for an even<br />
longer time. But one day, in a moment of shock, <strong>the</strong>y may come back, as<br />
fresh as in <strong>the</strong> first day. They are not printed anywhere, <strong>the</strong>y cannot be<br />
hierarchies (Osterhammel 1998: 374–397). The problem of mental constructions <strong>and</strong><br />
emotional perceptions of space is far older than today’s efforts to put it on <strong>the</strong> agenda.<br />
Georg Simmel was – as in o<strong>the</strong>r topics – a pioneer in this subject. He stressed that “not<br />
space itself, but <strong>the</strong> mental structuring of its parts is of importance. The syn<strong>the</strong>sis of<br />
space is a specific psychological function, which may be individually modified, despite of<br />
its apparent ‘natural’ prerequisites […]” (Simmel 1999: 461 <strong>and</strong> 687f).<br />
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292 Miloš Havelka<br />
read anywhere, but <strong>the</strong>y are deeply engraved <strong>and</strong> for those who care for it<br />
<strong>the</strong>y cannot be erased” (Schlögel 2003: 243). 4<br />
The term ‘Central <strong>Europe</strong>’ 5 has a similarly artificial character rooted<br />
in different memories. There has never been a fixed or common agreement<br />
of underst<strong>and</strong>ing, o<strong>the</strong>r than a <strong>the</strong>oretical approach in two modes:<br />
that of remembering <strong>and</strong> that of forgetting.<br />
This mental mapping follows two oppositional axes of orientation.<br />
As Paul Hazard once demonstrated in La Crise de la conscience européenne:<br />
1680-1715 (Hazard 1935) in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> discovery of <strong>the</strong><br />
‘new’ <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘modern’ in <strong>the</strong> so-called Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes,<br />
<strong>the</strong> generally accepted recognition of <strong>the</strong> predominance of Sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
cultures has changed in favour of Nor<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
The original superiority of countries on <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn shore of <strong>the</strong><br />
Mediterranean Sea reached a symbolic end with <strong>the</strong> demise of <strong>the</strong> Spanish<br />
Armada before <strong>the</strong> English coast in 1588. The political <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
centre moved to France, yet <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn Protestant countries, especially<br />
Engl<strong>and</strong>, acquired ever more important roles. In 1660, a period of intensive<br />
travels to Engl<strong>and</strong> began. Until <strong>the</strong> Crimean War in <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong><br />
nineteenth century (see for example Huizinga 1945 <strong>and</strong> Lemberg 1985:<br />
51-91), political maps were centred on <strong>the</strong> north. At <strong>the</strong> Congress of Vienna<br />
in 1815, Russia was referred to as a ‘nor<strong>the</strong>rn power’.<br />
4 My translation. The mostly constructivist character of such mental maps must not seduce<br />
us into denying <strong>the</strong>m any counterparts in historical, social <strong>and</strong> cultural reality. They<br />
consist of different direct <strong>and</strong> communicated components, of facts <strong>and</strong> convictions, of<br />
symbols, memories <strong>and</strong> images. Knowledge <strong>and</strong> fantasy are as important as social oblivion<br />
is for natural <strong>and</strong> cultural monuments (see Kocka 2000: 163; Linde 1972). Schlögel<br />
conceives space as systematic configurations of actual physical objects, which are produced<br />
by certain social processes. Therefore, <strong>the</strong>y anticipate <strong>the</strong> actions <strong>the</strong>y are used for<br />
<strong>and</strong> thus physically define <strong>the</strong>m. They are to be understood as materialised batches of<br />
social values <strong>and</strong> thus carry <strong>and</strong> pass on historical experiences.<br />
5 In relation to his definitions <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir consequences, a large pool of literature has<br />
emerged. Following <strong>the</strong> rich international discussions surrounding Milan Kundera’s essay<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Rape of <strong>Europe</strong> during <strong>the</strong> mid-1980s, <strong>the</strong> focus was again on Central <strong>Europe</strong>,<br />
often in relation to <strong>the</strong> preparation of <strong>the</strong> last EU-enlargement <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> emphasis of a<br />
coherent concept of <strong>Europe</strong>an history. (See Mout, Stourzh 2002: ix-xx, 1-15). Of model<br />
character was a lecture series in Prague organised by <strong>the</strong> Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, Charles-<br />
University Prague <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Academy of Sciences of <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic (1992-1996),<br />
published in 1997 in Prague as Das künftige Mitteleuropa. Tradition und Perspektiven (Maly<br />
1997).<br />
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Central <strong>Europe</strong>an Constructions of Central <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> 293<br />
The term ‘Central <strong>Europe</strong>’ was <strong>the</strong>n used for probably <strong>the</strong> first time<br />
with reference to <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> Holy Roman Empire (1806), which led to<br />
<strong>the</strong> rise of three centres of German politics: Austria, Prussia <strong>and</strong> ‘West-<br />
Germany’. For almost half a century <strong>the</strong>se three fought for influence in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Mediterranean. Against this background Central <strong>Europe</strong> can be understood<br />
as more Germanic, as a strip of countries running from Nor<strong>the</strong>rn to<br />
Sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>Europe</strong>. With Holl<strong>and</strong> at one end, it reaches <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic<br />
via Germany, Pol<strong>and</strong>, Austria, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary <strong>and</strong> Romania<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Ukraine – as can be found in <strong>the</strong> work of Friedrich Naumann for<br />
example (1915). The area that Central <strong>Europe</strong>ans call Central <strong>Europe</strong> was<br />
only understood as <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>. 6 But ever since <strong>the</strong> Enlightenment a<br />
different interpretation of <strong>Europe</strong>an geography gained influence: an East-<br />
West-axis based upon <strong>the</strong> universal term of civilisation, which presupposes<br />
a lesser culture <strong>and</strong> thus helps to spread <strong>the</strong> idea of a civic divide<br />
between Western <strong>and</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> culture (Wolff 1994). Over <strong>the</strong> centuries<br />
this new underst<strong>and</strong>ing helped to shape a totally different idea of Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>, which is mostly perceived as a north-south oriented strip of small<br />
nations between Russia <strong>and</strong> Germany.<br />
This perception of a realm ranging from Helsinki to Trieste, that<br />
from very early on had been under <strong>the</strong> influence of two different directions<br />
as its core was located between <strong>the</strong> Carolingian <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong>-Roman<br />
empires, is especially evident in <strong>the</strong> Hungarian political mindset. For<br />
example, István Bibó, a minister in <strong>the</strong> government of Imre Nagy during<br />
<strong>the</strong> revolution in 1956, stated that <strong>the</strong> Central-<strong>Europe</strong>an countries had not<br />
managed to achieve <strong>the</strong> same stage of modernisation that was characteristic<br />
of <strong>the</strong> development <strong>and</strong> prosperity of <strong>the</strong> Western <strong>Europe</strong>an societies<br />
(Bibo 1993 [1946]). 7<br />
The devastating effect of Central <strong>Europe</strong>an nationalism could not<br />
be overcome by <strong>the</strong> unification of Central-<strong>Europe</strong>, but instead by pursuing<br />
<strong>the</strong> strategy of a third way, in which <strong>the</strong> cohesive forces of democracy<br />
<strong>and</strong> freedom help to unite <strong>the</strong> diverging Central <strong>Europe</strong>an people. Ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
very interesting ‘mapping’ of Central-<strong>Europe</strong> was created by one of<br />
Bibó’s students, <strong>the</strong> historian Jenö Szücs.<br />
6 This is, by <strong>the</strong> way, still <strong>the</strong> commonly used term in Germany. The Anglo-Saxon term<br />
‘Central <strong>Europe</strong>’ has not managed to achieve a dominant role so far.<br />
7 To overcome this situation Bibó developed a ‘third way’ concept for Central <strong>Europe</strong><br />
after World War II ranging between capitalism <strong>and</strong> socialism.<br />
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In his book The Three Historical Regions of <strong>Europe</strong> Szűcs he attempts a<br />
structuralist re-interpretation of Bibó’s <strong>the</strong>ory of <strong>the</strong> distress of <strong>the</strong> East<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an small states, following <strong>the</strong> argument of a historically proven lack<br />
of democratic <strong>and</strong> liberal development in Central <strong>Europe</strong> (Szücs 1983).<br />
The area created between <strong>the</strong> Carpathian Mountains <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> line<br />
of Laita, <strong>the</strong> Bohemian Forest <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Elbe River that Arpad Gönz, future<br />
Hungarian president, ironically called a “cosmos in <strong>the</strong> Carpathians”<br />
(Gönz 1999) was influenced <strong>and</strong> remained open to influence by <strong>the</strong> two<br />
state models (<strong>the</strong> eastern <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> western) which developed differently.<br />
Central <strong>Europe</strong>, which had been part of <strong>the</strong> West until <strong>the</strong> early sixteenth<br />
century, fell behind <strong>the</strong> Western development <strong>and</strong> into dependence upon<br />
it. This dependence caused <strong>the</strong> survival of many relics of older, feudal<br />
customs <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> creation of peculiar combinations of cultures, which<br />
bound it to <strong>the</strong> East. Therefore, Szücs does not consider Central <strong>Europe</strong><br />
a specific model of historical development, but “politically <strong>the</strong> Western<br />
border of <strong>Eastern</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> culturally <strong>the</strong> <strong>Eastern</strong> periphery of Western<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>” (Szücs 1983: 48). Today Szücs’ <strong>the</strong>ory is so important, because<br />
of its non-essentialist approach, its rejection of <strong>the</strong> idea that <strong>the</strong>re<br />
is something resembling a ‘Central <strong>Europe</strong>an principle’, which supposedly<br />
determines <strong>the</strong> life, culture <strong>and</strong> politics of individual people in this<br />
region. Szücs’ <strong>and</strong> Bibö’s interpretation of Central <strong>Europe</strong> as a historical<br />
region only (not a model in development) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> emphasis upon its civilpolitical<br />
dimensions is also important. This can be understood as an alternative<br />
to a number of different old <strong>and</strong> recent ideas of Central <strong>Europe</strong><br />
with a strong essentialist <strong>and</strong> national focus. Szücs’ st<strong>and</strong>point is similar to<br />
that of <strong>the</strong> Slovenians <strong>and</strong> Croatians, who are mostly considered Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>ans, but who rejected any notion of a supra-national entity during<br />
discussions in <strong>the</strong> 1980s, for example <strong>the</strong> authors Milan Krleža, Danilo<br />
Kiš oder Drago Jančar. 8<br />
The reason for this was not only <strong>the</strong> imprecise territorial definitions<br />
of <strong>the</strong> term ‘Central <strong>Europe</strong>’, but also <strong>the</strong> supposed lack of recognition<br />
of differences <strong>and</strong> a one-sided emphasis upon similarities, which was supposedly<br />
by way of compensation. This was formulated as a longing to be<br />
accepted within a united <strong>Europe</strong> or to adopt ‘a <strong>Europe</strong>’ for <strong>the</strong>ir own use.<br />
8 Therefore, Danilo Kiš explicitly rejected <strong>the</strong> possibility of talking about a typically CenCentral <strong>Europe</strong>an poetry supposedly characteristic of <strong>the</strong> art <strong>and</strong> literature of <strong>the</strong> individual<br />
peoples. See Kis [2000 [1987]: 138-147] for variations on <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>me of Central <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
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These problems of disassociation from Central <strong>Europe</strong> are shared<br />
by Polish intellectuals, who are concerned with questions of national sovereignty,<br />
political <strong>and</strong> cultural identity, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationship with socialism.<br />
The topic of freedom has played a fundamental role ever since it<br />
was defined a basic <strong>Europe</strong>an value by <strong>the</strong> historian Oskar Halecki in <strong>the</strong><br />
1950s (Halecki 1950). 9 The notion of Central <strong>Europe</strong> strongly influenced<br />
Polish intellectual debate following <strong>the</strong> World War II through <strong>the</strong> discussion<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Rapacki Plan, which saw Central <strong>Europe</strong> as a nuclear-free<br />
buffer zone. According to Rudolf Jaworski:<br />
“[Central <strong>Europe</strong>] was always present in Pol<strong>and</strong>, but Central <strong>Europe</strong><br />
as a special source of ideas <strong>and</strong> as a foundation of Polish national<br />
consciousness is less easy to find” (Jaworski 1988: 534).<br />
According to Polish historians, one must not fail to pay attention to<br />
<strong>the</strong> regions that include Lithuania <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Baltic States, as well as current<br />
parts of Belarus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ukraine. 10<br />
The Polish historian Leszek Żyliński wrote that in Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> focus<br />
is on <strong>the</strong> influential term Intermarium, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> idea of Central <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
“In terms of geography one may describe this area as being situated<br />
between <strong>the</strong> Baltic Sea <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Black Sea […]. Intermarium used to be a<br />
community sharing <strong>the</strong> same experiences <strong>and</strong> a common consciousness<br />
of peoples whose sovereignty was doubted by <strong>the</strong>ir neighbours.<br />
It was an area towards to which Pol<strong>and</strong> assmued special duties<br />
throughout history. The key to an underst<strong>and</strong>ing of this concept was <strong>the</strong><br />
search for a way out of <strong>the</strong> situation of being ruled ei<strong>the</strong>r by Germany or<br />
Russia.” (Żyliński 2003) 11<br />
Attempts to formulate political <strong>and</strong> cultural problems in <strong>the</strong> Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an perspective are much older in <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic.<br />
9 The Polish historian Piotr S. W<strong>and</strong>ycs, who works in <strong>the</strong> USA, made <strong>the</strong> idea of freedom<br />
<strong>the</strong> main point in his history of Central <strong>Europe</strong> (W<strong>and</strong>ycz 1992).<br />
10 Perhaps this is <strong>the</strong> reason why some Polish historians use <strong>the</strong> term ‘<strong>Eastern</strong> Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>’, which seldomly occurs among Czechs or Hungarians. See afore mentioned Piotr<br />
S. W<strong>and</strong>ycz.<br />
11 On <strong>the</strong> discussion of Intermarum in Pol<strong>and</strong> see Troebst 2000.<br />
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They emerged parallel to <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century German <strong>and</strong> Austrian<br />
discussions (Schnur 1986).<br />
Czech intellectuals considered Central <strong>Europe</strong> in <strong>the</strong> context of<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own problematic historical <strong>and</strong> cultural identity as a small nation in<br />
<strong>the</strong> geo-politically exposed space between Germany <strong>and</strong> Russia. 12<br />
This has been <strong>the</strong> case since <strong>the</strong> time of František Palacký, <strong>the</strong><br />
founder of modern Czech historiography <strong>and</strong> politics. Palacký’s opinion,<br />
expressed in a bon mot written in <strong>the</strong> year of revolution 1848, that “if <strong>the</strong>re<br />
was no Austria we would have to create it”, has not helped to found <strong>the</strong><br />
so-called Austroslavismus. 13 However for a long time he stood, <strong>and</strong> still<br />
st<strong>and</strong>s, behind <strong>the</strong> most of Czech reflections on Central <strong>Europe</strong>. In spite<br />
of Palacký’s insight, 30 years later, after <strong>the</strong> Czech hopes for Trialism had<br />
crumbled, he disappointedly conceeded that <strong>the</strong> Czech Republic was <strong>the</strong>re<br />
before Austria <strong>and</strong> would continue to exist after it. The political breakdown<br />
of Czech-Austroslavism only came about after <strong>the</strong> fall of Prime<br />
Minister Badeni <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> failure of his language regulations (Sprachordnungen)<br />
in 1898. Yet, at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, <strong>the</strong> young Czech<br />
politician <strong>and</strong> economist Josef Kaizl repeated: Extra Austriam non est vita.<br />
The Austro-Slavic underst<strong>and</strong>ing of Central <strong>Europe</strong> as a continuously endangered<br />
realm between Russia <strong>and</strong> Germany can also be found in <strong>the</strong><br />
work of <strong>the</strong> aforementioned liberal-conservative historian Josef Pekař,<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘bogeyman’ of Czech Marxist historiography. During World War I, he<br />
<strong>and</strong> his teacher Jaroslav Groll were <strong>the</strong> Czech adversaries to <strong>the</strong> so-called<br />
Ausl<strong>and</strong>saktion of Thomas Garrigue Masaryk.<br />
In common with his teacher Jaroslav Goll, Pekař refused to accept<br />
<strong>the</strong> notion that values <strong>and</strong> structures, institutions <strong>and</strong> nations which had<br />
12 The Czech historian, Jan Křen, in his long history of Central <strong>Europe</strong> also follows this<br />
Central <strong>Europe</strong>an definition of space (Křen 2005).<br />
13 Palacky’s <strong>the</strong>ory concluded that any Czech national existence is only possible, when<br />
framed by a strong, modern, independent <strong>and</strong> federalised Austria-Hungary. In Bohemia,<br />
<strong>the</strong> fear of a strong <strong>and</strong> united Germany under Otto von Bismarck was intense. Already<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 1870s Prime Minister Belcredi said that <strong>the</strong> Corpus Germanicus had become too big<br />
<strong>and</strong> too heavy for <strong>Europe</strong>. Yet, <strong>the</strong>re was disappointment with Russia, its despotism <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> political Panslavism, a euphemism of Russian imperialism. This was <strong>the</strong> breeding<br />
ground for <strong>the</strong> Czech idea of Central <strong>Europe</strong>, which was more or less connected to <strong>the</strong><br />
federalised Habsburg Empire. See Křen (1980: 119-152). Křen attempts to demonstrate<br />
in Palacký’s work <strong>the</strong> extent to which early Czech nationalism features state affirmative<br />
functions open to a national compromise that can be found in latter discussions about<br />
Central <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
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grown over centuries should or must perish. He disliked <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>and</strong> tried<br />
to prevent this, even though he did not rule out necessary reforms.<br />
Therefore, he could not believe that “Engl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> France would<br />
accept a total disintegration of Austria <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong>se two would ra<strong>the</strong>r an<br />
Austria independent from Germany” (Pekař 1930a, 1930b). 14 For Pekař<br />
this was to become a fixed point of criticism of <strong>the</strong> Hungarian anti-Slavonic<br />
policy oriented towards expansion of <strong>the</strong> Balkans, that resulted in<br />
asymmetric power distributions <strong>and</strong> political tension <strong>and</strong> which, as Pekař<br />
was convinced, had contributed to <strong>the</strong> coming about of World War I <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong>refore were responsible for <strong>the</strong> collapse of Austria-Hungary. 15 The<br />
geo-political problem of Central <strong>Europe</strong>, that of <strong>the</strong> independence of <strong>the</strong><br />
small nations located between Russia <strong>and</strong> Germany, lost its relationship<br />
to questions of Czech national independence but was re-interpreted with<br />
regard to a democratisation of <strong>the</strong> whole of <strong>Europe</strong> – a <strong>Europe</strong> where<br />
<strong>the</strong> voices of <strong>the</strong> small nations would also be heard. This can be found in<br />
Thomas Garigue Masaryk’s works on <strong>the</strong> results of <strong>the</strong> World War I: Neues<br />
Europa (1920) <strong>and</strong> Die Weltrevolution (1925). 16 For Masaryk, Central <strong>Europe</strong><br />
posed a moral ra<strong>the</strong>r than a political question, which was closely related<br />
to his idea of humanity <strong>and</strong> democracy. In <strong>the</strong> 1930s, <strong>the</strong> old nationalist<br />
<strong>and</strong> often anti-Semitic Mitteleurobalast (Kiš 1987: 141) returned in a new<br />
guise. The German-Jewish philosopher, Zionist <strong>and</strong> liberal politician Felix<br />
Weltsch, who worked in Czechoslovakia, wrote a book entitled Das Wagnis<br />
der Mitte in <strong>the</strong> face of <strong>the</strong> threats of German National Socialism to<br />
<strong>the</strong> west <strong>and</strong> Russian Bolshevism to <strong>the</strong> east (Weltsch 1935). He tried to<br />
14 Pekař’s realism is supported by Peroutka (1936: 2259- 2263), who writes about <strong>the</strong><br />
British fears of a stable Central <strong>Europe</strong> during <strong>the</strong> early 20 th century. The fear of great-<br />
Hungarian policies <strong>and</strong> a revival of Habsburg-inspired ambitions survived in Czechoslovakian<br />
politics until <strong>the</strong> 1930s.<br />
15 A counter argument to Pekař can be found in Requiem pour un empire défund. Histoire de<br />
la destruction de l´Autrich-Hongrie (Paris, 1994) by Francois Fejtö, who single-h<strong>and</strong>edly tried<br />
to transfer <strong>the</strong> responsiblity for <strong>the</strong> destruction of Central <strong>Europe</strong> from a Hungarian<br />
position to Czech politics.<br />
16 During World War I Masaryk tried, in an implicit polemic of national-liberal character<br />
inspired by Friedrich Naumann, to unveil his idea of Central <strong>Europe</strong> as a militant desire<br />
towards <strong>the</strong> east aimed at <strong>the</strong> zone of small nations between Germany <strong>and</strong> Russia. These<br />
small nations form Central <strong>Europe</strong> precisely in <strong>the</strong> literal meaning of <strong>the</strong> word according<br />
to Masaryk, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir future can only be guaranteed in a new, radically democratic <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
Central <strong>Europe</strong> can <strong>the</strong>n become what it always has been: a part of Western <strong>Europe</strong>.<br />
The historian, diplomat <strong>and</strong> Czechoslovakian Minister of Foreign Affairs (1936-1938)<br />
Kamil Krofta attempted this in his book Stará a nová střední Evropar.<br />
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298 Miloš Havelka<br />
develop counter arguments to any political extremism, drawing from <strong>the</strong><br />
rich historical experiences of Central <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>and</strong> to firmly root <strong>the</strong>se as<br />
a political attitude.<br />
“When talking about <strong>the</strong> Centre we exceed <strong>the</strong> spatial image. For<br />
us, everything is Centre that is situated between opposites; it could be a<br />
static line, a space, a zone or dynamic middle course, a direction, anything<br />
leading through opposites or combining <strong>the</strong>m, balancing <strong>the</strong>m. It could be<br />
a means to fur<strong>the</strong>r develop <strong>the</strong> whole including <strong>the</strong> opposites. Therefore,<br />
<strong>the</strong> term Centre includes everything usually called a discussion, a solution<br />
or a way out” (Weltsch 1935: 22).<br />
The course <strong>and</strong> results of World War II seemed to prove Czech<br />
fears of small nations losing independence <strong>and</strong> freedom in this geo-politically<br />
exposed space.<br />
The essays, by Beneš’ colleague Hubert Ripka, 17 about a Central-<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an ‘Confederation’ with Pol<strong>and</strong>, reveal that for some time Edvard<br />
Beneš considered political solutions of this type in <strong>the</strong> early days of his<br />
expulsion, before he eventually turned towards a pro-soviet solution.<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r Central-<strong>Europe</strong>an politicians shared <strong>the</strong> idea of a Central-<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an Federation, among <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> Sudeten-German social democrat<br />
Wenzel Jaksch <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Slovakian national-liberal Milan Hodža (1987).<br />
The term Central <strong>Europe</strong> made a ra<strong>the</strong>r quiet break-through in <strong>the</strong><br />
1960s, especially in Czechoslovakia, due to <strong>the</strong> works of <strong>the</strong> Italian Claudio<br />
Magris (2000 [1963]) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> American art historian Carl E. Schorske<br />
(1981), 18 whose family came from nearby Reichenberg/Liberec, <strong>and</strong> later<br />
thanks to <strong>the</strong> cultural historian William M. Johnston (1972).<br />
A similar Central <strong>Europe</strong>an allegience may be found in <strong>the</strong> works of<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rs, such as <strong>the</strong> philosophers Stephen Tulmin <strong>and</strong> Allan Janick (1975),<br />
<strong>and</strong> Brigitte Hamann (1995).<br />
In contrast to <strong>the</strong> older concept of a politically <strong>and</strong> economically<br />
diverse Central <strong>Europe</strong> subjected to external constraints, <strong>the</strong>y stressed <strong>the</strong><br />
17 He published his thoughts toge<strong>the</strong>r with Hubert Ripka’s political ideas about Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an co-operation (1943 <strong>and</strong> 1944).<br />
18 Most of <strong>the</strong> essays had been written in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s <strong>and</strong> published in different<br />
American journals.<br />
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supposedly natural cultural unity <strong>and</strong> intellectual productivity of a selfconscious<br />
community. 19<br />
The Czech philosopher Karel Kosík, one of <strong>the</strong> first essayists writing<br />
on Central <strong>Europe</strong>, made <strong>the</strong> same attempt in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s. He<br />
wrote about a possible meeting between Kafka’s Josef K. <strong>and</strong> Jaroslav<br />
Hašek’s Josef Schwejk in Prague’s famed Nerudova Street, as a symbol of<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing for <strong>the</strong> Czech-German-Jewish living in Central <strong>Europe</strong>. 20<br />
This motif repeatedly re-occurred during <strong>the</strong> 1980s in Czechoslovakia.The<br />
problem of Central <strong>Europe</strong> had a major comeback during <strong>the</strong><br />
Prague Spring, especially after <strong>the</strong> Russian occupation in 1968.<br />
The historically developed cultural, social <strong>and</strong> political singularity<br />
of Central <strong>Europe</strong> was to serve as an argument against <strong>the</strong> false universality<br />
of Russian Bolshevism, <strong>and</strong> was to legitimize <strong>the</strong> Central <strong>Europe</strong>an right<br />
to an individual way towards Socialism that was meant be different from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Russian.<br />
In 1970s Czechoslovakia, alongside <strong>the</strong> liberal-emancipated ideas of<br />
Central <strong>Europe</strong>, as proposed by Karel Kosík <strong>and</strong> later by Milan Kundera,<br />
a traditional-conservative idea of Central <strong>Europe</strong> also emerged, which was<br />
used by <strong>the</strong> younger generation to rid itself of <strong>the</strong> illusions of Socialism.<br />
There <strong>the</strong> cultural <strong>and</strong> political independence of <strong>the</strong> so-called k.u.k.<br />
[i.e., kaiserlich und königlich, or Imperial <strong>and</strong> Royal] Monarchy was unilaterally<br />
stressed, <strong>the</strong>ir own Czech political <strong>and</strong> cultural traditions from pre-war<br />
times were emphasized, 21 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Czech development since <strong>the</strong> time of<br />
19 See <strong>the</strong> previously quoted books by György Konrad. The first wave of interest in<br />
Central <strong>Europe</strong>, which in my opinion was underrated during discussions in <strong>the</strong> 1980s,<br />
demonstrates that <strong>the</strong> uniqueness of this cultural <strong>and</strong> historical realm had been appreciated<br />
earlier in <strong>the</strong> USA.<br />
20 Kosík’s question in 1963 was: Can <strong>the</strong>se two stereotypical persons, Josef K. und Josef<br />
Schwejk, recognize each o<strong>the</strong>r when meeting for <strong>the</strong> first time? Can <strong>the</strong>y communicate<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir fates? What connections are <strong>the</strong>re between <strong>the</strong>se two? Kosík’s affirmative answer<br />
to <strong>the</strong>se questions is rooted in <strong>the</strong> idea of a general human determination which <strong>the</strong> two<br />
embody <strong>and</strong> which reveals <strong>the</strong> alienated reality of <strong>the</strong>ir time. Despite <strong>the</strong>ir apparent differences,<br />
<strong>the</strong> two protagonists live in a derailed world, in a time of crisis, as recognized by<br />
<strong>the</strong> Vienna-based poets <strong>and</strong> writers such as Karl Kraus <strong>and</strong> Hermann Broch. However<br />
one can find ano<strong>the</strong>r motif in <strong>the</strong> work of Karel Kosík. Central <strong>Europe</strong> is a region with<br />
its own distinct fate <strong>and</strong> cultural heritage which results in different mentalities. Therefore<br />
<strong>the</strong> Central <strong>Europe</strong>an people should have <strong>the</strong> right to build a socialist society independently<br />
from <strong>the</strong> USSR. Using this argument, Karel Kosík tried to defend Czech reformed<br />
Socialism in 1968.<br />
21 For example, writers such as Emanuel M<strong>and</strong>ler, Rudolf Kučera, Bohumír Doležal,<br />
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300 Miloš Havelka<br />
<strong>the</strong> so-called national rejuvenation was recognized once more. 22<br />
The cultural <strong>and</strong> political independence of Central <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
distinct nature of Czech traditions were stressed (especially by J. Pekař), in<br />
contrast to <strong>the</strong> interwar period.<br />
The idea of a shared transnational Central <strong>Europe</strong>an life experience,<br />
which was extracted from works in English on <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong><br />
Habsburg Monarchy <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Central <strong>Europe</strong>an realm, was as important<br />
as this. 23<br />
For example, in <strong>the</strong> mid-1990s, <strong>the</strong> aforementioned Czech anthropologist<br />
Ernst Gellner attempted to use <strong>the</strong> so-called indirect rules of k.u.k.<br />
National Policy as a pattern to solve contemporary national conflicts in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Balkans (Gellner 1995).<br />
From <strong>the</strong> early 1980s <strong>the</strong> problem of Central <strong>Europe</strong> was revisited<br />
due to <strong>the</strong> extensive work of Milan Kundera. Kundera defended that <strong>the</strong><br />
original <strong>Europe</strong>an values that had been lost in <strong>the</strong> West (ei<strong>the</strong>r because<br />
of <strong>the</strong> capitalist lifestyle or because of <strong>the</strong> attempts to communicate with<br />
<strong>the</strong> Soviet Union) <strong>and</strong> had only survived in <strong>the</strong> culture of Central <strong>Europe</strong><br />
under Soviet rule – which <strong>the</strong> West should have been ashamed of.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> international discussion that followed, a number of Central<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>ans appeared, among <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> aforementioned Arpad Gönz <strong>and</strong><br />
especially Gyorgy Konrad.<br />
In his books Antipolitik. Mitteleuropäische Meditationen <strong>and</strong> Stimmungsbericht.<br />
(Konrad 1985; 1987) Konrad defines Central <strong>Europe</strong> as a way of<br />
life ra<strong>the</strong>r than a region.<br />
poets such as Zbyněk Hejda, <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs who mainly published in <strong>the</strong> Zamisdat journal<br />
Střední Evropa which was founded in 1979.<br />
22 The essays by Jan Patočka played an indirect yet important role in <strong>the</strong> unoffi unofficial unoffi cial disdiscussions about this topic during <strong>the</strong> early 1970s. He focussed once more upon <strong>the</strong> transethnic<br />
concept of a national patriotism dating back to <strong>the</strong> first third of <strong>the</strong> 19th century.<br />
See Patočka 1969a: 457-472; Dilema v našem národním programu – Jungmann a Bolzano (87-<br />
105); Náš národní program a dnešek (Patočka 1969b: 143-151); Pokus o českou národní filosofii<br />
a jeho nezdar (Patočka 1991: 21-53); Podiven 1991. A number of ideological <strong>and</strong> political<br />
prejudices were <strong>the</strong> centre of attention, especially <strong>the</strong> national rebirth in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth<br />
century. This <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> question of Central <strong>Europe</strong>an co-operation was put into context.<br />
With regard to this Zamisdat mainly discussed Czech nationalism, concepts of <strong>the</strong> enemy<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem of displacement.<br />
23 See Sked 1989; Taylor 1949.<br />
<strong>Peripheral</strong> <strong>Identities</strong> versão final v5.indd 300 31-01-2012 17:24:33
Konrad attempts to set out a model of Central <strong>Europe</strong>an intellectual<br />
rules of behaviour based upon specific historical Central <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
experiences.<br />
This model was meant to be independent, especially with regard to<br />
<strong>the</strong> ruling socialist system, <strong>and</strong> intended to overcome any barriers it had<br />
created. His model shared some ideas with <strong>the</strong> concept of unpolitical politics<br />
as <strong>the</strong>oretically developed by Václav Havel <strong>and</strong> put to practical use by <strong>the</strong><br />
author Ludvík Vaculík.<br />
Conclusion<br />
All <strong>the</strong> different Central <strong>Europe</strong>an twentieth century mental maps –<br />
be it <strong>the</strong> Polish historical Intermarium, <strong>the</strong> Hungarian political Carparthians,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Czech geo-politically threatened strip of small states between Russia <strong>and</strong><br />
Germany or <strong>the</strong> culturally productive Austrian k.u.k. Monarchy – had one<br />
thing in common before 1989: <strong>the</strong> longing to free Central <strong>Europe</strong> politically<br />
from a rule that was characterised by borders, walls <strong>and</strong> one-way<br />
train stations, <strong>and</strong> to connect it with <strong>the</strong> west <strong>and</strong> eventually <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Union when this became possible after 1989.<br />
Maybe this is <strong>the</strong> reason why Milan Kundera’s construction of <strong>the</strong><br />
Rape of <strong>Europe</strong> during his lifetime has received so much attention <strong>and</strong><br />
has managed to survive, in modified form, <strong>the</strong> year 1989, as it points to<br />
an original unity.<br />
Yet <strong>the</strong>reafter, <strong>the</strong> term Central <strong>Europe</strong> became <strong>the</strong> name of a historical<br />
region, an idealised research perspective, a transnational context<br />
<strong>and</strong> a comparison of historically individual cultural, political <strong>and</strong> social<br />
structures.<br />
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<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>Identities</strong> between <strong>the</strong> Colonial<br />
Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present<br />
Introduction<br />
Teresa Pinheiro<br />
(Chemnitz University of Technology)<br />
An event moved <strong>the</strong> world in <strong>the</strong> 1980s. Apparently without reason,<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Peninsula came loose from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Mainl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> drifted<br />
like a raft with no bearings into <strong>the</strong> Atlantic Ocean.<br />
This is how <strong>the</strong> Portuguese author <strong>and</strong> Nobel-Prize-Winner-for-Literature,<br />
José Saramago tells it in his novel A Jangada de Pedra (The Stone Raft,<br />
Saramago 1986, 1995). Saramago pushes this idea still fur<strong>the</strong>r: at one point<br />
<strong>the</strong> Peninsula reached <strong>the</strong> Line of Tordesillas, along which Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
Spain had divided <strong>the</strong> world between <strong>the</strong>mselves in <strong>the</strong> sixteenth century.<br />
While <strong>the</strong> Peninsula hovers on <strong>the</strong> Line of Tordesillas – in this instance a<br />
mirror-image of self-observation – Saramago makes its inhabitants question<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own identity. To whom do Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain belong, if <strong>the</strong>y<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves have now become <strong>the</strong> object of <strong>the</strong> Treaty of Tordesillas? And<br />
fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, do both countries still belong to <strong>Europe</strong> if <strong>the</strong>y have been<br />
separated from <strong>the</strong> old continent? If not, <strong>the</strong>n where do <strong>the</strong>y belong?<br />
In this novel, Saramago develops an instructive allegory for <strong>the</strong> situation<br />
of both countries at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. The novel<br />
dates back to 1986. In <strong>the</strong> same year both countries joined <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
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306 Teresa Pinheiro<br />
Union <strong>and</strong> had to reflect upon <strong>the</strong>ir own identity, between a colonial past<br />
<strong>and</strong> a <strong>Europe</strong>an present. When <strong>the</strong> great discoveries were celebrated on<br />
<strong>the</strong> occasion of <strong>the</strong>ir 500 th anniversaries in <strong>the</strong> 1990s, <strong>the</strong>se reflections<br />
were put to <strong>the</strong> test. The l<strong>and</strong>ing of Christopher Columbus on <strong>the</strong> Antilles,<br />
<strong>and</strong> that of Vasco da Gama in India, provided cause for national<br />
celebration <strong>and</strong> pride throughout <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century. Recently, however,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> era of postcolonialism <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an integration, Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
Spain were challenged to consider <strong>the</strong>ir history.<br />
I would like to pose <strong>and</strong> pursue <strong>the</strong> question of how a national<br />
identity was constructed in <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Spanish official discourses<br />
at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. Toge<strong>the</strong>r with Stuart Hall (Hall 1996)<br />
<strong>and</strong> Benedict Anderson (Anderson 1983), I consider <strong>the</strong> concept of nationality<br />
to be <strong>the</strong> social construction of a collective identity; in doing so,<br />
I distance myself from an ontological definition of nation <strong>and</strong> instead<br />
regard it as a question of identity. I will concentrate upon <strong>the</strong> official discourse:<br />
<strong>the</strong> observations <strong>and</strong> forms of self-description that emanate from<br />
state institutions <strong>and</strong> are presented to <strong>the</strong> public. As a forum for <strong>the</strong> official<br />
construction of a national identity, <strong>the</strong> anniversary celebrations that<br />
took place in 1992 in Spain <strong>and</strong> in 1998 in Portugal, in commemoration of<br />
<strong>the</strong> voyages of discovery, are an especially appropriate case study for <strong>the</strong><br />
issue at h<strong>and</strong>. By regarding pictures, buildings or public events as cultural<br />
artefacts, I will attempt to underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> clarify <strong>the</strong> social <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
practices that are intrinsic to <strong>the</strong>m. In this way, we will observe how national<br />
identity in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain is constructed in relation to <strong>Europe</strong>,<br />
to <strong>the</strong>ir historical past <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong>ir respective <strong>Iberia</strong>n neighbour.<br />
The Colonial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> during <strong>the</strong> dictatorships<br />
The twentieth century histories of Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain show striking<br />
parallels, which encourage a comparative social <strong>and</strong> cultural analysis. In<br />
both countries, right-wing dictatorships ruled: in Portugal <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo<br />
(‘New State’) from 1932 until <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution in <strong>the</strong> year 1974,<br />
<strong>and</strong> in Spain, <strong>the</strong> dictatorship of Francisco Franco from <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong><br />
Civil War in 1939 until Franco’s death in 1975.<br />
In both countries, <strong>the</strong> colonial past was one of <strong>the</strong> main pillars of<br />
national identity. For example, Spanish historiography of <strong>the</strong> 1940s exalted<br />
Columbus’ discovery of America <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> building of <strong>the</strong> colonial<br />
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<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>Identities</strong> between <strong>the</strong> Colonial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present 307<br />
empire by creating <strong>the</strong> Consejo de Hispanidad (‘Council for Hispanity’) in<br />
1940. The Council was founded with <strong>the</strong> aim of promoting <strong>the</strong> Spanish<br />
cultural presence in <strong>the</strong> Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America (Jover<br />
/ Gómez-Ferrer, 2001: 727-728).<br />
In common with Spain, <strong>the</strong> colonial past in Portugal was also inscribed<br />
upon a nationalist representation of collective identity. But due to<br />
<strong>the</strong> fact that Portugal still possessed considerable colonies in Africa, here<br />
<strong>the</strong> representation of <strong>the</strong> colonial past had an overtly legitimising aim. The<br />
colonies were part of a political conception of Portugal as a wide empire<br />
consisting of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an main l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> colonies in Africa, Asia <strong>and</strong><br />
Oceania. If economically <strong>the</strong> colonial empire was intended to be autocratic,<br />
politically <strong>the</strong> regime was steadily confronted with opposition. Up to<br />
<strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> Second World War, <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo had to deal with<br />
<strong>the</strong> increasing concurrence of o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Europe</strong>an colonial powers in Africa<br />
(Léonard 2000: 23-24). After <strong>the</strong> War, it was <strong>the</strong> context of decolonisation<br />
that provoked <strong>the</strong> necessity for legitimising colonial possessions. Until <strong>the</strong><br />
end of <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo Portugal was <strong>the</strong>n confronted with pressures both<br />
from <strong>the</strong> international community <strong>and</strong> from <strong>the</strong> colonies <strong>the</strong>mselves, culminating<br />
in <strong>the</strong> long lasting colonial war from 1961 to 1974. In <strong>the</strong> context<br />
of this political situation, spreading a national identity, based upon <strong>the</strong> old<br />
traditions of colonial possession, among Portuguese citizens but also <strong>the</strong><br />
international community, was of huge relevance. In 1940 – <strong>the</strong> same year<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Council of Hispanity was founded in Spain – <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo<br />
organized one of <strong>the</strong> most impressive celebrations of national identity.<br />
Eight hundred years after <strong>the</strong> proclamation of Afonso Henriques as <strong>the</strong><br />
first king of Portugal <strong>and</strong> three hundred years after <strong>the</strong> recovery of <strong>the</strong><br />
independence, having been under <strong>the</strong> rule of <strong>the</strong> Spanish monarchy for<br />
40 years, <strong>the</strong> exhibition O Mundo Português (‘The Portuguese World’) took<br />
place off <strong>the</strong> shores of Lisbon, in Belém. The exhibition presented Portugal<br />
as an intrinsically colonial country, <strong>the</strong> colonies being an inseparable<br />
part of <strong>the</strong> Empire as a whole (Léonard 2000: 10f).<br />
It should not be regarded as a coincidence that Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain<br />
promoted <strong>the</strong> colonial past as an important element of national identity at<br />
a time when <strong>Europe</strong> was involved in <strong>the</strong> Second World War, for <strong>the</strong> ab<strong>and</strong>onment<br />
of <strong>Europe</strong> was common to <strong>the</strong> policies of both dictatorships.<br />
Both Franco <strong>and</strong> Salazar emphasized <strong>the</strong>ir political, military <strong>and</strong><br />
economic independence from <strong>Europe</strong>, which as we know today eventu-<br />
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308 Teresa Pinheiro<br />
ally resulted in a long <strong>and</strong> highly political isolation that was only overcome<br />
with <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong>ir regimes.<br />
Despite profiting from <strong>the</strong> war economically, politically Portugal<br />
<strong>and</strong> Spain stressed <strong>the</strong> distance from <strong>Europe</strong> by means of a policy of<br />
non-intervention.<br />
With <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> fascist regimes in <strong>Europe</strong> after <strong>the</strong> war, <strong>the</strong><br />
necessity for legitimising both dictatorships increased.<br />
The myth of a unique – genuine – traditional <strong>Iberia</strong>n culture was to<br />
be used for political ends. Both Catholicism <strong>and</strong> colonial predestination<br />
were used to explain <strong>the</strong> special political path that both states followed<br />
(Bernecker 2004: 460f).<br />
This political renunciation of <strong>Europe</strong> was accompanied by a cultural<br />
renunciation as well.<br />
The slogan España es diferente (‘Spain is different’), developed by <strong>the</strong><br />
Spanish Ministry for Information <strong>and</strong> Tourism in <strong>the</strong> 1960s, was supposed<br />
to make <strong>the</strong> country attractive to potential tourists from faraway <strong>Europe</strong>;<br />
however, it was at <strong>the</strong> same time a programmatic variation of Franco’s<br />
motto: España, una, gr<strong>and</strong>e, libre (‘Spain, united, great, free’), for this slogan<br />
attempted to make clear <strong>the</strong> cultural independence of Spain from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
tradition (Bernecker 2004: 460).<br />
Salazar’s <strong>Europe</strong>an politics was similar to that of Franco’s, if not<br />
even more daring. Salazar had a map printed, which depicted <strong>Europe</strong> from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Atlantic to <strong>the</strong> Urals <strong>and</strong> was entitled Portugal não é um país pequeno<br />
(‘Portugal is not a small country’).<br />
On this map he placed <strong>the</strong> Portuguese overseas colonies, which toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
formed an area almost as large as <strong>Europe</strong> (Léonard 2000: 23).<br />
Portugal, according to <strong>the</strong> message of this map, does not need <strong>Europe</strong>:<br />
it is a sovereign overseas empire <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>s, according to <strong>the</strong> contemporary<br />
motto, orgulhosamente só (‘proudly alone’).<br />
The ‘Discovery’ of <strong>Europe</strong><br />
The end of <strong>the</strong> dictatorships brought a new sense of orientation<br />
<strong>and</strong>, in making <strong>the</strong>ir application for EU membership in 1977, both countries<br />
declared <strong>the</strong>mselves in favour of <strong>the</strong> integration of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Community.<br />
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<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>Identities</strong> between <strong>the</strong> colonial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present 309<br />
In spite of certain considerations, above all against <strong>the</strong> Common<br />
Agricultural Policy, both <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Spanish parliaments<br />
voted for accession into <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Economic Community by a large<br />
majority.<br />
Both countries had great expectations from <strong>Europe</strong>an integration.<br />
First <strong>and</strong> foremost <strong>the</strong>y hoped for a major economic upswing, which was<br />
supposed to help <strong>the</strong>m recover from <strong>the</strong>ir backwardness.<br />
They also hoped for <strong>the</strong> stabilisation of <strong>the</strong>ir still young democracies<br />
by an affiliation with <strong>Europe</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong>y carried out a decisive<br />
reversal of <strong>the</strong> isolationist policies of Franco <strong>and</strong> Salazar.<br />
However, to move towards a federal community <strong>and</strong> to see <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
as part of a supra-national federation called <strong>Europe</strong>, brings many<br />
prerequisites along with it.<br />
One prerequisite is that <strong>the</strong> concept of <strong>the</strong> nation must share its<br />
identity establishing function with <strong>the</strong> concept of a supra-national structure.<br />
It also requires <strong>the</strong> basic values by which <strong>Europe</strong> is defined to be<br />
shared by all.<br />
To <strong>the</strong>se basic values belong <strong>the</strong> concept of democracy as a political<br />
principle, <strong>the</strong> recognition of basic human rights <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rejection of any<br />
form of domination of o<strong>the</strong>r peoples.<br />
Therefore <strong>the</strong> question may be posed: under ‘<strong>Europe</strong>an conditions’<br />
what function can this colonial past fulfil for <strong>the</strong> construction of a national<br />
identity? I intend to address this question more closely in <strong>the</strong> next<br />
section.<br />
Colonial Memory<br />
During <strong>the</strong> ceremonies in which <strong>the</strong> treaties of accession were<br />
signed in Madrid <strong>and</strong> Lisbon in June 1985, both <strong>the</strong> Spanish <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
representatives stressed <strong>the</strong> meaning of <strong>the</strong> accession, symbolising<br />
that both countries had left behind <strong>the</strong> long lasting period of isolation<br />
<strong>and</strong> disrespect for democratic values.<br />
In contrast to <strong>the</strong> ideology of <strong>the</strong> dictatorships, <strong>the</strong>y attached <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Europe</strong>an tradition to <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> two cultures.<br />
In his speech during <strong>the</strong> signing of <strong>the</strong> treaty of access in Madrid,<br />
Juan Carlos I insisted upon <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an identity of Spain when he stated:<br />
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310 Teresa Pinheiro<br />
“Spain is most honoured to welcome you as <strong>the</strong> most illustrious dignataries<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Communities <strong>and</strong> of <strong>the</strong> nations of which <strong>the</strong>y<br />
consist. You represent what <strong>the</strong> Spanish people underst<strong>and</strong> by <strong>Europe</strong>:<br />
<strong>the</strong> principles of liberty, equality, pluralism <strong>and</strong> justice, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>se are also<br />
<strong>the</strong> principles that rule <strong>the</strong> Spanish constitution […].<br />
If your countries are part of <strong>Europe</strong>, Spain is part of it in <strong>the</strong> same<br />
way too. Spain is <strong>Europe</strong>an by means of its culture <strong>and</strong> of its centuries old<br />
will […]. Spain […], a country that was found as a nation on <strong>the</strong> basis of a<br />
venture named America, never wanted to stop being <strong>Europe</strong>.” 1<br />
The speech of <strong>the</strong> Spanish king <strong>the</strong>refore intends to reaffirm that<br />
Spain identifies itself with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an values of democracy, leaving behind<br />
its dictatorial past; but above that, it tries to equate <strong>the</strong> colonial past,<br />
as one of <strong>the</strong> most important elements of national identity, with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
present. As he insisted in this speech:<br />
“[…] to lay stress upon <strong>the</strong> affinity between <strong>the</strong> Spanish speaking<br />
people <strong>and</strong> to promote <strong>the</strong> friendship with <strong>the</strong> Arab <strong>and</strong> African world<br />
does not diminish Spain’s <strong>Europe</strong>an nature: it is ra<strong>the</strong>r a creative manifestation<br />
of it”. 2<br />
This new <strong>Europe</strong>an identity of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n newcomers was put to<br />
<strong>the</strong> test by <strong>the</strong> 500 th anniversary of Colombus’ l<strong>and</strong>ing in America <strong>and</strong><br />
of da Gama’s first sea voyage to India. An analysis of how Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
Spain presented <strong>the</strong>mselves during <strong>the</strong> commemorations provides us with<br />
an important key to underst<strong>and</strong>ing whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong> official discourses<br />
reconciled <strong>the</strong>ir colonial past with contemporary <strong>Europe</strong>an integration.<br />
1 Original: “España se honra en recibir a los más ilustres dignatarios de las Comunidades<br />
<strong>Europe</strong>as y de las naciones que las integran. Encarnáis lo que el pueblo español entiende<br />
por Europa: los principios de libertad, igualdad, pluralismo y justicia, que también presiden<br />
la Constitución española [...]. Si vuestros países son Europa, España lo es también<br />
por su cultura y por voluntad secular [...]. España [...], este país que asentó su condición<br />
de nación en una empresa transeuropea llamada América, nunca quiso dejar de ser Europa”<br />
(El País 1985), my translation.<br />
2 [...] al poner de manifesto constantemente sus vínculos con los pueblos de habla hispánica,<br />
al fomentar la amistad con el mundo árabe y africano, no disminuye su europeidad,<br />
sino que la manifesta creadoramente (El País 1985), my translation.<br />
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<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>Identities</strong> between <strong>the</strong> colonial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present 311<br />
Spain began <strong>the</strong> preparations for <strong>the</strong> ceremonies in <strong>the</strong> same year<br />
that <strong>the</strong> treaty of accession was signed.<br />
In 1985, <strong>the</strong> Comisión Nacional para la Celebración del Quinto Centenario<br />
del Descubrimiento de América (‘National Commission for <strong>the</strong> Celebration of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Fifth Centenary of <strong>the</strong> Discovery of America’) was founded under<br />
<strong>the</strong> high patronage of King Carlos I. By 1992, Spain had been a member<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Community for six years <strong>and</strong> was at <strong>the</strong> zenith of an<br />
economic boom <strong>and</strong> pro-<strong>Europe</strong>an optimism.<br />
It was <strong>the</strong>refore logical for Spanish officials to use three events with<br />
an international resonance to celebrate <strong>and</strong> make internationally visible<br />
<strong>the</strong> acquis communautaire.<br />
The Olympic Games in Barcelona, <strong>the</strong> World Exhibition in Seville,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> establishment of Madrid as <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Capital of Culture,<br />
all provided <strong>the</strong> opportunity to demonstrate that Spain had successfully<br />
achieved <strong>Europe</strong>an cultural status <strong>and</strong> modernity.<br />
The Olympic Games were hosted with great technical competence<br />
<strong>and</strong> a high-speed rail-track between Madrid <strong>and</strong> Seville was specially<br />
opened for <strong>the</strong> World Exhibition.<br />
Major highways were built, <strong>and</strong> even <strong>the</strong> very first Spanish satellite,<br />
<strong>the</strong> Hispasat, was sent into outer space.<br />
The public was supposed to be amazed <strong>and</strong> to recognize a momentous<br />
development: Spain has been successful in making <strong>the</strong> transition<br />
from España profunda to España europea (Seidel / König 2002: 103ff.).<br />
However, in <strong>the</strong> year 1992, Spain portrayed itself not only as a modern<br />
country but also as a former nation of discoveries; 1992 was <strong>the</strong> anniversary<br />
celebration of <strong>the</strong> arrival of Christopher Columbus in America.<br />
Indeed, Seville had been selected quite consciously as <strong>the</strong> site for <strong>the</strong> World<br />
Exhibition. The city reminded visitors of <strong>the</strong> age of <strong>the</strong> great discoveries<br />
<strong>and</strong> conquests.<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> discovery of America, <strong>the</strong> city had possessed a monopoly<br />
on overseas trade; here was located <strong>the</strong> Casa de Contratación, <strong>the</strong> seat of <strong>the</strong><br />
East Indian Council, which was responsible for <strong>the</strong> administration of all<br />
Spanish colonies.<br />
Luis Yáñez, <strong>the</strong> director of <strong>the</strong> National Commission for <strong>the</strong> Ceremonies<br />
of <strong>the</strong> 500 th Anniversary of <strong>the</strong> discovery of America, summarises<br />
<strong>the</strong> official view as follows:<br />
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312 Teresa Pinheiro<br />
“Without doubt, we have to be proud of <strong>the</strong> fact that our ancestors<br />
were <strong>the</strong> protagonists of this event, <strong>the</strong> discovery of America, which was<br />
so decisive for <strong>the</strong> history of humanity”. 3<br />
He stood firm in <strong>the</strong> face of anti-colonial criticism, which emerged<br />
from abroad especially. These critical voices maintained that <strong>the</strong> discoveries<br />
of America were but <strong>the</strong> preliminary stage of a centuries long colonial<br />
domination, <strong>the</strong> destructive consequences of which can be observed in<br />
present day Latin America. Not a word on this topic was uttered at <strong>the</strong> anniversary<br />
ceremonies. Instead <strong>the</strong> Bank of Spain issued a commemorative<br />
edition of 1,000 Pesetas bill, on which <strong>the</strong> image of Hernán Cortés was<br />
depicted – Hernán Cortés was responsible for <strong>the</strong> wiping out of a large<br />
part of <strong>the</strong> Aztec culture (Seidel / König 2002: 80).<br />
In <strong>the</strong> same year, 1992, Portugal was also able to present itself to <strong>the</strong><br />
outside world in a special manner. That year, Portugal held <strong>the</strong> presidency<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union, which meant that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Commission<br />
convened in Lisbon for six months.<br />
A conference palace was built especially for this occasion: <strong>the</strong> Cultural<br />
Centre of Belém in Lisbon, a highly modern building, with which<br />
Portugal presented itself as a modern, <strong>Europe</strong> oriented state.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> centre, was erected not just anywhere in Lisbon, as<br />
was <strong>the</strong> case for Expo ’92, which was not just built anywhere in Spain.<br />
The Cultural Centre was erected in <strong>the</strong> historically rich district of<br />
Belém. It was from <strong>the</strong>re that <strong>the</strong> fleets to India <strong>and</strong> Brazil set sail in <strong>the</strong><br />
fifteenth <strong>and</strong> sixteenth centuries.<br />
The architectural highpoints of <strong>the</strong> age of discoveries are still located<br />
<strong>the</strong>re today. And in <strong>the</strong> year 1940, Salazar had already sponsored <strong>the</strong><br />
colonial exhibition O mundo português <strong>the</strong>re, <strong>the</strong> remains of which can still<br />
be seen today. One cannot enter <strong>the</strong> Cultural Centre without filing past<br />
monuments to colonial expansion.<br />
When <strong>the</strong> time finally came, in 1998, to celebrate <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
discoveries, a World Exhibition also took place in Portugal.<br />
3 Original: “Sin lugar a dudas debemos sentirnos orgullosos porque nuestros antepasados<br />
fueran los protagonistas de este acontecimiento [el descubrimiento de América] tan decisivo<br />
para la historia de la humanidad.” (Yáñez, “Prólogo” in: América siglos XVIII-XX.<br />
III Simposio sobre el V Centenario del Descubrimiento de América. Madrid (1989-90: 14), quoted<br />
in: Bernecker / López de Abiada / Siebenmann 1996: 16 .<br />
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By means of <strong>the</strong> selected title <strong>the</strong>me ‘Oceans’, Portugal was able<br />
to portray itself worldwide as a nation of discoveries. Exactly 500 years<br />
previously, Vasco da Gama had discovered <strong>the</strong> sea route to India. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<br />
<strong>the</strong> modern shopping centre built on <strong>the</strong> grounds of <strong>the</strong> Expo<br />
was named after Vasco da Gama, as was <strong>the</strong> bridge over <strong>the</strong> Tagus that<br />
was erected on <strong>the</strong> occasion of <strong>the</strong> Expo, a maginificent achievement of<br />
urbanism.<br />
Like Spain, official Portugal represented itself as a modern state <strong>and</strong><br />
in <strong>the</strong> same breath as a former nation of discovery.<br />
Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain: Distance or Neighbourhood?<br />
At <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> 20 th century, Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain portrayed <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
officially as modern <strong>Europe</strong>an states.<br />
However, at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong>y kept alive <strong>the</strong> memory of <strong>the</strong>ir imperial<br />
past as a constituent element of <strong>the</strong>ir national identity.<br />
Now ano<strong>the</strong>r question suggests itself. On <strong>the</strong>ir way towards <strong>Europe</strong>,<br />
how did <strong>the</strong> two neighbouring countries relate to one ano<strong>the</strong>r? Did<br />
<strong>the</strong>y st<strong>and</strong> united as two newcomers to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an family? Or, on <strong>the</strong><br />
contrary, did <strong>the</strong> need to maintain <strong>the</strong>ir own individual national identities<br />
by means of differentiation from <strong>the</strong>ir neighbour, grow with <strong>the</strong> attempt<br />
at <strong>Europe</strong>an integration? The answer is differentiation – but by no means<br />
symmetrical.<br />
Portugal appears to have played no special role in <strong>the</strong> construction<br />
of a Spanish national identity. For example, in <strong>the</strong> year 2000 Juan Pablo<br />
Fusi published a study about <strong>the</strong> development of a Spanish national identity<br />
(Fusi 2000).<br />
The relationships to France, Italy, Great Britain, Holl<strong>and</strong>, Germany<br />
<strong>and</strong>, even, Russia appear to be important to him in this respect; in contrast,<br />
any mention of Portugal is ra<strong>the</strong>r sporadic.<br />
In Portugal, <strong>the</strong> situation is different. The century old influence of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Castilian language <strong>and</strong> culture is acknowleged (Vásquez Cuesta 1981,<br />
Buescu 2000: 51) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> tradition of anti-Castillianism in Portugal always<br />
accompanied this cultural relationship (Dias 2005: 23).<br />
The deep wound to its national consciousness dates back to <strong>the</strong><br />
period 1580 to 1640.<br />
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314 Teresa Pinheiro<br />
At that time, <strong>the</strong> Castilian reigns of Philip II to Philip IV united<br />
<strong>the</strong> two thrones under Spanish primacy, <strong>and</strong> Portugal was deprived of its<br />
sovereignty for 60 years.<br />
After Portugal had regained its autonomy in 1640, such dominance<br />
was never repeated again.<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, to <strong>the</strong> present day <strong>the</strong> relationship with Spain still<br />
plays an important role in <strong>the</strong> construction of a national identity in official<br />
discourse. A brief glance at official Portuguese pronouncements of<br />
collective memory will demonstrate this fact.<br />
The War of Restoration (1640-1668) is remembered by <strong>the</strong> Monument<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Independence, situated in one of <strong>the</strong> central squares of Lisbon;<br />
<strong>the</strong> first day of <strong>the</strong> war – <strong>the</strong> first of December – still is celebrated<br />
as a bank holiday. Ano<strong>the</strong>r event in <strong>the</strong> history of Portugal that has been<br />
interpreted as a symbol of Portuguese tenacity against <strong>the</strong> Spanish hegemony,<br />
is <strong>the</strong> Battle of Aljubarrota, a decisive episode in <strong>the</strong> war of succession<br />
between <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Spanish pretendants to <strong>the</strong> throne<br />
of Portugal following <strong>the</strong> death of King Fern<strong>and</strong>o of Portugal.<br />
The Portuguese victory avoided <strong>the</strong> loss of its independence. In<br />
2002, <strong>the</strong> Fundação Batalha de Aljubarrota (‘Foundation Battle of Aljubarrota’)<br />
was founded with <strong>the</strong> aim of creating a centre of interpretation on<br />
<strong>the</strong> field of <strong>the</strong> battle.<br />
The main aim is to keep memories alive of <strong>the</strong> wars against Spain.<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> iniciators of <strong>the</strong> centre:<br />
“When analysing <strong>the</strong> history of Portugal, <strong>the</strong> battles held during <strong>the</strong><br />
War of Independence (1383-1432) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> War of <strong>the</strong> Restoration (1640-<br />
1668) were particularly important in <strong>the</strong> constitution <strong>and</strong> consolidation of<br />
Portugal” (Fundação Batalha de Aljubarrota 2008).<br />
Therefore, according to <strong>the</strong> foundation, <strong>the</strong> Centre of Interpretation<br />
seeks to transmit:<br />
“[...] <strong>the</strong> importance of what happened at <strong>the</strong>se historical locations<br />
to both present <strong>and</strong> future generations, namely <strong>the</strong> values related to efficiency,<br />
determination <strong>and</strong> courage that define <strong>the</strong> actions of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
<strong>and</strong> explaining, to both <strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>and</strong> foreign public, <strong>the</strong><br />
importance that <strong>the</strong> development <strong>and</strong> result of <strong>the</strong>se battles had in <strong>the</strong><br />
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constitution of <strong>the</strong> national identity of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people” (Fundação<br />
Batalha de Aljubarrota 2008).<br />
Therefore, conflicts with Spain still play an important role in <strong>the</strong><br />
representation of national identity in Portugal. An episode from <strong>the</strong> Lisbon<br />
World Exhibition ‘98 also illustrates this point. The cheerful mood<br />
which had prevailed during <strong>the</strong> preparations for Expo ‘98 was suddenly<br />
overshadowed by a diplomatic incident. Before <strong>the</strong> exhibition was opened,<br />
an apparently harmless object annoyed <strong>the</strong> organisers <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> public,<br />
namely a picture presented as an official gift by <strong>the</strong> Spanish delegation<br />
to <strong>the</strong> Portuguese organisers of <strong>the</strong> Expo ‘98. The gift proved to be poisoned,<br />
for <strong>the</strong> etching portrayed <strong>the</strong> arrival of Philip II in Lisbon in <strong>the</strong><br />
year 1580, on <strong>the</strong> occasion of <strong>the</strong> assumption of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese crown.<br />
A deep wound to Portuguese sensitivity was reopened, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reaction<br />
did not take long to emerge. A group of intellectuals directed a letter of<br />
protest to <strong>the</strong> Prime Minister <strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> exclusion of Spain from<br />
<strong>the</strong> Expo; <strong>the</strong> organisers of <strong>the</strong> Expo considered this gift to be a sign of<br />
a “downright siege of <strong>the</strong> city of Lisbon” (Expresso 1997).<br />
Conclusion<br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n <strong>Identities</strong> between <strong>the</strong> colonial Past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Present 315<br />
The analysis of <strong>the</strong> official discourses on national identity allows<br />
us to conclude that Saramago’s suggestion that Portugal <strong>and</strong> Spain reconsider<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own interpretations of history at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> 20 th century<br />
was not reflected in official discourse. The Spanish philosopher Eduardo<br />
Subirats argued that <strong>the</strong> chance that presented itself in <strong>the</strong> year 1992 to reexamine<br />
<strong>and</strong> correct historical memory had been wasted (Subirats 1993).<br />
To be sure, both countries have accepted <strong>Europe</strong>an integration, <strong>and</strong><br />
have overcome <strong>the</strong> nationalistic <strong>and</strong> colonialist narratives, as required. Both<br />
declare <strong>the</strong>mselves as advocates of <strong>Europe</strong>an values. Paradoxically, however,<br />
official discourse persists in remembering <strong>the</strong>ir controversal colonial<br />
pasts.<br />
However, in contrast to Spain, Portugal believes it must maintain its<br />
national identity by differentiating itself from its neighbour.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> case of Portugal, <strong>the</strong> conclusions reached by Ruth Wodak, in<br />
her study of <strong>the</strong> discursive construction of a national identity for Austria,<br />
may also be applicable, namely that <strong>the</strong> fear of a loss of identity through<br />
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316 Teresa Pinheiro<br />
<strong>the</strong> process of entering <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Union has resulted in increased<br />
efforts to differentiate itself from its German neighbour (Wodak 1998).<br />
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Fundação Batalha de Aljubarrota (Ed.) (2008): The Battle of Aljubarrota.<br />
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Fusi, Juan Pablo (2000): España. La evolución de la identidad nacional. Madrid.<br />
Fusi, Juan Pablo, Palafox, Jordi (2003): España: 1808-1996. El desafío de la<br />
modernidad. Madrid.<br />
Grohs, Gerhard, Cadete, Eduardo Maia, Noelke, Michael (1992): Portugals<br />
Beitritt zur Europäischen Gemeinschaft. Probleme der Europäischen Integration.<br />
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Symbol of Modernity <strong>and</strong> Democratic Renewal in Spain” in: Malmborg,<br />
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aus Spanien und Portugal. Hanau, 363-370.<br />
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Maria Manuela u.a. (Eds.), Portugal e a Construcão <strong>Europe</strong>ia. Coimbra, 15-30.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April – Building <strong>the</strong> Past around<br />
a Political Myth in Portuguese Democracy<br />
Cláucio Serra Domingues 1<br />
(University of Münster)<br />
“On 25 April 1974 <strong>the</strong> Armed Forces Movement, setting <strong>the</strong> seal on<br />
<strong>the</strong> long resistance of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people <strong>and</strong> interpreting <strong>the</strong>ir deepseated<br />
feelings, overthrew <strong>the</strong> fascist regime. The liberation of Portugal<br />
from dictatorship, oppression <strong>and</strong> colonialism represented a revolutionary<br />
change <strong>and</strong> an historic new beginning for Portuguese society. The Revolution<br />
restored fundamental rights <strong>and</strong> freedoms to <strong>the</strong> people of Portugal<br />
[…].” 2<br />
This quote may appear to have been taken from an introduction to<br />
<strong>the</strong> contemporary history of Portugal; however, it comes from <strong>the</strong> constitution<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Republic.<br />
1 Translation by Anna Ozimkiewicz <strong>and</strong> S<strong>and</strong>ra Neuber-Koch.<br />
2 Excerpt from: Preamble of <strong>the</strong> Constitution of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese Republic. www.portugal.gov.pt/Portal/EN/Portugal/Sistema_Politico/Constituicao/constituicao_p01.htm.<br />
The mythic content of <strong>the</strong> preamble, <strong>the</strong> consensus formula of <strong>the</strong> constituent assembly,<br />
has already been traced by Paulo Ferreira da Cunha, Mito e ideologias. Em torno do<br />
preâmbulo da Constituição, Vértice, 7 (1988), 25-34, where after Girardet, he determines<br />
four mytho-political <strong>the</strong>mes: <strong>the</strong> conspiracy, <strong>the</strong> golden age, <strong>the</strong> savior, <strong>the</strong> unity. Maria<br />
Manuela Cruzeiro is also worth reading, “O imaginário político do 25 de Abril”, Revista<br />
de História das Ideias, 16 (1994), 433-476, in which she applies <strong>the</strong> concept of <strong>the</strong> political<br />
myth to <strong>the</strong> passing of time.<br />
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320 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
Since 1976, <strong>the</strong>se words are a proof that <strong>the</strong> sources of political<br />
myths do not necessarily have to be sought in <strong>the</strong> distant past, such as<br />
<strong>the</strong> ‘Jean D’Arc’ myth in France, <strong>the</strong> ‘Arminius myth’ in Germany or <strong>the</strong><br />
‘Viriathus myth’ in Portugal. They can also be based upon events from<br />
contemporary history. The term ‘myth’ should not be understood in terms<br />
of a pejorative anti<strong>the</strong>sis to reality <strong>and</strong> truth; something that should be<br />
revealed <strong>and</strong> exposed in <strong>the</strong> light of science. Although it is commonly understood<br />
in this critical way, not only in every day life, but also in scientific<br />
publications (e.g. Rezola 2007; Hobsbawm 1993), this concept restricts<br />
<strong>the</strong> meaning of myth to illusion <strong>and</strong> untruth <strong>and</strong> causes its o<strong>the</strong>r roles for<br />
<strong>the</strong> political community, which come to <strong>the</strong> fore especially when myths<br />
are analysed for <strong>the</strong> purpose of cultural studies, to fade away. 3 In contrast<br />
to <strong>the</strong> critical <strong>and</strong> epistemological use of <strong>the</strong> term, <strong>the</strong> concept of ‘myth’<br />
should be understood as an analytical category which enables us to analyse<br />
its role in a political collective, as an instrument of symbolic politics <strong>and</strong>,<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, as an aspect of political culture. Andreas Dörner defines political<br />
myths as “narratively constructed symbols with <strong>the</strong> potential for a collective<br />
affect, also referring to <strong>the</strong> fundamental problem of order within<br />
societies. These are complex political symbols whose elements unfold in<br />
a narrative fashion” (Dörner 1995: 76). The Bastille is an example of this<br />
interpretation. It is a political symbol concentrating upon <strong>the</strong> story of<br />
its storming <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> French Revolution. As a result of<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir symbolic amgiguity <strong>the</strong> carnation <strong>and</strong> especially <strong>the</strong> song ‘Grândola,<br />
Vila Morena’ also reach beyond <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>and</strong> appeal to <strong>the</strong> emotions<br />
of <strong>the</strong>ir audience (Reichardt / Lüsebrink 1990; Cruzeiro 1994: 460f). 4<br />
Considering <strong>the</strong> changing impact of <strong>the</strong> power of <strong>the</strong> myths in a social<br />
context, Christopher Flood defines <strong>the</strong> political myth as an “ideologically<br />
marked narrative which purports to give a true account of a set of past,<br />
present, or predicted political events <strong>and</strong> which is accepted as valid in its<br />
essentials by a social group” (Flood 1996: 44). 5<br />
3 See Völker-Rasor (1998: 9-32, especially 20f). On this analysis of <strong>the</strong> classic positions,<br />
but also an introduction to <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory of <strong>the</strong> political myth see Flood (1996: 45-70) <strong>and</strong><br />
also Speth (2000: 12-155). On possible categorisation see Hein-Kircher (2006: 407-424).<br />
4 State symbols, such as <strong>the</strong> Portuguese national flag, which recall <strong>the</strong> creation of <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese state <strong>and</strong> empire, can also be taken as examples. On this see Teixeira (1991:<br />
319-337).<br />
5 Flood, <strong>the</strong>refore, wants <strong>the</strong> term ideology to be understood as applicable to every political<br />
system of beliefs.<br />
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Finally, <strong>the</strong> political myth is related to <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>and</strong> content of<br />
<strong>the</strong> collective identity of a political community <strong>and</strong>, by fulfilling certain<br />
functions on its behalf, becomes <strong>the</strong> generator of its identity. One of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se functions is <strong>the</strong> construction of <strong>the</strong> order <strong>and</strong> meaning, which can<br />
legitimate a society. At present, <strong>the</strong> myth is being used to achieve continuity,<br />
in spite of <strong>the</strong> disparities between <strong>the</strong> (conceived) past <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
(desirable) future. Unlike academic <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>and</strong> ideologies, it manages to<br />
integrate <strong>the</strong> contradictions into a political <strong>and</strong> social reality. Through <strong>the</strong><br />
reduction of complexity <strong>the</strong> political myth is intergral for <strong>the</strong> community,<br />
which believes in it. It enables an individual to become a part of it, requiring<br />
from him an avowal of loyalty.<br />
The political myth carries secular redemptive conotations, due to<br />
which it gains <strong>the</strong> aura of a fact that is not to be challenged, <strong>and</strong> which<br />
forbids any critique, or considers it a desecration.<br />
Based upon this sacralisation, <strong>the</strong> political myth provides an activating<br />
potency to <strong>the</strong> extant construals of meaning, which, for instance, is<br />
noticeable in <strong>the</strong> celebrations of 25 th April.<br />
By creating allegiances <strong>and</strong> mobilising <strong>the</strong> people, political myths<br />
appear exceedingly attractive to <strong>the</strong> construal elites. Likewise it may condition<br />
one’s inclusion or exclusion from a political assembly – <strong>the</strong> imperial<br />
myth in Portugal of <strong>the</strong> 20 th century is an example of how a political system<br />
can be legitimised or delegitimised.<br />
Political myths are necessary for <strong>the</strong> coherence of a collective, <strong>and</strong><br />
every political system needs <strong>the</strong>m. They often turn self-reference into<br />
presentation so that <strong>the</strong> political system can maintain its capacity to act.<br />
Democracies are no exception in this instance. 6<br />
Here <strong>the</strong> political myth itself becomes an object of conflict, its<br />
meaning contested by <strong>the</strong> corporate construal elites. They use it as a medium<br />
for <strong>the</strong>ir various interests, to legitimate <strong>the</strong>ir own position <strong>and</strong> against<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir political opponents in turn. It works, because in its structure a myth<br />
6 The originators of political cultural research, Almond & Verba, already saw a shared<br />
belief in <strong>the</strong> ‘democratic myth of citizen competence’ amongst <strong>the</strong> elites <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ordinary<br />
citizen, which was an important element in <strong>the</strong> functioning of civic culture: “The<br />
decision maker must believe in <strong>the</strong> democratic myth – that ordinary citizens ought to participate<br />
in politics <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong>y are in fact influential. If <strong>the</strong> decision maker accepts this<br />
view of <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> ordinary citizen, his own decisions serve to maintain <strong>the</strong> balance<br />
between governmental power <strong>and</strong> responsiveness” (Almond / Verba 1963: 486f). In this<br />
case, a ‘demystification’ would have a destabilising impact upon <strong>the</strong> democratic system.<br />
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322 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
is in principle open to interpretation <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>refore, can be adapted to<br />
various desired meanings (Assmann 2004: 15f).<br />
The establishment of a ‘myth’ depends on many factors such as<br />
<strong>the</strong> communicative structures of power – dictatorships can implement a<br />
binding version of a ‘myth’ better than democracies – circumstances, social<br />
praxis <strong>and</strong> applied media, such as celebrations, ceremonies <strong>and</strong> monuments.<br />
In this way it was possible to use <strong>the</strong> storming of a militarily insignificant<br />
<strong>and</strong> barely secure prison in Paris, <strong>the</strong> political myth of <strong>the</strong> Bastille,<br />
among o<strong>the</strong>rs, for <strong>the</strong> legitimisation of revolutionary wars, such as <strong>the</strong><br />
Resistance against <strong>the</strong> German Occupation during WW II, but also for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir own imperial <strong>and</strong> colonial politics in Africa (Reichardt / Lüsebrink<br />
1990: 262-264).<br />
The political myth changes its form <strong>and</strong> meaning, because of its<br />
amorphous structure, <strong>and</strong> its reception is again an aspect of myth production.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> manner in which a political myth is retold <strong>and</strong><br />
interpreted, reveals much more about <strong>the</strong> circumstances, perception <strong>and</strong><br />
interests of <strong>the</strong> narrator than about its concrete factual core.<br />
In regard to 25 th April as a political myth, interpretations of <strong>the</strong> past<br />
are actually generated from <strong>the</strong> perspective of 25 th April, through which<br />
<strong>the</strong> political elite of today wants to provide <strong>the</strong> Portuguese society with<br />
political meaning.<br />
In fact, 25 th April works as a political myth; nearly everybody rallies<br />
around; it is an ‘interpretation machine’ <strong>and</strong> functions as a myth of foundation,<br />
reconciliation, integration <strong>and</strong> returning in order to forget parts<br />
of Portuguese history, namely <strong>the</strong> dictatorship, but also <strong>the</strong> revolutionary<br />
turmoil.<br />
Selective Memories<br />
As <strong>the</strong> oldest Western <strong>Europe</strong>an dictatorship collapsed in April<br />
1974 as a result of a coup d’état by unsatisfied soldiers, <strong>the</strong> future development<br />
of <strong>the</strong> country was at first uncertain.<br />
The complicated process of transition that followed <strong>the</strong> overthrow,<br />
was exacerbated by disputes concerning <strong>the</strong> future political system. These<br />
occurred within <strong>the</strong> MFA (Movimento das Forças Armadas; ‘Armed Forces<br />
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Movement’), which was responsible for <strong>the</strong> collapse of <strong>the</strong> regime <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
formation of political parties.<br />
These conflicts were accompanied <strong>and</strong> to some extent affected by<br />
social revolutionary movements in <strong>the</strong> south <strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> capital, as well as<br />
<strong>the</strong> decolonisation of <strong>the</strong> last <strong>Europe</strong>an colonial empire. In an atmosphere<br />
of increasing polarisation, due to <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> systemic changes of 1974-<br />
1976, <strong>the</strong>se conflicts escalated during <strong>the</strong> so-called ‘Hot Summer of 1975’<br />
to a severe crisis of state. Portugal found itself on <strong>the</strong> verge of a civil war<br />
between <strong>the</strong> radical <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> moderate forces, until <strong>the</strong> latter eventually<br />
succeeded in establishing <strong>the</strong> foundations of a western style parliamentary<br />
democracy. 7<br />
The authoritarian New State <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution left Portuguese<br />
democracy with a “double legacy of consolidation” (Pinto 2008:<br />
312), <strong>and</strong> this ‘double legacy’ is still traceable in its memorial culture. At<br />
<strong>the</strong> end of her political analysis, Andrea Fleschenberg identifies a “higher<br />
grade of dismissal <strong>and</strong> ignorance” of <strong>the</strong> period of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship, “accounting<br />
for <strong>the</strong> past is almost meaningless for present Portuguese society”,<br />
<strong>and</strong> prevents a “sustainable democratisation” of <strong>the</strong> country, although<br />
most of <strong>the</strong> former opposition members form <strong>the</strong> basis of political power<br />
(Fleschenberg 2004: 291f). 8<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> inability to come to terms with <strong>the</strong> dictatorial past is<br />
just one aspect of <strong>the</strong> double sided memory, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r is a ‘self-imposed<br />
amnesia’ concerning <strong>the</strong> conflicts of <strong>the</strong> transition period. “Contemporary<br />
Portuguese democracy rests in part on <strong>the</strong> sublimation of <strong>the</strong>se experiences<br />
of conflict [1974-1976], which makes for a highly fragmented<br />
interpretation of <strong>the</strong>se events, <strong>and</strong> risks making <strong>the</strong> history of those years<br />
<strong>the</strong> captive of selective memories” (Maxwell 1995: 1), reasons Kenneth<br />
Maxwell in his study on <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution. Here, an analysis of<br />
7 Kenneth Maxwell provides a balanced argument <strong>and</strong> a good research report in The<br />
making of Portuguese democracy (1995). Ano<strong>the</strong>r argument based on <strong>the</strong> key questions comes<br />
from Rezola, 25 de Abril (2007).<br />
8 In 1978 <strong>and</strong> 1984 35.5% <strong>and</strong> 34.7% of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese respectively believed that Salazar,<br />
<strong>and</strong> especially Caetano, had ruled <strong>the</strong> state better than <strong>the</strong> democratic parties. In 1988<br />
34% of <strong>the</strong> respondents would accept a dictatorship in a state of emergency as an alternative<br />
to <strong>the</strong> democracy. Data for 1978 <strong>and</strong> 1984 from Bacalhau (1994: 26 <strong>and</strong> 221). Data<br />
for 1988 from Heimer / Vala / Viegas (1990). Even in 2004, according to a survey, 17%<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese shared <strong>the</strong> view that <strong>the</strong> New State was more positive than negative,<br />
26% declared it to have been both positive <strong>and</strong> negative (Pinto: 2006: 197).<br />
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324 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
<strong>the</strong> rarely considered ‘selective memories’ in <strong>the</strong> historical politics of <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese democracy will come to <strong>the</strong> fore. 9<br />
The state celebrations of 25 th April, which was actually declared a<br />
national holiday, have taken place since 1977 <strong>and</strong> provide us with an opportunity<br />
to analyse <strong>the</strong> interpretative culture of <strong>the</strong> political elite in Portugal.<br />
As <strong>the</strong>re is still no major museum of national contemporary history,<br />
apart from minor initiatives, <strong>the</strong>se national holidays have <strong>the</strong> greatest impact<br />
on public life <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> anniversaries in particular are accompanied by<br />
historicopolitical debates.<br />
Their function being to recollect significant events in <strong>the</strong> memory<br />
of a social group, <strong>the</strong>se events <strong>the</strong>refore have a role in <strong>the</strong> creation of an<br />
identity. These public celebrations are a suitable medium for <strong>the</strong> construal<br />
elites.<br />
Through <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong>y can force <strong>the</strong>ir own conceptions <strong>and</strong> construal<br />
propositions which always reflect <strong>the</strong>ir political interests. 10 The official celebrations<br />
of 25 th April are planned <strong>and</strong> held every year on a local, regional<br />
<strong>and</strong> national level by state institutions. A great effort is made for <strong>the</strong> jubilees<br />
in particular.<br />
On a national level this dialogue process regarding <strong>the</strong> past, becomes<br />
a highlight in <strong>the</strong> form of a special parliamentary session attended<br />
by every political party <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> president.<br />
The visit of <strong>the</strong> head of state to <strong>the</strong> parliament unites both <strong>the</strong><br />
upper legislative bodies of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese democracy. This takes place<br />
before a respected audience, comprising politicians <strong>and</strong> civil society personalities,<br />
some of <strong>the</strong>m foreigners.<br />
9 The transitional justice in Portugal has been addressed by António Costa Pinto. In contrast<br />
Andrea Fleschenberg compares <strong>the</strong> political h<strong>and</strong>ling with <strong>the</strong> file heritage of <strong>the</strong><br />
political police of <strong>the</strong> German Democratic Republic <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Estado Novo, <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>refore,<br />
demonstrates <strong>the</strong> social-cultural dimension of <strong>the</strong> politics of history. The work by<br />
Vasco Campilho, Le poing et la flèche. Etude comparative des mémoires historiques de la Révolution<br />
des Oeillets au sein du Parti Socialiste et du Parti Social Democrate, (Paris, 2002) (Thesis in <strong>the</strong><br />
department of Etudes Politiques de Paris, hereby I would also like to thank <strong>the</strong> author<br />
for his manuscript), which has unfortunately remained unpublished, is also worth noting.<br />
He analyses <strong>the</strong> memories of <strong>the</strong> revolution of <strong>the</strong> PS <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> PPD/PSD in respect of<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir construction, but also <strong>the</strong>ir political utilisation for inter <strong>and</strong> inner party disputes.<br />
Almeida’s analysis of <strong>the</strong> successful exhibitions of 1940 <strong>and</strong> 1998, which revealed <strong>the</strong><br />
continuity of <strong>and</strong> changes to perceptions of national identity in Portugal, brings <strong>the</strong> representative<br />
character of memorial culture into a greater focus (Almeida 2005).<br />
10 As an overview: Catroga (1998: 221-361).<br />
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It emphasises <strong>the</strong> highly symbolic content of this in a detailed ceremony<br />
conditioned by protocol, 11 a central element, of which are <strong>the</strong> epideictic<br />
commemorative speeches. The representatives of <strong>the</strong> particular<br />
parties, <strong>the</strong> President of <strong>the</strong> Parliament <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> President of <strong>the</strong> Republic<br />
address <strong>the</strong> audience present <strong>and</strong> beyond. They speak as <strong>the</strong> MPs of each<br />
faction of <strong>the</strong> parliament <strong>and</strong> accordingly of <strong>the</strong> nation. The pressure<br />
placed upon <strong>the</strong> protagonists, on one h<strong>and</strong> to satisfy <strong>the</strong> wishes of <strong>the</strong><br />
members of <strong>the</strong>ir own faction, <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r to meet <strong>the</strong> expectations<br />
of <strong>the</strong> ceremony to achieve a consensus, is particularly great in this<br />
instance. Therefore, <strong>the</strong>se speeches consist mostly of <strong>the</strong> ‘mentionable’<br />
issues that are likely to be accepted by <strong>the</strong> public <strong>and</strong> are being raised<br />
so that <strong>the</strong>y do not harm <strong>the</strong> fundamental consensus. The main subjects<br />
of this study are <strong>the</strong> celebratory speeches offered by <strong>the</strong> representatives<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Partido Communista Português (PCP), <strong>the</strong> Partido Socialista (PS), <strong>the</strong><br />
Partido Social Democrata (PSD), <strong>the</strong> Centro Democrático Social (CDS) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Presidents of <strong>the</strong> Republic from 1977 until 2004. 12 What interpretations<br />
of contemporary history, meaning <strong>the</strong> dictatorship <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> revolution,<br />
are being spread amongst <strong>the</strong> public by <strong>the</strong> political elite? The narrative<br />
patterns of <strong>the</strong> various protagonists, who regard 25 th April as <strong>the</strong> turning<br />
point of Portuguese contemporary history, when referring to <strong>the</strong> past, will<br />
be <strong>the</strong> subject of this study.<br />
The often repeated references to <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution in particular,<br />
make it possible to identify interpretative patterns of <strong>the</strong> past, which<br />
will be examined. What “function carrying components” (L<strong>and</strong>wehr 2001:<br />
111), topoi, metaphors, patterns of argumentation are distinguishable in<br />
<strong>the</strong>se micro narrations? The 25 th April is of particular importance as a<br />
positive point of reference in <strong>the</strong>se various competing functional narrations.<br />
11 And so <strong>the</strong> representatives of <strong>the</strong> former Portuguese colonies were present at <strong>the</strong> anniversaries<br />
of 1989, 1994, 1999 <strong>and</strong> 2004, <strong>the</strong> representatives of <strong>the</strong> Church, <strong>the</strong> military,<br />
<strong>the</strong> diplomatic corp <strong>and</strong> guests of honor, such as <strong>the</strong> ‘April-officers’ have always been<br />
invited.<br />
12 These four parties have, on one h<strong>and</strong>, always been represented in <strong>the</strong> parliament; on<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y reflect a wide partial spectrum <strong>and</strong> are, <strong>the</strong>refore, potentially repre-<br />
sentative. The speeches of <strong>the</strong> parliament journals from 1977 <strong>and</strong> 1998 have been gath- gath-<br />
ered in <strong>the</strong> Assembleia da República, 25 de Abril. Discursos Parlamentares. 25. Aniversário,<br />
(Lisbon, 1999). For 1999-2004, one reverted to <strong>the</strong> parliament journals directly. Citations<br />
are based upon <strong>the</strong> following pattern: year person (party), page number.<br />
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326 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
The foundation myth of Portuguese democracy was based upon it;<br />
a political myth that can be filled with diverse meanings.<br />
Dictatorships Remembered<br />
By far <strong>the</strong> largest part of <strong>the</strong>se epideictic speeches refers to <strong>the</strong><br />
current political situation <strong>and</strong> only deals with <strong>the</strong> contemporary history<br />
sporadically. Every political party has developed varied patterns for interpreting<br />
<strong>the</strong> political past, which have remained fundamentally unchanged.<br />
The dictatorship of <strong>the</strong> New State is only mentioned occasionally.<br />
This rejection of <strong>the</strong> past is demonstrated by all protagonists; however,<br />
what differs is <strong>the</strong> degree, to which <strong>the</strong>y need to disassociate <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
from <strong>the</strong> past.<br />
For example, <strong>the</strong> communists refer to <strong>the</strong> “fascist dictatorship”<br />
(1977 Octávio Pato [PCP], 19) 13 as <strong>the</strong> “power of great capital <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
l<strong>and</strong>owners” (1981 Octávio Pato [PCP], 153) 14 . Hence, <strong>the</strong> political institutions<br />
of <strong>the</strong> New State are declared <strong>the</strong>ir submissive organs, through<br />
which an efficient system of <strong>the</strong> “wildest oppression <strong>and</strong> exploitation”<br />
(1977 Octávio Pato [PCP], 21) of <strong>the</strong> colonies, but also of its own people<br />
was maintained. The resistance against this oppression was growing,<br />
above all among <strong>the</strong> proletariat, <strong>and</strong> we are assured that <strong>the</strong> PCP was<br />
its spearhead (1986 Octávio Pato [PCP], 284), but was always integrated<br />
within <strong>the</strong> resistance as “democrats” <strong>and</strong> “patriots” alongside <strong>the</strong> “antifascists”<br />
(1977 Octávio Pato [PCP], 19). 15 “The struggle, which defied<br />
<strong>the</strong> bestial fascist oppression developed in <strong>the</strong> factories, <strong>the</strong> fields, <strong>the</strong><br />
mines, <strong>the</strong> docks, <strong>the</strong> schools <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> cultural centers; a struggle that had<br />
matured <strong>and</strong> developed during <strong>the</strong> tough political combats for freedom,<br />
democracy <strong>and</strong> national independence” (1984 Dias Lourenço [PCP], 233).<br />
This resistance, <strong>the</strong> reality, which is rarely questioned, was a constructive<br />
<strong>and</strong> constant process. It had been formulated using metaphoric images<br />
from nature <strong>and</strong> construction: “it provided <strong>the</strong> conditions that made it<br />
13 See also 1984 Dias Lourenço (PCP), 234; 1994 Carlos Carvalhas (PCP), 401; 1999 Lino<br />
de Carvalho (PCP), 2773 <strong>and</strong> 2004 Bernardino Soares (PCP), 4384.<br />
14 1979 Carlos Brito (PCP), 77 alludes to “monopols <strong>and</strong> Latifundia as <strong>the</strong> main back-up<br />
of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship”, 2004 Bernardino Soares (PCP), 4384 to a “ruling fascist clique”.<br />
15 See also 1985 Carlos Brito (PCP), 262 <strong>and</strong> 1999 Lino de Carvalho (PCP), 2773, who<br />
would like to have included “all but all as well” fighters of <strong>the</strong> resistance in <strong>the</strong> “April-<br />
Biography”.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 327<br />
possible for 25 th April to occur” (1979 Carlos Brito [PCP], 77) 16 , “built<br />
<strong>the</strong> door that was opened by 25 th April” (1999 Lino des Carvalho [PCP],<br />
2773), “cleared <strong>the</strong> path that 25 th April took” (2004 Bernardino Soares<br />
[PCP], 4384) 17 .<br />
The incessant continuity of <strong>the</strong> combat against <strong>the</strong> regime, which<br />
could not break <strong>the</strong> resistance, is always expressed <strong>and</strong> emphasised<br />
through <strong>the</strong>se images. From <strong>the</strong> very beginning <strong>the</strong> victims of <strong>the</strong> regime<br />
are idealised as selfless heroes, invincible in death, martyrs, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> fall of<br />
<strong>the</strong> dictatorship is attributed in <strong>the</strong> large part to <strong>the</strong> continuous work of<br />
<strong>the</strong> resistance. 18<br />
According to <strong>the</strong> narrative patterns of <strong>the</strong> PCP, <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people<br />
have never supported <strong>the</strong> regime. In its speeches, <strong>the</strong> PCP depicts an<br />
image of a maladjusted hostility towards <strong>the</strong> regime on <strong>the</strong> part of <strong>the</strong> nation,<br />
<strong>the</strong> support, of whom <strong>the</strong> active resistance could always rely on – a<br />
nation that suffered under <strong>the</strong> oppression.<br />
Moreover, from <strong>the</strong> mid 1980s, this party collectively accredits<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves with a growing role in <strong>the</strong> resistance: “suffering, combat <strong>and</strong><br />
sacrifice of <strong>the</strong> nation- that is <strong>the</strong> corn that made <strong>the</strong> wonderful carnations<br />
bloom” (1984 Dias Lourenço [PCP], 233). 19 An even more important<br />
turning-point was <strong>the</strong> 20 th anniversary of 25 th April in 1994, when<br />
representatives of <strong>the</strong> political police appeared in <strong>the</strong> public media for <strong>the</strong><br />
first time. Their complete lack of consciousness <strong>and</strong> acknowledgement of<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir guilt, set off an avalanche of public protest <strong>and</strong> led to <strong>the</strong> so called<br />
branqueamento. Since <strong>the</strong>n, some political opponents have been reproached<br />
by <strong>the</strong> PCP for euphemistic descriptions <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> concealment of <strong>the</strong> dictatorial<br />
past, whereas <strong>the</strong> party itself assumes <strong>the</strong> role of preserver <strong>and</strong><br />
admonisher in order to avoid a reoccurence of this period of Portuguese<br />
history:<br />
16 And so also 1985 Carlos Brito (PCP), 262 <strong>and</strong> 1988 Maia Nunes de Almeida (PCP),<br />
331.<br />
17 See, for example, also 2001 António Filipe (PCP), 2912f.<br />
18 1977 Octávio Pato (PCP), 19: “The one like <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> patriotic military as well as<br />
<strong>the</strong> resistance against <strong>the</strong> fascism <strong>the</strong> nation owes <strong>the</strong> 25th April.”<br />
19 With <strong>the</strong> same representativeness, which implies a direct evolution of <strong>the</strong> military coup<br />
from <strong>the</strong> resistance <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>refore, makes it a historical cause, in 1999 Lino de Carvalho<br />
argued (PCP), 2773: “The entire nation that fertilized <strong>the</strong> field as a ferment, on which <strong>the</strong><br />
awareness of <strong>the</strong> military, <strong>the</strong> April officers, grew, should be recognised in our memories<br />
<strong>and</strong> our tribute.”<br />
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328 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
“<strong>and</strong> in order that he (<strong>the</strong> fascist) does not to come back, it is necessary<br />
to say again <strong>and</strong> again, that fascism in Portugal existed, that our l<strong>and</strong><br />
was a place of persecution, political imprisonment of dissidents, torture,<br />
censorship, colonial war <strong>and</strong> various opressions” (1999 Lino de Carvalho<br />
[PCP], 2773).<br />
Similarly <strong>the</strong> PS, which is <strong>the</strong> centre-left party, believes that it defends<br />
<strong>the</strong> “memorial culture” against a “culture of oblivion” (1996 Manuel<br />
Alegre [PS], 443) 20 , especially since 1994, although those responsible are<br />
never mentioned. However, its characterisation of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship fluctuates<br />
during <strong>the</strong> examination period. Whe<strong>the</strong>r it speaks of dictatorship, fascism,<br />
authoritarianism, or totalitarianism depends more on <strong>the</strong> party wing<br />
that <strong>the</strong> speaker belongs to. 21 The New State was nei<strong>the</strong>r a “vital” regime<br />
as depicted by <strong>the</strong> PCP, nor a “decaying” one as in <strong>the</strong> opinion of <strong>the</strong> PSD.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> dictatorship is clearly described as “stagnant” 22 <strong>and</strong><br />
directed against social progress. An evolution of <strong>the</strong> regime itself did not<br />
take place.<br />
Only Salazar <strong>and</strong> Caetano, “Caesars of Lisbon who ordered hate in<br />
<strong>the</strong> name of God, fa<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> civilization” (1980 Almeida Santos [PS],<br />
119) are mentioned as responsible. Whereas, <strong>the</strong> almighty <strong>and</strong> omnipresent<br />
machine of oppression created a climate of fear amongst <strong>the</strong> people.<br />
Here again, <strong>the</strong> whole population is depicted as a victim, as a collective<br />
<strong>and</strong> pure victim of <strong>the</strong> regime <strong>and</strong> of its machine of oppression that <strong>the</strong><br />
PS speakers describe in detail, in contrast to <strong>the</strong> PSD:<br />
“We must rememeber that we used to live with a pursuer on every<br />
corner, an ear on every telephone, a police crowbar at every door, a PIDE<br />
looking into every letter, <strong>the</strong> justification of any intimacy, a warrant for<br />
any self-will, a death warrant for every adolescent, inequity in every salary,<br />
a violation of every consciousness” (1980 Almeida Santos [PS], 119). 23<br />
20 These reproaches have been a component of <strong>the</strong> speeches since 1994, however one<br />
always avoided naming those responsible, probably because of <strong>the</strong> occasion.<br />
21 Especially <strong>the</strong> representatives of <strong>the</strong> left-wing of <strong>the</strong> party, namely 1977 Salgado Zenha<br />
(PS), 31 (Neomarxist) <strong>and</strong> 2004 Manuel Alegre (PS), 4388 (Histórico) used <strong>the</strong> term<br />
“fascism”, whereas in 1994 António Guterres (PS), 403 (Technokrat) sometimes spoke<br />
of “<strong>the</strong> old system”.<br />
22 See among o<strong>the</strong>rs 1981 Salgado Zenha (PS), 159, <strong>and</strong> 1978 Manuel Alegre (PS), 63.<br />
23 Almeida Santos explained it most articulately, see also Francisco Assis (PS) 1999: 2778.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 329<br />
In contrast to <strong>the</strong> PCP, <strong>the</strong> people are not characterised as <strong>the</strong> protagonists<br />
of <strong>the</strong> resistance. PS is <strong>the</strong> only party to occasionally refer to <strong>the</strong><br />
influence of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship on <strong>the</strong> mentality of <strong>the</strong> population, which<br />
reveals itself through “<strong>the</strong> suppression of its spontaneity, <strong>the</strong> brutalisation<br />
of its thinking, <strong>the</strong> effeminacy of its will, <strong>the</strong> self-imposed silencing of its<br />
voice” (1980 Almeida Santos [PS], 119).<br />
Even <strong>the</strong> colonial war, which is dealt with from <strong>the</strong> Portuguese point<br />
of view exclusively, is regarded as having been carried out by <strong>the</strong> regime<br />
alone, <strong>and</strong> as in 2004 it is referred to as having “disrupted our lives” (2004<br />
Manuel Alegre [PS], 4387).<br />
The “war of bro<strong>the</strong>rs” is always described as pointless <strong>and</strong> endless,<br />
that which “massacred <strong>the</strong> Portuguese adolescence” (1987 José Apolinário<br />
[PS], 307) 24 <strong>and</strong> denied <strong>the</strong> colonies <strong>the</strong> right to independence. 25 Although<br />
<strong>the</strong> party was not established until 1973, <strong>the</strong> resistance played a major role<br />
in its discourse.<br />
This is where <strong>the</strong> PS places its roots, <strong>and</strong> hence it obtains a greater<br />
legititimacy which distinguishes it from <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r parties – a line of argument<br />
that is often adopted. 26<br />
In common with <strong>the</strong> PCP, <strong>the</strong> PS also idolises <strong>the</strong> resistance fighter<br />
<strong>and</strong> it portrays <strong>the</strong> victims as shining lights or ra<strong>the</strong>r martyrs who secured<br />
<strong>the</strong> continuity of <strong>the</strong> resistance that was eventually victorious:<br />
“<strong>the</strong>se dissidents who never gave up <strong>the</strong> hope for <strong>the</strong> human dignity,<br />
were <strong>the</strong> stars through <strong>the</strong>ir actions <strong>and</strong> attitudes, which lit up <strong>the</strong> arduous<br />
period of <strong>the</strong> fascist night” (1999 Francisco Assis [PS], 2778).<br />
24 In contrast to <strong>the</strong> often mentioned Portuguese victims, <strong>the</strong> victims on <strong>the</strong> African side<br />
were remembered on a single occasion (1984 José Luis Nunes (PS), 241).<br />
25 The PS claims <strong>the</strong> heritage of <strong>the</strong> republican opposition for itself, according to Rosas<br />
(1996: 695-698). However, even in <strong>the</strong> speeches of <strong>the</strong> PS, <strong>the</strong> I. Republic did not play<br />
any special role, ei<strong>the</strong>r as a positive point of reference or as a warning for <strong>the</strong> end of a<br />
democracy. It was not until one spoke of <strong>the</strong> ‘comeback’ or <strong>the</strong> ‘recapture’ of freedom,<br />
that an indirect reference occurred.<br />
26 For example, 1984 José Luis Nunes (PS), 242: “Those who like us had <strong>the</strong> privilege<br />
of taking part in <strong>the</strong> fight for <strong>the</strong> freedom spoke when <strong>the</strong>y were supposed to. Whereas<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs, who speak today, do not feel that this struggle achieved its purposes, as <strong>the</strong><br />
democratic institutions came to define <strong>the</strong> political foundation of <strong>the</strong> life of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese.”<br />
See also 1981 Salgado Zenha (PS), 160, 1994 António Guterres (PS), 403, 1999<br />
Francisco Assis (PS), 2779.<br />
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330 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
In <strong>the</strong> speeches of <strong>the</strong> centre-right party PSD, <strong>the</strong> New State is called<br />
a “dictatorship” throughout <strong>the</strong> examination period <strong>and</strong> its undemocratic<br />
nature is emphasised in regard to <strong>the</strong> consolidation of democracy, especially<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 1970’s. Above all, it is depicted as a regime that ignored civil<br />
rights, conducted a forelorn war <strong>and</strong> kept <strong>the</strong> country at an undeveloped<br />
level (1977 Barbosa de Melo [PSD], 27 or 1980 Helena Roseta [PSD],<br />
123). In contrast to <strong>the</strong> PS <strong>the</strong> machine of oppression is rarely mentioned.<br />
The image of a “rotten” 27 regime dominates, that kept <strong>the</strong> whole nation<br />
captive <strong>and</strong> had no support from <strong>the</strong> population. 28 The hostility towards<br />
<strong>the</strong> regime expressed itself in “generations <strong>and</strong> generations of resistance<br />
fighters <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> maladjusted” 29 , who “struggled for democracy in every<br />
field” (1978 Moura Guedes [PSD], 57). The democrats <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Catholics,<br />
in whose tradition <strong>the</strong> PSD also places itself, are singled out for praise. 30<br />
Since his death in 1981, <strong>the</strong> charismatic party founder Franciso Sá<br />
Carneiro has been stylised as a figurehead <strong>and</strong> hero of <strong>the</strong> resistance, as he<br />
belonged to <strong>the</strong> liberal-wing <strong>and</strong> fought against both <strong>the</strong> dictatorship <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> attempted communist take-over during <strong>the</strong> revolution. 31<br />
Unlike <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r parties since <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> 1980s, fewer <strong>and</strong> fewer<br />
references are made to <strong>the</strong> dictatorship <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>se references disappear<br />
completely until 1998. There is no reaction whatsoever by <strong>the</strong> speakers to<br />
<strong>the</strong> current indirect accusations made by <strong>the</strong> PCP <strong>and</strong> PS of having supported<br />
<strong>the</strong> dictatorship. 32<br />
Campilho, who reveals an internal PSD memo from 1985 until 1994,<br />
which dem<strong>and</strong>s a reduction of references to <strong>the</strong> revolution to an absolute<br />
27 Among o<strong>the</strong>rs 1980 Helena Roseta (PSD), 123 <strong>and</strong> 1990 Montalvão Machado (PSD),<br />
367. This biological analogy has been used even more often by <strong>the</strong> CDS to suggest a<br />
process of decline.<br />
28 According to 1978 Moura Guedes (PSD), 57 “it [25th April] demolished <strong>the</strong> rotten<br />
barriers” so that <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>, “could rediscover <strong>the</strong> wide horizons of <strong>the</strong> world”.<br />
29 1977 Barbosa de Melo (PSD), 27. 1990 Montalvão Machado (PSD), 368 referred to an<br />
“enduring shouts of <strong>the</strong> revolt that never fell silent in <strong>the</strong> throat”.<br />
30 1981 Pedro Roseta (PSD), 163, 1990 Montalvão Machado (PSD), 367. On <strong>the</strong> moderate<br />
opposition of some earlier members of <strong>the</strong> party see Frain (1998: 27-31).<br />
31 See among o<strong>the</strong>rs 1981 Pedro Roseta (PSD), 163, 1990 Motalvão Machado (PSD),<br />
368. Also Campilho (2002: 62f. <strong>and</strong> 146) points out <strong>the</strong> central role of Carneiros for <strong>the</strong><br />
memorial culture of <strong>the</strong> PSD, a factional as well as an integrative figure, who is often<br />
regarded as <strong>the</strong> founding fa<strong>the</strong>r of Portuguese democracy.<br />
32 1994 Pedro Passos Coelho (PSD), 407, who in regard to this debate spoke of “Exorcisms<br />
of <strong>the</strong> ghosts, who can tell nothing ei<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong> young or to <strong>the</strong> future”.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 331<br />
minimum, regards <strong>the</strong> crucial factor of this change to be <strong>the</strong> strong influence<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n Prime Minister Cavaco Silva. 33<br />
Not making <strong>the</strong> dictatorship a subject of discussion in <strong>the</strong> ceremonial<br />
speeches of <strong>the</strong> PSD-deputies also corresponds with specific historical-political<br />
decisions. For instance, under his leadership <strong>the</strong> Black Book<br />
Commission was dissolved, which had been charged with <strong>the</strong> task of coming<br />
to terms with <strong>the</strong> dictatorship, <strong>and</strong> moreover plans for a ‘National<br />
Museum of Resistance’ were ab<strong>and</strong>oned. With <strong>the</strong> end of his party leadership,<br />
<strong>the</strong> official party discourse changed once more.<br />
When in 1995, <strong>the</strong> new party leader Fern<strong>and</strong>o Nogueira spoke as a<br />
representative of <strong>the</strong> PSD, a symbolic re-evaluation becomes explicit. On<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, a reorientation barely takes place.<br />
In fact, <strong>the</strong> speeches return to <strong>the</strong>ir former patterns of interpreting<br />
<strong>the</strong> dictatorial past. 34<br />
The subject of dictatorship is dealt with even more rarely by <strong>the</strong><br />
national conservatives – <strong>the</strong> CDS. Here, it is also not perceived positively,<br />
but is mostly defined as ‘<strong>the</strong> old system’. 35 It is characterised as a ‘stagnant<br />
system’, 36 which is <strong>the</strong>refore unable to renew itself, due to its undemocratic<br />
structure (1984 Azevedo Soares [CDS], 231). In order to explain <strong>the</strong><br />
stagnation diagnosed, <strong>the</strong> speakers also refer to <strong>the</strong> “phantom of communism”:<br />
“It is obvious that every attempt to change <strong>the</strong> corporative <strong>and</strong> authoritarian<br />
state which was created by Salazar from <strong>the</strong> inside was con-<br />
33 Cavaco Silva, <strong>the</strong> present president of <strong>the</strong> Republic, was <strong>the</strong> party leader of <strong>the</strong> PSD<br />
from 1985 until 1994 <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> same time Prime Minister. The self-portrayal of <strong>the</strong><br />
economic Professor as a technocrat, who goes unwillingly into politics, was not compatible<br />
with <strong>the</strong> revolutionary image, which, until <strong>the</strong>n, had been created by <strong>the</strong> party. See<br />
Campilho (2002: 144f).<br />
34 See <strong>the</strong> speeches from 1998 Mota Amaral (PSD), 489 <strong>and</strong> also 2001 Mota Amaral<br />
(PSD), 2914, who himself belonged to <strong>the</strong> liberal-wing. For <strong>the</strong> first explicit appreciation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> resistance communists 2002 Leonor Beleza (PSD), 194. A stronger engagement in<br />
<strong>the</strong> official celebrations also mentions Campilho (2002: 146).<br />
35 This becomes clear in <strong>the</strong> relativising statements such as that of 1985 by Gomes de<br />
Pinho (CDS), 259: “To change <strong>the</strong> constitution today corresponds to a desire for <strong>the</strong><br />
liberation of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese society, <strong>and</strong> is identical to <strong>the</strong> events of eleven years ago on<br />
25 th April.”<br />
36 e.g. 1977 Sá Machado (CDS), 24, 1994 António Lobo Xavier (CDS/PP), 399f., 1999<br />
Luís Queiró (CDS/PP), 2774.<br />
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332 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
demned to failure especially in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> general progress of contrarian<br />
authoritarianism” (1990 Narana Coissoró [CDS], 359).<br />
Only in connection with left-wing totalitarianism, is <strong>the</strong> ‘Estado<br />
Novo’ referred to as a dictatorship, although as <strong>the</strong> lesser evil. When <strong>the</strong><br />
New State <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> communist threat were compared, <strong>the</strong> distinction from<br />
<strong>the</strong> dictatorship became easier:<br />
“We do not recognise ourselves or feel ourselves represented in <strong>the</strong><br />
values of <strong>the</strong> 24th April, but we certainly do not identify with <strong>the</strong> 24th<br />
November ei<strong>the</strong>r” (1986 Manuel Monteiro [CDS], 281). 37<br />
The speaker does not place <strong>the</strong> party within <strong>the</strong> ranks of <strong>the</strong> resistance.<br />
Moreover, it represents itself as facilitating democracy in terms of<br />
“<strong>the</strong> little noted contribution of <strong>the</strong> Liberal Wing” <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “role of <strong>the</strong><br />
Catholics by creating of a collective awareness of <strong>the</strong> change” (1999 Luís<br />
Queiró [CDS/PP, 2775). In contrast to <strong>the</strong> PS <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCP, <strong>the</strong> machine<br />
of repression is not addressed, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> lack of an electoral m<strong>and</strong>ate is <strong>the</strong><br />
only perceived fault. 38<br />
Instead, political opponents, especially <strong>the</strong> communists, are criticised<br />
for using <strong>the</strong> resistance for <strong>the</strong>ir own political purposes: “No politician<br />
should attempt to base his career upon his suffering alone, in exile<br />
or prison – no matter how heroic <strong>and</strong> sublime <strong>the</strong>y might be”; during<br />
<strong>the</strong> revolution, many of <strong>the</strong>m changed from “victims into perpetrators”<br />
(António Lobo Xavier [CDS/PP], 399). A re-evaluation of <strong>the</strong> New State<br />
cannot be detected in <strong>the</strong> period of <strong>the</strong> study. Thus, even in 2004, Anacoreta<br />
Correia characterises its end phase as a diffuse <strong>and</strong> “unfair situation”,<br />
speaking about <strong>the</strong> political development of Portugal before 25 th<br />
April coming to a dead end, which could be changed “solely by a revolution”<br />
(meaning only <strong>the</strong> day of 25 th April), in order to create <strong>the</strong> potential<br />
for <strong>the</strong> evolution of society.<br />
37 In 1981, Mário Gaioso also followed <strong>the</strong> same line of double differentiated argument<br />
(CDS), 155 or 1979 Nuno Abecassis (CDS), 83.<br />
38 1977 Sá Machado (CDS), 24 described “<strong>the</strong> restitution of hegemony to <strong>the</strong> people,<br />
who for a long time got used to seeing <strong>the</strong>ir matters arranged without <strong>the</strong>ir participation<br />
or inquiry” as <strong>the</strong> accomplishment of <strong>the</strong> revolution, among o<strong>the</strong>rs, <strong>and</strong> emphasised <strong>the</strong><br />
elections of <strong>the</strong> delegates of <strong>the</strong> Constituent Assembly, <strong>the</strong> Parliament <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> President.<br />
Same also 1980 Luís Moreno (CDS), 114.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 333<br />
Here, <strong>the</strong> dictatorship is also linked to <strong>the</strong> attempted communist<br />
takeover, a “situation of inactivity”, which had been replaced “by ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
inactivity” (2004 Anacoreta Correia [CDS/PP], 4385f).<br />
As <strong>the</strong> head of state, <strong>the</strong> President of <strong>the</strong> Republic st<strong>and</strong>s at <strong>the</strong><br />
centre of <strong>the</strong> ceremonies. One pays particular attention to his speech, 39<br />
since he speaks for <strong>the</strong> wider audience as a symbolic figurehead above<br />
party lines.<br />
He uses <strong>the</strong>se opportunities to establish <strong>the</strong> position of <strong>the</strong> nation,<br />
but also to air his grievances. 40 As with <strong>the</strong> deputies of <strong>the</strong> parties, <strong>the</strong> past<br />
does not take <strong>the</strong> centre stage.<br />
In fact, it is only covered sparingly. Any statements regarding <strong>the</strong><br />
dictatorship during <strong>the</strong> first years of <strong>the</strong> presidency of General Ramaho<br />
Eanes, <strong>the</strong> first to be democratically elected, could not be recorded, because<br />
a “cut with <strong>the</strong> dictatorial past” (1980 Ramalho Eanes [President],<br />
135 <strong>and</strong> 1981, 171) had occurred.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> first ceremony, <strong>the</strong> representative of <strong>the</strong> state announced<br />
that <strong>the</strong> nation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> people had ‘buried’ <strong>the</strong> past <strong>and</strong> repeatedly acknowledged<br />
<strong>the</strong> overthrow of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship.<br />
For example, in 1982: “Today we remeber not <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship,<br />
but <strong>the</strong> affirmation of freedom, political responsibility <strong>and</strong> social<br />
solidarity” (1977 Ramalho Eanes [President], 38 relatively 1982, 215).<br />
He depicts <strong>the</strong> New State as an “order without a solid base”, “everything<br />
was a fragile construction, <strong>the</strong> result of transient situations […]<br />
<strong>and</strong> political compulsion” (1978 Ramalho Eanes [President], 65), <strong>and</strong> a<br />
constantly growing blockade to reform, which inevitably had to come to<br />
an end. This ‘slow agony’ led to international isolation as <strong>the</strong> regime could<br />
not resolve <strong>the</strong> issue of <strong>the</strong> colonies, although “for thirteen long years <strong>the</strong><br />
military […] made every sacrifice to enable an adequate political solution”<br />
(1980 Ramalho Eanes [President], 131). He does not question <strong>the</strong> historical<br />
role of <strong>the</strong> military as <strong>the</strong> supporter of <strong>the</strong> regime.<br />
39 It is always analysed in <strong>the</strong> media <strong>and</strong> printed in <strong>the</strong> newspapers, in part or even in its<br />
entirety.<br />
40 The first president, made particular use of it. Ramalho Eanes publicly withdrew during<br />
<strong>the</strong> celebrations of 1978 in public <strong>and</strong> publicly demonstrated his confidence in <strong>the</strong><br />
government, which made <strong>the</strong> opposition organise massive protests <strong>and</strong> eventually caused<br />
<strong>the</strong> collapse of <strong>the</strong> government in July 1978. See Veser (1999: 294). However, hisfollow- ers have never used this date to stage direct campaigns against <strong>the</strong> government or <strong>the</strong><br />
parliament.<br />
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334 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
Moreover, it is depicted as <strong>the</strong> defender of national interests that<br />
acted independently from <strong>the</strong> political system. For Ramalho Eanes, <strong>the</strong><br />
New State was just a “small minority without national political legitimacy”<br />
(1985 Ramalho Eanes [President], 271) that was in charge of <strong>the</strong> system,<br />
“which imposed itself for over half a century” (1984 Ramalho Eanes<br />
[President], 246).<br />
Their “immobility <strong>and</strong> archaism” (1985 Ramalho Eanes [President],<br />
271) also prevented <strong>the</strong> internal attempts at <strong>the</strong> liberation of a generation<br />
that desired a gradual change to democracy <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>refore, made a political<br />
break from <strong>the</strong> military indispensable. Contrary to <strong>the</strong> interpretative<br />
patterns of <strong>the</strong> political parties, <strong>the</strong> civil opposition play no role in <strong>the</strong><br />
General’s speeches. It is not until <strong>the</strong> last one that he mentions it, but<br />
only to declare it a failure (1985 Ramalho Eanes [President], 271). Unlike<br />
Ramahlo Eanes, his successor Mário Soares, who used to be active in <strong>the</strong><br />
regime opposition himself, highlights <strong>the</strong> resistance as <strong>the</strong> precursor of<br />
<strong>the</strong> revolution. Besides <strong>the</strong> idolising that is also typical for <strong>the</strong> PS <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
PCP, he also extends <strong>the</strong> term ‘opposition’ to all <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, to:<br />
“<strong>the</strong> anonymous people, who never accepted <strong>the</strong> dictatorship <strong>and</strong><br />
suffered for so much time under <strong>the</strong> oppression, in <strong>the</strong> shadows <strong>and</strong> in silence<br />
but at all times disadjusted, <strong>and</strong> came out onto <strong>the</strong> streets spontaneously<br />
in spring of 1974, carnations in h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> freedom was reclaimed”<br />
(1989 Mário Soares [President], 351).<br />
The often-mentioned division between <strong>the</strong> nation <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> regime<br />
is extended to <strong>the</strong> colonial war as well. President Soares declares that <strong>the</strong><br />
African liberation movements “could always distinguish between <strong>the</strong> dictatorship<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y fought, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people who <strong>the</strong>y always<br />
considered allies” (1989 Mário Soares [President], 351). 41<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> depiction of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship as a rigid system, also<br />
remains constant during his term in office, for example, in <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong><br />
celebration in 1987:<br />
41 At this point, he follows <strong>the</strong> argument of his precursor, who in 1978 dem<strong>and</strong>ed that<br />
one had “to improve cultural ties between those nations, which Portugal had enabled to<br />
become more <strong>and</strong> more free <strong>and</strong> independent in <strong>the</strong> past” (1978 Ramalho Eanes (President),<br />
66) <strong>and</strong> later confirms that <strong>the</strong>se connections ought to be “free from ambiguities,<br />
false promises or any conditions” (1980 Ramalho Eanes (President), 134).<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 335<br />
“In 1974, Portugal was a downtrodden country, frozen in <strong>the</strong> time,<br />
in war; blocked in its development; isolated internationally; condemned<br />
by <strong>the</strong> conscience of <strong>the</strong> world; without horizons or ways out. We were<br />
unhappy, a l<strong>and</strong> of subordinates <strong>and</strong> not citizens” (1987 Mário Soares<br />
[President], 315). 42<br />
The president rarely picks out <strong>the</strong> machine of oppression directly<br />
as a central <strong>the</strong>me. For example, <strong>the</strong> debate on <strong>the</strong> branqueamento in 1994:<br />
“The institutions, like <strong>the</strong> state censorship <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> hated political police<br />
nurtured fear, servility <strong>and</strong> denunciation. Thinking used to be policed <strong>and</strong><br />
was often made silent” (1994 Mário Soares [President], 412). The same<br />
applies to <strong>the</strong> view of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship propagated in <strong>the</strong> commemorative<br />
speeches of his successor Jorge Sampaio:<br />
“It is <strong>the</strong> right moment <strong>and</strong> point in time to say that <strong>the</strong> dictatorship,<br />
under which we suffered for half a century, was a horrible tragedy<br />
for Portugal. It destroyed <strong>the</strong> best of our history, deprived us of freedom,<br />
dignity <strong>and</strong> development, isolated us from <strong>Europe</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong><br />
world, caused severe regressions <strong>and</strong> great damage, from which we have<br />
not yet fully recovered, <strong>and</strong> it blocked out our future” (2004 Jorge Sampaio<br />
[President], 4440).<br />
On <strong>the</strong> occasion of <strong>the</strong> 25 th anniversary, <strong>the</strong> president praises <strong>the</strong><br />
victims of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship more explicitly <strong>and</strong>, for <strong>the</strong> first time, <strong>the</strong> war<br />
victims; not only on <strong>the</strong> Portuguese side, but also those from <strong>the</strong> African<br />
liberation movements. However, he combines this appreciation with<br />
a suggestion that <strong>the</strong>y are “bro<strong>the</strong>rs” of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, connected to<br />
<strong>the</strong>m through a common history <strong>and</strong> culture (1999 Jorge Sampaio [President],<br />
2784). 43 Continuity in terms of <strong>the</strong> depiction of <strong>the</strong> resistance as <strong>the</strong><br />
forerunner <strong>and</strong> legitimative basis of 25 th April can also be observed, <strong>and</strong><br />
Sampaio does not explicitly exclude any opposition movement: “Men <strong>and</strong><br />
women of different generations, diverse ideologies <strong>and</strong> every social group<br />
had upheld <strong>the</strong> tradition of fighting <strong>and</strong> resistance since 1926” (1996 Jorge<br />
Sampaio [President], 451). 44<br />
42 See also 1991 Mário Soares (President), 89 <strong>and</strong> 1994 Mário Soares (President), 412.<br />
43 O<strong>the</strong>rwise, only <strong>the</strong> victims of <strong>the</strong> regime would be mentioned.<br />
44 See also 1997 Jorge Sampaio (President), 475, 1999 Jorge Sampaio (President), 2783.<br />
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336 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
This broad perception of <strong>the</strong> resistance also incorporates resistance<br />
against <strong>the</strong> fascists.<br />
Monarchists to communists <strong>and</strong> left-wing radicals are considered<br />
worthy to be remembered, toge<strong>the</strong>r with acts of rebellion from across <strong>the</strong><br />
political spectrum, through <strong>the</strong> shared concept of <strong>the</strong> enemy as a collective<br />
unifier.<br />
The presidential speeches reveal a clear endeavor to avoid any more<br />
precise analyses of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship.<br />
It is not a result of historical evolution, but instead it imposed itself<br />
upon <strong>the</strong> nation inevitably, <strong>and</strong> as a result <strong>the</strong> public supporters of<br />
<strong>the</strong> regime, such as <strong>the</strong> military <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> church, are not named as such.<br />
Instead, <strong>the</strong> presidents strive to preserve <strong>the</strong> established consensus against<br />
dictatorship.<br />
Revolutions Remembered<br />
25 th April is presented <strong>the</strong> day of <strong>the</strong> liberation of <strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong><br />
from <strong>the</strong> dictatorship. In common with <strong>the</strong> representatives of <strong>the</strong> parties,<br />
<strong>the</strong> president highlights freedom as <strong>the</strong> central value of 25 th April <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
democracy, democratic values <strong>and</strong> institutions that are associated with it.<br />
Therefore, as every president stresses, <strong>the</strong> “ideals of April” have<br />
found <strong>the</strong>ir greatest expression in <strong>the</strong> form of <strong>the</strong> parliament. 45<br />
However, considerable differences can also be ascertained in <strong>the</strong><br />
narrative patterns of each president. As <strong>the</strong> protagonist of 25 th April,<br />
Ramalho Eanes, only recognises <strong>the</strong> armed forces, “who went into <strong>the</strong><br />
streets in defence of <strong>the</strong> ideals of freedom <strong>and</strong> democracy” (1977 Ramalho<br />
Eanes [President], 37).<br />
The selflessness of <strong>the</strong>ir conduct is an absolute certainty (‘fact’ or<br />
‘truth’?) that is declared by president Eanes in all his speeches <strong>and</strong> should<br />
also be accepted by his successors in office. However, <strong>the</strong> general speaks<br />
of <strong>the</strong> military as a collective acting toge<strong>the</strong>r. He does not mention <strong>the</strong><br />
actual organisers, <strong>the</strong> MFA, <strong>and</strong> he does not refer to <strong>the</strong> conflicts with <strong>the</strong><br />
forces loyal to <strong>the</strong> regime, ei<strong>the</strong>r on that day or prior to it.<br />
45 For example, 1977 Ramalho Eanes (President), 95; 1986 Mário Soares (President), 293<br />
<strong>and</strong> 1997 Jorge Sampaio (President), 475: “We are celebrating freedom [...] in <strong>the</strong> place,<br />
where it is expressed <strong>and</strong> practiced every day <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>refore, finds its [of <strong>the</strong> 25. April]<br />
great institutional symbol – <strong>the</strong> Parliament.”<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 337<br />
According to his description on 25 th April, <strong>the</strong> army acted as a unit<br />
in <strong>the</strong> service of <strong>the</strong> nation against <strong>the</strong> politicians (1977 Ramalho Eanes<br />
[President], 37 as well as 1979 Ramalho Eanes [President], 131). This conduct<br />
has been “enthusiastically welcomed by <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong>” (1978 Ramalho<br />
Eanes [President], 65). “It was a unique moment in <strong>the</strong> life of <strong>the</strong> nation,<br />
a concurrence of beliefs <strong>and</strong> a desire for solidarity” (1978 Ramalho Eanes<br />
[President], 65). Although national conciliation <strong>and</strong> harmony implement<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves on 25 th April, in <strong>the</strong> manner of CDS <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> PSD President<br />
Eanes identify conspiratorial forces at work in <strong>the</strong> period that followed.<br />
They pursued <strong>the</strong>ir “factious goals” <strong>and</strong> threatened “national independence”.<br />
They “destroyed solidarity” <strong>and</strong> “blemished hope” by creating<br />
“a climate of insecurity, ambiguity <strong>and</strong> partiality” (1978 Ramalho Eanes<br />
[President], 65). 46<br />
The political fight almost led to a violent confrontation between<br />
“<strong>the</strong> forces of <strong>the</strong> pluralistic democracy <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> forces that were interested<br />
in a new dictatorship” (1977 Ramalho Eanes [President], 37).<br />
To prevent <strong>the</strong> latter coming to power <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> consequences that<br />
would be associated with it, such as <strong>the</strong> surrender of Portugal to external<br />
interests, it is always emphasised toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong> fear of losing national<br />
independence, which meant that <strong>the</strong> army had to intervene. 47 This happened<br />
with <strong>the</strong> help of democratic politicians <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> support of <strong>the</strong><br />
people.<br />
Whereas, <strong>the</strong> people on 25 th April only assumed an appreciative role,<br />
in <strong>the</strong> course of <strong>the</strong> revolution <strong>the</strong>ir role was increasingly an active one, as<br />
it “withstood <strong>the</strong> threats <strong>and</strong> won <strong>the</strong> battles, against those who wanted<br />
to prevent free decision-making regarding <strong>the</strong> consolidation of <strong>the</strong> April<br />
ideals” (1979 Ramalho Eanes [President], 95). 48<br />
46 He depicts <strong>the</strong> military as an independent institution, which was manipulated by external<br />
political interests <strong>and</strong> deranged in its unity. The intern conflicts, which had existed<br />
already during <strong>the</strong> dictatorship, are not referred to, as is <strong>the</strong> case for its political role in<br />
<strong>the</strong> regime. See also 1980 Ramalho Eanes (President), 131.<br />
47 For example, 1977 Ramalho Eanes (President), 39, 1980 Ramalho Eanes (President),<br />
131 <strong>and</strong> 133, 1981 Ramalho Eanes (President), 171. Likewise, he continues to regard<br />
<strong>the</strong>m as threatened during <strong>the</strong> first years of <strong>the</strong> democratic consolidation: 1978 Ramalho<br />
Eanes (President), 66, 1979 Ramalho Eanes (President), 97.<br />
48 It relates to <strong>the</strong> elections from 1975 <strong>and</strong> 1976. Eanes later regarded <strong>the</strong> great interest of<br />
<strong>the</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> “democratic project” as <strong>the</strong> main reason for <strong>the</strong> failure of <strong>the</strong> “totalitarian<br />
offensives” (1985 Ramalho Eanes (President), 271).<br />
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338 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
The 25 th November, on which Ramalho Eanes was himself in charge<br />
of operations on <strong>the</strong> side of <strong>the</strong> democratic military, is regarded by him as<br />
a “repeated renovation of <strong>the</strong> national project” of “freedom, democracy<br />
<strong>and</strong> justice” (1979 Ramalho Eanes [President], 95). President Eanes continuously<br />
relates 25 th November to 25 th April; both days are a “rejection of<br />
totalitarianism”, in which lay <strong>the</strong> “political foundations of our democracy”<br />
(1979 Ramalho Eanes [President], 95). He does not bring this dualism out<br />
in his last speeches, but tends towards a pacifist depiction of events that<br />
is continued by his successor Mário Soares. Although as a PS-leader <strong>and</strong><br />
a foreign minister he was one of <strong>the</strong> most important civil protagonists of<br />
<strong>the</strong> transitional period, he never describes <strong>the</strong> conflicts <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> threatening<br />
civil war in detail. He speaks of reconciling “inevitable contradictions”<br />
(1986 Mário Soares [President], 293), “errors […] <strong>and</strong> temptations of <strong>the</strong><br />
restoration <strong>and</strong> totalitarianism”, which were however resolved “in faithfulness<br />
to <strong>the</strong> original spirit of 25 th April” (1989 Mário Soares [President],<br />
351). Jorge Sampaio rarely mentions <strong>the</strong>se conflicts. He phrases his descriptions<br />
in a more vague <strong>and</strong> euphemistic manner: “We had to overcome<br />
<strong>the</strong> difficulties <strong>and</strong> contradictions, by-pass h<strong>and</strong>icaps <strong>and</strong> remove risks”<br />
(1997 Jorge Sampaio [President], 475). 49 Eventually, o<strong>the</strong>r developments<br />
disappear from <strong>the</strong> shifting framework of reference. Alongside <strong>the</strong> down<br />
playing of <strong>the</strong> conflicts, 25 th April begins to be considered not only as<br />
‘<strong>the</strong> day of freedom’, but also more articulately as <strong>the</strong> founding myth of<br />
democracy. Thus, on <strong>the</strong> occasion of <strong>the</strong> 20 th anniversary Soares says that<br />
on 25 th April “pluralistic democracy” was “reconstituted” (1994 Mário<br />
Soares [President], 411), 50 <strong>and</strong> Sampaio also explicitly declares <strong>the</strong> day to<br />
be “<strong>the</strong> founding day of <strong>the</strong> new Portuguese democratic system” (1997<br />
Jorge Sampaio [President], 475). 51 Unlike his precursor, Mário Soares often<br />
thanks <strong>the</strong> military explicitly; a procedure, which is later adopted by his<br />
successor Jorge Sampaio. 52 It was this “patriotic movement, which gave<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese <strong>the</strong>ir freedom back <strong>and</strong> made <strong>the</strong>m citizens with every<br />
right” (1986 Mário Soares [President], 293).<br />
49 1996, 1998, 1999 <strong>and</strong> 2004 Jorge Sampaio does not mention any conflicts at all after<br />
25 th April.<br />
50 For example, 1984 Ramalho Eanes (President), 245. O<strong>the</strong>rwise, President Eanes speaks<br />
solely about 25 th April wanting to make a democratic conception possible, for example<br />
1980 Ramalho Eanes (President), 136.<br />
51 For example, 2004 Jorge Sampaio (President), 4400.<br />
52 E.g. 1997 Jorge Sampaio (President), 475, 1999 Jorge Sampaio (President), 2783.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 339<br />
The armed forces, such as General Eanes, are no longer named.<br />
Nei<strong>the</strong>r are <strong>the</strong> MFA, who seem to be too compromised by <strong>the</strong> events<br />
of <strong>the</strong> revolution. These are now only <strong>the</strong> “April officers” or <strong>the</strong> “April<br />
military” who are meant to embody <strong>the</strong> role of a collective hero (1986<br />
Mário Soares [President], 293). 53 Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, Mário Soares does not refer<br />
to <strong>the</strong> people on 25 th April as <strong>the</strong> acting subjects – <strong>the</strong>y only gave <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
affirmation to <strong>the</strong> conduct of <strong>the</strong> military through <strong>the</strong> mass meetings on<br />
1 st May 1974 <strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong>reby, endowed its operations with public legitimacy<br />
(1995 Mário Soares [President], 429). In contrast, Sampaio emphasises <strong>the</strong><br />
direct involvement of <strong>the</strong> people on <strong>the</strong> day of <strong>the</strong> “revolution”. According<br />
to his speech of 2004, “at <strong>the</strong> crucial hour” <strong>the</strong> people actually came<br />
into action: “around <strong>the</strong> officers <strong>the</strong>re was a wave of support that did not<br />
want <strong>the</strong> ga<strong>the</strong>ring to come to an end, those who left <strong>the</strong>ir mark upon<br />
<strong>the</strong> revolution. At that moment <strong>the</strong> people knew <strong>and</strong> felt, that it was <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
revolution. Even better: <strong>the</strong>y made it <strong>the</strong>irs.<br />
At that moment <strong>the</strong> revolution had become what it was” (2004<br />
Jorge Sampaio [President], 4394).<br />
Alongside <strong>the</strong> down playing of <strong>the</strong> conflicts, an upgrading of <strong>the</strong><br />
role of <strong>the</strong> population takes place over <strong>the</strong> period of study. Not only did<br />
it celebrate <strong>the</strong> downfall of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship, but also opposed it, fought it,<br />
<strong>and</strong> finally on 25 th April decisively took <strong>the</strong> side of <strong>the</strong> democracy.<br />
The CDS also depicts <strong>the</strong> 25 th April as a foundation myth of democracy<br />
<strong>and</strong> considers this day to be <strong>the</strong> “birth of a system” (1996 Gonçalo<br />
Ribeiro da Costa [CDS/PP], 440).<br />
Whereas, <strong>the</strong> discourse regarding <strong>the</strong> New State is not seen through<br />
<strong>the</strong> day-night metaphor, in order to describe 25 th April for a short time <strong>the</strong><br />
CDS delegates adopt <strong>the</strong> light metaphor used by <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r parties. 54<br />
“We were also <strong>the</strong> revolution” (1977 Sá Machado [CDS], 23) <strong>the</strong><br />
speaker of <strong>the</strong> CDS repeats several times in 1977. But at <strong>the</strong> beginning of<br />
<strong>the</strong> 1980s, <strong>the</strong>se references again disappear, as does <strong>the</strong> later description<br />
53 See among o<strong>the</strong>rs 1994 Mário Soares (President), 412. The only person to be specifi specifi-<br />
cally distinguished by name from <strong>the</strong> whole group was Salgueiro Maia, an officer, who<br />
had not engaged in <strong>the</strong> politics after <strong>the</strong> coup, but had returned into <strong>the</strong> barracks <strong>and</strong>,<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, could best fit <strong>the</strong> role of a nonpolitical military hero. See 1999 Jorge Sampaio<br />
(President), 2783. On <strong>the</strong> hero myth see Cruzeiro 1994: 447-451.<br />
54 See 1978 Oliveira Dias (CDS), 53. 1979 Nuno Abecassis (CDS), 83 makes it a subject<br />
of irony using <strong>the</strong> expression: “Five years after <strong>the</strong> dawn of 25th April, it is time. A day<br />
has arrived for <strong>the</strong> ideal 25th April.”<br />
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340 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
of its “purity” (1980 Luís Moreno [CDS], 113, 1998 Luís Queiró [CDS],<br />
497) or its true <strong>and</strong> au<strong>the</strong>ntic “spirit” (so 1986 Manuel Monteiro [CDS],<br />
281) as well as its democratic “essence” (1982 Rui Pena [CDS], 199). It is<br />
said that it were <strong>the</strong> “democrats”, who for patriotic reasons, “had assumed<br />
power by revolutionary means, to give it back entirely to its legitimate<br />
bearer, namely <strong>the</strong> people” (1980 Luís Moreno [CDS], 114). 55<br />
Still, this original revolution was jeopardised by a totalitarian threat<br />
worse than <strong>the</strong> fallen dictatorship (1980 Luís Moreno [CDS], 113). It was a<br />
small, yet well organised group, which, “being controlled from abroad” 56 ,<br />
had pursued a strategy of terror, chaos <strong>and</strong> “manipulation of <strong>the</strong> masses”,<br />
to seize power (1980 Luís Moreno [CDS], 113).<br />
This manipulation, that was adopted immediately after 25 th April, is<br />
also supposed to have involved parts of <strong>the</strong> military, who had betrayed <strong>the</strong><br />
people (see 1980 Luís Moreno [CDS], 113).<br />
In <strong>the</strong> interconnection of <strong>the</strong> “my<strong>the</strong>me” of a sectarian conspiracy,<br />
which in addition was directed from abroad, <strong>the</strong> nation liberated <strong>and</strong> made<br />
democratic on 25 th April encounters its unpatriotic counter-image.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> great majority positively differentiated from <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs.<br />
Whereas <strong>the</strong> people who were <strong>the</strong> protagonists up to 25 th April barely<br />
appeared <strong>and</strong> only hoped for freedom, <strong>the</strong>y evolved over <strong>the</strong> course of<br />
<strong>the</strong> revolution into <strong>the</strong> heros of <strong>the</strong> fight for <strong>the</strong> defence of freedom <strong>and</strong><br />
democracy (see 1978 Oliveira Dias [CDS], 54). 57<br />
The period of <strong>the</strong> ‘Hot Summer’ between 11 th March <strong>and</strong> 25 th November<br />
1975, is considered particularly memorable in this context. For <strong>the</strong><br />
CDS it was a time of excess <strong>and</strong> perversion, which is said to have been left<br />
behind only by means of November 25 th . For <strong>the</strong> CDS, this day represents<br />
<strong>the</strong> return to <strong>the</strong> original break <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> democratic evolution, as “<strong>the</strong> April<br />
revolution depleted itself ” (1981 Mário Gaioso [CDS], 156) in it.<br />
55 Whereas <strong>the</strong> majority of <strong>the</strong> speakers of <strong>the</strong> anniversary sessions consider <strong>the</strong> motives<br />
for April officers ‘coup d’état’ to be exclusively altruistic, as, enunciated in 1999 Luis<br />
Queiró (CDS/PP) 2775. See also ‘corporative interests’ of <strong>the</strong> military.<br />
56 1977 Sá Machado (CDS), 24. The PCP was meant here, which is supposed to have<br />
acted as an agent by order of <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union, for <strong>the</strong> “fulfilment of a plan to divide<br />
Africa anew” <strong>and</strong>, fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, to put <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> under <strong>the</strong> Soviet influence. Ibid. 23.<br />
57 1981 Mário Gaioso (CDS), 155 uttered that <strong>the</strong> “laurels of <strong>the</strong> revolution belong to<br />
<strong>the</strong> military <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> people”. 1999 Luís Queiró (CDS/PP), 2775 saw in <strong>the</strong>m a “true<br />
hero”, because <strong>the</strong>y transformed <strong>the</strong> military revolution through <strong>the</strong> election of a civil<br />
democracy.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 341<br />
Until <strong>the</strong> 1980s, as both dates express <strong>the</strong> same “spirit” (1979 Nuno<br />
Abecassis [CDS], 82), <strong>the</strong>y are often placed toge<strong>the</strong>r in order to raise <strong>the</strong>m<br />
into an “actual birth of <strong>the</strong> democracy” (see among o<strong>the</strong>rs 1999 Luís Queiró<br />
[CDS/PP], 2775). Purity – Perversion – Catharsis of <strong>the</strong> revolution,<br />
this is <strong>the</strong> narrative pattern of <strong>the</strong> CDS as far as <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution<br />
is concerned. It was established in <strong>the</strong> 1970s <strong>and</strong> is still traceable in 2004,<br />
as <strong>the</strong> construal conflicts about <strong>the</strong> character of <strong>the</strong> transition are carried<br />
out (2004 Anacoreta Correia [CDS/PP], 4385). The PSD also regard<br />
25 th April as a foundation myth of <strong>the</strong> ‘Second Republic’. As <strong>the</strong> ‘break’<br />
with <strong>the</strong> dictatorship, <strong>the</strong> day represents a constant topos of <strong>the</strong> narrative<br />
structure, 58 but <strong>the</strong> results of this special day are described ra<strong>the</strong>r than its<br />
progress:<br />
“The 25 th of April has restored <strong>the</strong> self-awareness of <strong>the</strong> public;<br />
<strong>the</strong> 25 th of April has promised <strong>the</strong> respect […] of human dignity to <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese people; <strong>the</strong> 25 th of April has guaranteed social security […], it<br />
allowed for <strong>the</strong> institutionalisation of democracy in Portugal” (1977 Barbosa<br />
de Melo [PSD], 29).<br />
Unlike by <strong>the</strong> PCP <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> PS, this break is rarely attributed to <strong>the</strong><br />
resistance, 59 but sometimes to <strong>the</strong> army, sometimes to <strong>the</strong> people, but is<br />
seldom induced from <strong>the</strong> latter two combined, whereas <strong>the</strong> officers of<br />
<strong>the</strong> coup are not explicitly integrated into <strong>the</strong> narrative pattern until <strong>the</strong><br />
1990s. 60 Although <strong>the</strong> protagonists are always supposed to have acted out<br />
of democratic motives: “Only because of it did <strong>the</strong> overwhelming major-<br />
58 Campilho (2002: 58) even identifies a constant <strong>the</strong>me of <strong>the</strong> party in <strong>the</strong> break <strong>and</strong><br />
concludes that as <strong>the</strong> strong emphasise upon 25 th April acts as <strong>the</strong> foundation phase of<br />
<strong>the</strong> PSD, <strong>the</strong> time of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship is concealed. Ibid., 69.<br />
59 As <strong>the</strong> political attempts of <strong>the</strong> Liberal Wing towards an inner reform of <strong>the</strong> Estado<br />
Novo failed, a self legitimising link to <strong>the</strong> own discourse on <strong>the</strong> dictatorship does not<br />
appear to be possible.<br />
60 Specific gratitude towards <strong>the</strong> ‘April officers’ was documented for <strong>the</strong> first time with<br />
1991 Duarte Lima (PSD), 385, since 1995 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Nogueira (PSD), 425 <strong>and</strong> regularly<br />
afterwards. Before that, one spoke generally about men or people one should thank, for<br />
example 1982 Sousa Tavares (PSD), 207. This down playing of <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> military<br />
may be explained by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> MFA did not make a figurehead for <strong>the</strong> PSD. Also<br />
<strong>the</strong> denial of an active role of <strong>the</strong> military in politics, which made <strong>the</strong> PSD become a<br />
harsh opponent of <strong>the</strong> Revolutionary Council <strong>and</strong> President Eanes, is ano<strong>the</strong>r cause. See<br />
also Campilho (2002: 85 <strong>and</strong> 140f).<br />
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342 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
ity of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese consent to <strong>the</strong> liberating revolution” (1979 Menéres<br />
Pimentel [PSD], 85). 61<br />
Although it may not be as obvious as in <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> CDS, separatist<br />
forces are again at work in this instance, in order to manipulate <strong>the</strong><br />
democratic intention of <strong>the</strong> people <strong>and</strong> to establish a new dictatorship. 62<br />
The history after 25 th April is not a victorious one, such as that described<br />
by <strong>the</strong> PCP, but it is a history of <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>and</strong> aberration of<br />
<strong>the</strong> democracy that was so desired by <strong>the</strong> people.<br />
The 25 th November represents a triumph over <strong>the</strong>se forces <strong>and</strong> signifies<br />
a return to <strong>the</strong> original ideals of 25 th April, which provides an opportunity<br />
for <strong>the</strong> integration of all democratic people in Portugal, as it is<br />
said to feature <strong>the</strong> concepts of “Unity <strong>and</strong> Reconciliation” (1979 Menéres<br />
Pimentel [PSD], 85).<br />
Therefore, it “ought to be celebrated collectively, in view of <strong>the</strong> native<br />
country, which exceeds <strong>the</strong> individual events of its past, presence <strong>and</strong><br />
future” (1977 Barbosa de Melo [PSD], 28).<br />
Correspondingly, <strong>the</strong> speakers reject, with <strong>the</strong> PS <strong>and</strong> PCP in mind,<br />
<strong>the</strong> historical / political institutionalisation of this event: “We do not avail<br />
ourselves of 25 th April in order not to tread upon <strong>the</strong> Portuguese even<br />
more” (1980 Helena Roseta [PSD], 125). 63 Since <strong>the</strong> 1990s, <strong>the</strong> description<br />
of revolutionary issues takes second place to descriptions of <strong>the</strong> integration<br />
myth.<br />
The (occasionally defined) gradual shift in <strong>the</strong> perception of <strong>the</strong><br />
CDS in <strong>the</strong> PSD discourse surrounding <strong>the</strong> revolution up to <strong>the</strong> end of<br />
<strong>the</strong> 1980s, has become a categorical one since 1995, which accompanies<br />
<strong>the</strong> general tendency towards <strong>the</strong> pacification of political conflicts. 64<br />
61 See also 1984 Fern<strong>and</strong>o Condesso (PSD), 238: “As <strong>the</strong> military came into power on 25 th<br />
April, <strong>the</strong>y wanted without doubt to constitute a democracy.”<br />
62 A clear accusation of <strong>the</strong> PCP, which considers <strong>the</strong> PSD to be an antagonist towards<br />
democracy, barely occurs even if <strong>the</strong> depictions allow no o<strong>the</strong>r conclusions. When <strong>the</strong><br />
communists are directly accused of wanting to destroy “freedom <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pluralism”, <strong>the</strong><br />
protests of <strong>the</strong> PCP follow as well. 1981 Pedro Roseta (PSD), 163f.<br />
63 See also 1990 Montalvão Machado (PSD), 367, 1996 Pacheco Perreira (PSD), 441,<br />
2004 Victor Cruz (PSD), 4389. Like all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r parties, <strong>the</strong> PCS also strongly histori- histori-<br />
cally / politicaly institutionalised (especially up to <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> 1980s) 25 th April. For<br />
example, Campilho, Le poing et la flèche, 139 states.<br />
64 As <strong>the</strong> reason for this Campilho (2002: 146f.) identifies <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> era of Cavaco<br />
Silva <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> party leadership of Durão Barroso, who belongs to a<br />
younger generation of <strong>the</strong> party.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 343<br />
This new construal pattern also endured up to <strong>the</strong> debate in 2004,<br />
over <strong>the</strong> question of whe<strong>the</strong>r 25 th April was a revolution or should better<br />
be defined as an evolution. 65 While <strong>the</strong> CDS speaker again singles out <strong>the</strong><br />
“issue of <strong>the</strong> perversion of <strong>the</strong> totalitarian temptation” (2004 Anacoreta<br />
Correia [CDS/PP], 4385) in <strong>the</strong> revolution, <strong>the</strong> PSD does not differentiate<br />
anymore. The “revolution that opened <strong>the</strong> door for <strong>the</strong> evolution” (2004<br />
Victor Cruz [PSD, 4390) 66 , is exclusively described as an integrative myth.<br />
The position of <strong>the</strong> PSD in this is highlighted in <strong>the</strong> following discourse:<br />
“This April has changed <strong>and</strong> was made to change Portugal. To develop,<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore, means to fulfill <strong>the</strong> spirit of April” (2004 Victor Cruz [PSD],<br />
4390). The PS institutionalises 25 th April as a myth in many ways. On one<br />
h<strong>and</strong>, it is used as a reversion myth, as in <strong>the</strong> case of o<strong>the</strong>r parties, because<br />
it was said to have “restored” (among o<strong>the</strong>rs 1980 Almeida Santos [PS],<br />
119f.) freedom, peace <strong>and</strong> democracy. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, this break with<br />
dictatorship, which occured over <strong>the</strong> course of that day, has become a<br />
topos of <strong>the</strong> collective narrative structure, which is revealed by <strong>the</strong> intense<br />
use of light metaphors. The 25 th April is regarded as “a dawn” (e.g. 1980<br />
Almeida Santos [PS], 119, 1986 José Luis Nunes [PS], 288) ending “<strong>the</strong><br />
night that had lasted almost half a century” (1981 Salgado Zenha [PS],<br />
159) <strong>and</strong> announcing <strong>the</strong> “sun of freedom” (1981 Salgado Zenha [PS],<br />
159, 1991 Edite Estreia [PS], 383, 1996 Manuel Alegre [PS], 443). The dualism<br />
inherent in <strong>the</strong> light metaphor sends <strong>the</strong> time of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship off<br />
into <strong>the</strong> ahistorical darkness, from which <strong>the</strong> light of historical evolution<br />
emanates, toge<strong>the</strong>r with 25 th April. It is common to compare <strong>the</strong> dictatorship<br />
with democracy, which is in contrast to <strong>the</strong> PSD, which rarely refers<br />
to <strong>the</strong> period ‘before’ 25 th April. In common with <strong>the</strong> communists, this day<br />
was a consequence of <strong>the</strong> undefeated resistance. 67<br />
65 The PSD / CDS-PP government propagated official slogan of <strong>the</strong> 30 th anniversary -<br />
‘April is Evolution’ - caused an extensive debate, which was carried out even at <strong>the</strong> very<br />
ceremony. Here, <strong>the</strong> PCP reproached <strong>the</strong> government among o<strong>the</strong>rs for having down<br />
played <strong>the</strong> time of <strong>the</strong> revolution <strong>and</strong>, fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, of wanting to bind on <strong>the</strong> Caetano<br />
time during which attempts at reform were <strong>the</strong>med ‘Evolution in Continuity’. See 2004<br />
Bernardino Soares (PCP), 4384. Also in 2004 Manuel Alegre (PS), 4387 condemned <strong>the</strong><br />
alleged leveling of <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />
66 He spoke of “April” as a whole, instead of “April 25 th ”, using a lyrical stile of speech<br />
normally adopted by <strong>the</strong> PS.<br />
67 1980 Almeida Santos (PS), 120: “April was <strong>the</strong> advent of a complete epoch of suffering<br />
<strong>and</strong> fighting <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> climax of <strong>the</strong> saga of anonymous fighters for freedom.”<br />
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344 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
However, for <strong>the</strong> most part in <strong>the</strong> PS discourse <strong>the</strong> people were only<br />
assigned <strong>the</strong> role of a spectator in <strong>the</strong> downfall of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship (see<br />
1979 Herculano Pires [PS], 89 <strong>and</strong> 1999 Francisco Assis [PS], 2778).<br />
In contrast to <strong>the</strong> PSD, <strong>the</strong> PS explicitly celebrated <strong>the</strong> ‘April officers‘,<br />
who carried out <strong>the</strong> ‘coup d’état’ as collective heros, who acted selflessly,<br />
but also on behalf of <strong>the</strong> people as an “incarnation of <strong>the</strong> sake of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation” (1984 José Luis Nunes [PS], 2419). 68<br />
The later period of transition is ei<strong>the</strong>r euphemised or suppressed,<br />
so that no narrative pattern can arise from it. 69<br />
Nei<strong>the</strong>r are <strong>the</strong> antagonisms between <strong>the</strong> democratic <strong>and</strong> non-democratic<br />
forces constructed, nor is <strong>the</strong> image of a misdirected or failed<br />
revolution established. 70<br />
The political violence of <strong>the</strong> transition period is almost completely<br />
relegated to <strong>the</strong> fringe – one speaks euphemistically of “errors” (1978<br />
Manuel Alegre [PS], 62) <strong>and</strong> “accidents on <strong>the</strong> way” (1979 Herculano<br />
Pires [PS], 90). No outline is provided of <strong>the</strong> causes, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> protagonists<br />
of <strong>the</strong>se ‚aberrations‘ or <strong>the</strong>ir timing, but <strong>the</strong>y are attributed “to <strong>the</strong> original<br />
purity of <strong>the</strong> revolutionary act, which consists in restoring to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong><br />
its freedom” (1999 Francisco Assis [PS], 2778). 71<br />
68 Of this collective, only Salgueiro Maia was recognised (after his death), being described<br />
as “one of <strong>the</strong> worthiest symbols of <strong>the</strong> purity of <strong>the</strong> April ideals”. (Among o<strong>the</strong>rs 1995<br />
António Guterres (PS), 423). Maia here plays <strong>the</strong> role of a tragic hero <strong>and</strong> a symbolic<br />
figure, who, in spite of his contribution to <strong>the</strong> overthrow of <strong>the</strong> regime, was not appreciated<br />
(by <strong>the</strong> PSD government), whereas <strong>the</strong> former associates of <strong>the</strong> state police PIDE<br />
received retirement pensions.<br />
69 This was also observed by Campilho (2002: 88) in <strong>the</strong> party press <strong>and</strong> assumed that<br />
it has never been necessary for <strong>the</strong> PS to construct a party memoir, because <strong>the</strong> party<br />
strongly identified with 25 th April. However, this argumentation does not explain why <strong>the</strong><br />
PCP, which identified even more with 25 th April, constructed its own narrative pattern.<br />
70 One faction placed much greater emphasis upon <strong>the</strong> fight for democracy <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> coup<br />
attempt of 25 th November. See Campilho (2002: 69).<br />
71 There is just one specific reference to 25 th November. 1982 Jaime Gama (PS), 204. The<br />
fact, that this day is not commemorated in <strong>the</strong> public memory of <strong>the</strong> party is demonstrated<br />
by <strong>the</strong> speech of 1985 José Luis Nunes (PS), 267, which named only 25 th April 1975<br />
(elections to <strong>the</strong> Constituent Assembly) <strong>and</strong> 25 th April 1976 (passing of <strong>the</strong> constitution).<br />
A fur<strong>the</strong>r statement by Nunes reveals how strongly <strong>the</strong> conflicts became marginalised<br />
<strong>and</strong> 25 th April established as <strong>the</strong> foundation myth of democracy: “To celebrate more than<br />
eleven years since <strong>the</strong> victory, we celebrate eleven years of democracy <strong>and</strong> institutional<br />
stability, which in its various possibilities enabled all <strong>the</strong> Portuguese to participate in <strong>the</strong><br />
moral, political <strong>and</strong> economic reconstruction of <strong>the</strong> country.”<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 345<br />
The PS depicts itself as <strong>the</strong> responsible force <strong>and</strong> from <strong>the</strong> middle<br />
of <strong>the</strong> 1990s, extolled Mário Soares as <strong>the</strong> key figure of <strong>the</strong> fight for<br />
democracy <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> best ambassador for <strong>the</strong> values of <strong>the</strong> “democratic<br />
revolution”. 72<br />
The PS not only emphasise <strong>the</strong> reconciliation <strong>and</strong> integration myth<br />
of 25th of April, but of <strong>the</strong> entire Carnation Revolution, a revolution<br />
without hate, without revanchism, recrimination, one that united <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
in freedom <strong>and</strong> peace under a cordial appeal to solidarity <strong>and</strong><br />
bro<strong>the</strong>rhood” (1979 Herculano Pires [PS], 91). Representing o<strong>the</strong>rs, Almeida<br />
Santos in 1980 stated: “April is Portugal without <strong>the</strong> contradictions”<br />
(1980 Almeida Santos [PS], 121). The spirit of April is evoked, <strong>and</strong> with<br />
it values like freedom, peacefulness <strong>and</strong> tolerance. Up to <strong>the</strong> 1980s, in<br />
particular <strong>the</strong> PS call for “national reconciliation” (1978 Manuel Alegre<br />
[PS], 61, 1984 José Luis Nunes [PS], 242), unity <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “pacification of<br />
<strong>the</strong> Portuguese family” (1979 Herculano Pires [PS], 89). 73 The fall of <strong>the</strong><br />
dictatorship <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> excesses of <strong>the</strong> revolution, carried out by <strong>the</strong> CDS<br />
<strong>and</strong> also in part by <strong>the</strong> PSD, are always ignored by <strong>the</strong> PS. However, <strong>the</strong><br />
speakers accept this line of argument in order to depict <strong>the</strong> dictatorship<br />
as more reprehensible by far, <strong>and</strong> to present an exclusively positive image<br />
of <strong>the</strong> revolution. 74 The analysis of <strong>the</strong> revolution as history has not taken<br />
place yet in <strong>the</strong> PS.<br />
On <strong>the</strong> contrary, since <strong>the</strong> branqueamento in particular, this party increasingly<br />
emphasised <strong>and</strong> idealised this period as a foundation myth, as<br />
<strong>the</strong> origin of positive developments in Portugal <strong>and</strong> as <strong>the</strong> international<br />
model for transitions, because “it was an exemplary democratic transformation,<br />
without bloodshed, which spread to sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>Europe</strong>, Greece,<br />
Spain <strong>and</strong> later to Latin America <strong>and</strong> eastern <strong>Europe</strong>” (1994 António Guterres<br />
[PS], 404). 75<br />
72 “With Mário Soares at its head <strong>the</strong> PS was, where it was needed: in <strong>the</strong> resistance against<br />
fascism <strong>and</strong> alongside <strong>the</strong> April military in <strong>the</strong> fight for <strong>the</strong> democratic revolution” 2004<br />
Manuel Alegre (PS), 4389. In this spirit for <strong>the</strong> first time 1996 Manuel Alegre (PS), 443.<br />
Soares already began to be affected by faction from <strong>the</strong> outset of his presidency in 1986,<br />
according to Campilho (2002: 76).<br />
73 This is also based upon <strong>the</strong> argument that <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution treated <strong>the</strong> representatives<br />
of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship with mildness.<br />
74 For example, in 2004 Manuel Alegre (PS), 4387 states: “One cannot celebrate 25 th April<br />
by condemning decolonisation. We celebrate 25 th April by condemning <strong>the</strong> colonial war.”<br />
75 The model function stressed by 2004 Manuel Alegre (PS), 4388 among o<strong>the</strong>rs.<br />
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346 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
The communist description of 25 th April differs from <strong>the</strong> description<br />
of <strong>the</strong> socialists in some striking ways. Their story also begins with <strong>the</strong><br />
officers as selfless heroes (see for example 1995 Carlos Carvalhas [PCP],<br />
421), <strong>and</strong> in contrast to <strong>the</strong> conservative parties, <strong>the</strong>ir representatives often<br />
speak of <strong>the</strong> MFA as <strong>the</strong> initiator of <strong>the</strong> revolution. However, <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
soon accompanied by a revolutionary national uprising, which is finally<br />
responsible for <strong>the</strong> downfall of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship. During <strong>the</strong> ceremony,<br />
<strong>the</strong> PCP never places itself at <strong>the</strong> center of <strong>the</strong> revolution, <strong>and</strong> certainly<br />
does not designate itself as its driving force – it is only an integral part of<br />
<strong>the</strong> “democratic forces” 76 . This placement is diametrically opposed to <strong>the</strong><br />
descriptions of <strong>the</strong> CDS <strong>and</strong> PSD, which regard <strong>the</strong> PCP as a manipulator<br />
of <strong>the</strong> ‘pure‘ revolution. The aftermath of 25 th of April is characterised<br />
nei<strong>the</strong>r by chaos nor perversion, but by revolutionary success.<br />
Not only were <strong>the</strong> trilogy of freedom, democracy <strong>and</strong> peace proclaimed<br />
as “achievements of <strong>the</strong> revolution” (1980 Joaquim Gomes [PCP],<br />
117), but also nationalisation, agrarian reform <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation of laborunions,<br />
for example. 77 It is striking, that <strong>the</strong> PCP, like <strong>the</strong> PS, neglect chronology<br />
as far <strong>the</strong> timing of <strong>the</strong> revolution is concerned.<br />
The concealment of conflicts within <strong>the</strong> democratic forces <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
concealment of dates such as 11 th March or 25 th November 1975, leave<br />
blind spots <strong>and</strong> give <strong>the</strong> impression of a continuous progression since 25 th<br />
April.<br />
According to <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> revolution was interrupted by <strong>the</strong> ‘agents‘<br />
of <strong>the</strong> capitalist ‘reaction‘: “Immediately, one day after <strong>the</strong> overthrow, <strong>the</strong><br />
forces that had lost political power, but had not lost economic power tried<br />
to regain <strong>the</strong>ir former positions in a subversive way against <strong>the</strong> will of <strong>the</strong><br />
revolution” (1984 Dias Lourenço [PCP], 234).<br />
This topos of a reactionary conspiracy infiltrates PCP discourse<br />
over <strong>the</strong> entire period of <strong>the</strong> study. During <strong>the</strong> time of transition, <strong>the</strong> conspirators,<br />
among o<strong>the</strong>r “bomb terrorists”, “collaborators of <strong>the</strong> political<br />
police” <strong>and</strong> “unprincipled politicians”, fought not only for <strong>the</strong> recovery of<br />
76 This term can be observed in <strong>the</strong> communist speeches up to 1986. It ga<strong>the</strong>red all <strong>the</strong><br />
left positions as far <strong>the</strong> PS inclusively, <strong>and</strong> separated <strong>the</strong>m from <strong>the</strong> remaining political<br />
positions which, including <strong>the</strong> PSD <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> CDS, made <strong>the</strong> ‘reaction’. Both parties<br />
certainly do not accept this use of language <strong>and</strong> on <strong>the</strong>ir part emphasise that <strong>the</strong> ‘democratic<br />
forces’ won on 25 th November over a coalition of ‘non-democratic forces’. Among<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rs. 1980 Helena Roseta (PSD), 123 <strong>and</strong> 1981 Mário Gaioso (CDS), 156.<br />
77 Compare, for example, 2004 Bernardino Soares (PCP), 4384.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 347<br />
<strong>the</strong> dictatorship, but also later for <strong>the</strong> abolishment of democracy, which<br />
remained <strong>the</strong> aim of <strong>the</strong> “reaction” (see 1979 Carlos Brito [PCP], 77). 78<br />
Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> combat against this reaction to 25 th April are to be<br />
continued as a revolutionary process, not as an aberration or perversion<br />
of its original ideals, but as a “deeply democratic process” (1979 Carlos<br />
Brito [PCP], 78) 79 <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> implementation of its purposes in society. For<br />
<strong>the</strong> PCP, <strong>the</strong> revolution remains an uncompleted process, nei<strong>the</strong>r in 1977<br />
nor 2004 were its aims achieved. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, one has increasingly veered<br />
away from <strong>the</strong>m. During every single ceremony, <strong>the</strong> PCP attack <strong>the</strong> “regressions”<br />
that have occured <strong>and</strong> have caused <strong>the</strong> social changes achieved<br />
up to 1976 to be reversed. One has persued a bad policy continously,<br />
which can only be broken by <strong>the</strong> “resumption of <strong>the</strong> interventionist <strong>and</strong><br />
fighting spirit, which April taught us” (2004 Bernardino Soares [PCP],<br />
4385). Despite <strong>the</strong> used military imagery, which is typical of Marxist rhetoric<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r with continuous accusations, a defensive discourse about<br />
<strong>the</strong> declining heritage of a change desired by <strong>the</strong> people of <strong>the</strong> revolution<br />
emerges from <strong>the</strong> speeches.<br />
Commemorative Congruency – Commemorative Competition<br />
The persisting perception of <strong>the</strong> dictatorship in public <strong>and</strong> official<br />
memory culture is that of an interim, which also means a “banishment”<br />
(Mário Soares [President] 1986: 295) of <strong>the</strong> nation from <strong>the</strong> international<br />
community that was only ended by 25 th of April, as President Soares puts<br />
it. All presidents <strong>and</strong> parties distinguish between <strong>the</strong> Portuguese people,<br />
who are regarded as <strong>the</strong> bearers of national identity on one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
regime, which does not represent <strong>the</strong> people <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir ancient culture.<br />
78 Until <strong>the</strong> middle of <strong>the</strong> 1980s, <strong>the</strong> PCP directly accused <strong>the</strong> conservative government<br />
of being <strong>the</strong> initiator of a “subversive plan” (1980 Joaquim Gomes (PCP), 117), through<br />
which <strong>the</strong>y wanted to reconstitute <strong>the</strong> dictatorship; <strong>the</strong>y also accused <strong>the</strong> “forces of <strong>the</strong><br />
past” of having always remained at work in <strong>the</strong> government, in order to regain <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
“reign <strong>and</strong> privileges” (1991 Jerónimo de Sousa (PCP), 381). The return to <strong>the</strong> past”<br />
suggests 2004 Bernardino Soares (PCP), 4385 is still <strong>the</strong> purpose of <strong>the</strong> dominant policy.<br />
79 See also 1991 Jerónimo de Sousa (PCP), 381. No o<strong>the</strong>r party speaks in this context of<br />
a democratisation process. In 1984, Fern<strong>and</strong>o Condesso (PSD), 238, protested against<br />
<strong>the</strong> speech of <strong>the</strong> PCP, because <strong>the</strong> decision-makers were not legitimised by elections.<br />
Thus far, <strong>the</strong> discussions concerning <strong>the</strong> allocation of political terms in Portugal, have<br />
not been analysed.<br />
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348 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
Dictatorship is defined through national history. All <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
were <strong>the</strong> victims of <strong>the</strong> regime, only <strong>the</strong> degree of suffering <strong>and</strong> oppression<br />
differed. Yet, while <strong>the</strong> people were <strong>the</strong> victims, <strong>the</strong>re was also heroic<br />
<strong>and</strong> idealistic resistance, at <strong>the</strong> head of which <strong>the</strong> parties to some extent<br />
place <strong>the</strong>mselves. The self-sacrifice of <strong>the</strong> resistance fighters for <strong>the</strong> collective,<br />
created a heroic myth, which became representative of <strong>the</strong> nation.<br />
No protagonist strayed from <strong>the</strong> anti-dictatorship consensus; however,<br />
a more definite dispute in addition to this has never taken place in<br />
<strong>the</strong>se speeches. The dictatorship is characterised as a structure devoid of<br />
people, but a debate on its origin, <strong>the</strong> active supporting network, <strong>the</strong> passive<br />
proponents <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reasons for its longevity cannot be determined.<br />
With <strong>the</strong> exception of <strong>the</strong> Marxist interpretation of <strong>the</strong> PCP as<br />
fascist, in <strong>the</strong> view of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r protagonists, <strong>the</strong> ‘Estado Novo’ appears<br />
to be an aberration of history. The condemnation of <strong>the</strong> regime is diametrically<br />
opposed to <strong>the</strong> glorification of 25 th April <strong>and</strong> its elaboration<br />
into a political myth. It has appeared in various manifestations, since <strong>the</strong><br />
ceremony was initiated. This construal mechanism allows for <strong>the</strong> reduction<br />
of <strong>the</strong> complicated historical interrelationships to a basic pattern.<br />
The 25 th April is depicted as <strong>the</strong> culmination of a decade long resistance<br />
which laid <strong>the</strong> foundation for this day <strong>and</strong> is a true representative<br />
representation of <strong>the</strong> nation that secured its continuity. The “April officers”<br />
were placed in <strong>the</strong> tradition of <strong>the</strong> resistance <strong>and</strong> often presented as<br />
heroes <strong>and</strong> redemptive figures (Cruzeiro 1994: 447), 80 who in acting on<br />
behalf of <strong>the</strong> nation, implemented <strong>the</strong> will of <strong>the</strong> people. On that day, an<br />
irreversible “break” with <strong>the</strong> dictatorship took place. This topos is adopted<br />
by every protagonist <strong>and</strong> ensures <strong>the</strong>reby <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> ‘me<strong>and</strong>er‘<br />
persued by <strong>the</strong> regime <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘return‘ to <strong>the</strong> national (success) story. The<br />
people were provided with an opportunity “to recover <strong>the</strong>ir identity <strong>and</strong><br />
Portugal was enabled to recover its centuries old history” (Mário Soares<br />
[President] 1987: 315), as President Soares outlined in 1987.<br />
This not only allowed for <strong>the</strong> establishment of a recurrence-myth; in<br />
addition to regeneration a conciliation <strong>and</strong> unification myth also emerged<br />
as ano<strong>the</strong>r form of interpretation. After 25 th April, a period, in which he is<br />
depicted as an experienced man, who unified all <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, President<br />
Eanes made ano<strong>the</strong>r attempt to return to <strong>the</strong> excesses of <strong>the</strong> revolution.<br />
80 He identifies an ‘Updating of <strong>the</strong> Sebastianism redeemer myth’ in this stylisation.<br />
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In <strong>the</strong> Name of April 349<br />
He criticised left-wing radicals in particular for having jeopardised<br />
national identity <strong>and</strong> put at risk <strong>the</strong> independence of <strong>the</strong> nation.<br />
However, his successors address <strong>the</strong>se conflicts less than ever. Instead,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y characterise <strong>the</strong> collective euphoria regarding <strong>the</strong> liberation of<br />
<strong>the</strong> nation as a festival of national reconciliation <strong>and</strong> unity. The subsequent<br />
harmonisation of <strong>the</strong> social conflicts regarding <strong>the</strong> future development,<br />
facilated <strong>the</strong> idealisation of <strong>the</strong> events <strong>and</strong> with it identification with<br />
values it represents. Whereas President Eanes uses cathartic moments in<br />
his narrative structure, in which 25 th November 1975 recalls <strong>the</strong> native<br />
roots of 25 th April, his followers explicitly define 25 th of April as <strong>the</strong> date,<br />
on which <strong>the</strong> new Portuguese democracy was established. Therefore, one<br />
can speak of <strong>the</strong> foundation myth of democracy. It entails <strong>the</strong> detemporalisation<br />
of <strong>the</strong> transition phase <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> destruction of a “suspicion of<br />
contingency” (Münkler), namely that <strong>the</strong> 25 th April could have also ended<br />
in a civil war. Yet, in <strong>the</strong> descriptions of <strong>the</strong> CDS <strong>and</strong> also <strong>the</strong> earlier PSD,<br />
which resemble that of Eanes <strong>and</strong> feature a disassociation from <strong>the</strong> revolutionary<br />
process, 25 th April functions as a myth of national integration.<br />
It emphasises <strong>the</strong> fundamental consensus of <strong>the</strong> democratic parties<br />
<strong>and</strong> may be interpreted, particularly during <strong>the</strong> consolidation phase of <strong>the</strong><br />
Portuguese democracy, as a proposal of integration for everyone, including<br />
<strong>the</strong> anticommunist supporters of <strong>the</strong> ‘Estado Novo’. The fundamental<br />
democratic consensus created a consolidated st<strong>and</strong>ard background,<br />
against which a varied interpretation of 25 th April takes place, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
openness of <strong>the</strong> analysis helps to unify <strong>the</strong> diverse target audience.<br />
Therefore, 25 th April provided <strong>the</strong> people with a new <strong>and</strong> positive<br />
opportunity for unity as opposed to dictatorship. 81<br />
The novel orientation offer, by means of which Portugal can be regarded<br />
as a <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>and</strong> cosmopolitan nation, tied to <strong>the</strong> political myth<br />
of April as well as to <strong>the</strong> ‘golden age of discoveries‘, which are deeply<br />
rooted in <strong>the</strong> cultural memory. 82<br />
81 See also Trindade (2004: 20-31), who describes how <strong>the</strong> change in <strong>the</strong> evaluation of <strong>the</strong><br />
transition period has been an issue during <strong>the</strong> democracy.<br />
82 And so, according to representative surveys, 31,8% of <strong>the</strong> respondents in 1984 declared<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Carnation Revolution was a reason for Portuguese national pride, in 1993,<br />
<strong>the</strong> rate increased to 50,6%. Information from Bacalhau (1994: 49). In 2004, according to<br />
a survey by Público, 76% of <strong>the</strong> respondents regarded 25 th April 1974 to have been <strong>the</strong><br />
most important event in <strong>the</strong> history of Portugal, 60% <strong>the</strong> expeditions to India <strong>and</strong> Brazil,<br />
<strong>and</strong> 49% <strong>the</strong> accession to <strong>the</strong> EEC (multiple-choice possible). See Público, 24.4.2004, 6.<br />
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350 Cláucio Serra Domingues<br />
On one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>the</strong> “high level of repression” (Fleschenberg 2004:<br />
292) concerning <strong>the</strong> dictatorship was recognised in <strong>the</strong> fixed discourse<br />
of <strong>the</strong> political elite of Portugal, as stated by Fleschenberg in 2004. On<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, a fear of <strong>the</strong> “bowdlerisation of <strong>the</strong> revolution”, which<br />
could fall victim to “selective memory”, was uttered by Kenneth Maxwell<br />
(1995). It is clear, that <strong>the</strong> political parties have prevented each o<strong>the</strong>r from<br />
coming to terms with <strong>the</strong> ambiguous past in Portugal so far. However,<br />
one must counter <strong>the</strong> argument that a collective fundamental consensus<br />
has occurred over <strong>the</strong> political myth of 25 th April. Only those, who turned<br />
against democracy in <strong>the</strong> post revolutionary period remained excluded.<br />
Therefore, it succeeded in establishing public <strong>and</strong> political commemoration.<br />
The antagonistic <strong>and</strong> competing memories regarding <strong>the</strong> dictatorship<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> revolution were used for mutual differentiation. The reason is that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y found <strong>the</strong>ir Archimedean point in 25 th April <strong>and</strong> merged into one<br />
ano<strong>the</strong>r. In this balanced situation everyone celebrates his 25 th April, but<br />
a democratic fundamental combined consensus remains elusive. The dual<br />
repression of <strong>the</strong> past grouped around <strong>the</strong> political myth of 25 th April<br />
should, as a working hypo<strong>the</strong>sis, encourage fur<strong>the</strong>r studies, which would<br />
have a necessary stabilising effect on <strong>the</strong> consolidation of <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />
democracy <strong>and</strong> decisively influence <strong>the</strong> restructing of national identity.To<br />
trace <strong>the</strong> evolution of its form <strong>and</strong> meaning, to discover <strong>the</strong> interests of<br />
his ‘originators’ <strong>and</strong> propagators, who toge<strong>the</strong>r persued <strong>the</strong> politics of history,<br />
as well as to explore its efficacy in <strong>the</strong> social elites <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> population,<br />
are important tasks for myth studies within <strong>the</strong> sphere of cultural studies<br />
in regard to issues, such as identity formation, historical awareness <strong>and</strong><br />
political culture among o<strong>the</strong>rs (Hein-Kircher 2006: 423f). 83<br />
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alten Begriff ” in: Völker-Rasor, Anette, Schmale, Wolfgang (Eds.), My<strong>the</strong>n-<br />
Mächte - My<strong>the</strong>n als Argument. Berlin, 9-32.<br />
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ASCHAUER, WOLFGANG, is a Professor in <strong>Europe</strong>an Studies at <strong>the</strong><br />
Chemnitz University of Technology. Research fields: development of<br />
border regions, effects of border-crossing contacts, national <strong>and</strong> regional<br />
identities, <strong>the</strong> transformation of socialist countries <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an integration,<br />
with special attention to East Central <strong>Europe</strong>. Recent publications:<br />
“Aspekte grenzüberschreitender Kulturbeziehungen”. in: Vogt, Matthias<br />
Theodor u.a.: Bedingungen europäischer Solidarität. Görlitz, Breslau, Prag,<br />
2006; “Ethnizität und Globalisierung regionaler Lebenswelten. Überlegungen<br />
zur Bedeutung ethnischer Kategorien in den Transformationsländern<br />
Südosteuropas aus sozial- und kulturgeographischer Sicht”. in:<br />
Heller, Wilfried u. a. (Eds.): Ethnizität in der Globalisierung. München 2007.<br />
BEST, ULRICH, is a DAAD Visiting Professor at York University. After<br />
his studies of geography, sociology <strong>and</strong> computer sciences in Heidelberg<br />
<strong>and</strong> Berlin he was PhD-student at <strong>the</strong> University of Plymouth, TK.<br />
He also attended an exchange programme with <strong>the</strong> Uniwersytet Wroclawski,<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> was lecturer in geography at <strong>the</strong> University of Leicester,<br />
UK, <strong>and</strong> at Chemnitz University of Technology, Germany.<br />
CARREIRA, PAULA, is a PhD c<strong>and</strong>idate working on <strong>the</strong> classical influence<br />
in Marquês de Pombal’s work. She received her Master’s degree<br />
in Classical Studies (Greek Literature, especially <strong>the</strong> work by Apollonius<br />
Rhodius – The Argonautika) from <strong>the</strong> University of Lisbon, Portugal <strong>and</strong><br />
also received her Licentiate’s degree in Classical Languages <strong>and</strong> Literatures<br />
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from <strong>the</strong> same university. Currently she is also a Researcher at <strong>the</strong> Centre<br />
for Literatures in Portuguese of <strong>the</strong> Universities of Lisbon (CLEPUL).<br />
CIESZYNSKA, BEATA ELZBIETA, PhD (from <strong>the</strong> University of<br />
Gdansk, Pol<strong>and</strong>) is a Researcher of <strong>the</strong> CLEPUL – Centre for Lusophone<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Literatures <strong>and</strong> Cultures, Faculty of Letters University of<br />
Lisbon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Coordinator of its Research group “CLEPUL 5”: <strong>Iberia</strong>n<br />
<strong>and</strong> Slavonic Literatures <strong>and</strong> Cultures, President of CompaRes – International<br />
Society for <strong>Iberia</strong>n-Slavonic Studies. She is also a coordinator of<br />
<strong>the</strong> CISCR – ICS Commission for <strong>Iberia</strong>n-Slavonic Comparative Research<br />
at <strong>the</strong> International Committee of Slavists. Research fields: History of<br />
Literature <strong>and</strong> Culture; Reading <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r in British <strong>and</strong> Polish Writings;<br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n-Slavonic Comparative Studies. Recent publications: “Amostras<br />
literárias de Portugal e dos países lusófonos nos periódicos eslavos. O<br />
caso da revista polaca Literatura no Mundo / Literatura na świecie (desde<br />
1971)”, in: A História da Imprensae a Imprensa na História. O Contributo dos<br />
Açores, Carlos Cordeiro e Susana Serpa Silva (Eds.), Ponta Delgada 2009,<br />
203-220; “Tchekov à Portuguesa. Sztuki Czechowa w lizbońskim teatrze<br />
eksperymentalnym, Casa Conveniente”. in: Czechow współcześnie. Dzieło –<br />
komunikacja – obecność, Ed. Ryszard Strzelecki i Gerard Guzlak, Bydgoszcz<br />
2010 (in print).<br />
CRISTOVÃO, FERNANDO, is a Full Professor for Portuguese Literature<br />
at <strong>the</strong> University of Lisbon, Portugal; Founder of <strong>the</strong> “Instituto<br />
Camões”; Vice-Director of <strong>the</strong> Centre for Lusophone <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Literatures<br />
<strong>and</strong> Cultures, Faculty of Letters, University of Lisbon. Research<br />
fields: travel literature <strong>and</strong> Lusophone literature <strong>and</strong> culture with <strong>the</strong> special<br />
focus on <strong>the</strong> Brazilian issues. Recent publications: Dicionário de Lusofonia.<br />
Lisbon, 2004; Condicionantes culturais da literature de viagens. Lisbon, 1999;<br />
Da Lusitanidade à Lusofonia, Coimbra, 2008; Cadernos de Literatura de Viagens<br />
(Acervo Bibliográfico de Literatura de Viagens da Biblioteca do Palácio Nacional<br />
de Mafra), Coimbra, 2009. Literatura de Viagens: Da Tradicional à Nova e à<br />
Novíssima, Coimbra, 2010; Vida e Feitos heróicos do Gr<strong>and</strong>e Condestável e suas<br />
Descendências (Ed.), Lisbon, 2010.<br />
FERNÁNDEZ PÉREZ-SANJULIÁN, CARME, is a Full Professor<br />
in <strong>the</strong> area of Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Galician Philology at <strong>the</strong> University of A<br />
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Coruña, Spain. Research fields: Galician <strong>and</strong> Portuguese Literature of <strong>the</strong><br />
19 th<br />
<strong>and</strong> 20 th<br />
centuries, Gender Studies, Theory of Literature <strong>and</strong> Postcolonial<br />
Studies. Recent publications: A construción nacional no discurso literario<br />
de Ramón Otero Pedrayo. Vigo: A Nosa Terra, 2003; Critical edition of <strong>the</strong> play<br />
Figados de Tigre by Francisco Gomes de Amorim, 2003.<br />
FRANCO, JOSÉ EDUARDO, was awarded his PhD in 2004 in History<br />
<strong>and</strong> Civilisations at École de Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales about<br />
<strong>the</strong> myth of Jesuits in Portugal <strong>and</strong> Brazil. He is a Researcher <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Vice-Director of <strong>the</strong> CLEPUL – Centre for Lusophone <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Literatures <strong>and</strong> Cultures, Faculty of Letters University of Lisbon <strong>and</strong> Coordinator<br />
of its Research Group – CLEPUL 4: <strong>Europe</strong>an Literatures <strong>and</strong><br />
Cultures. He is also <strong>the</strong> Vice President of CompaRes – International Society<br />
for <strong>Iberia</strong>n-Slavonic Studies, as well as <strong>the</strong> President of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Institute of Culture of S.J. Manuel Antunes in Lisbon.<br />
Recent publications: Dança dos Demónios – Intolerância em Portugal:<br />
Anti-seminitismo, Anti-Islamismo, Anticlericalismo, Antijesuitismo, Antiprotestantismo,<br />
Antimaçonismo, Antifeminismo, Anticomunismo, Antiliberalismo, Antiamericanismo,<br />
Lisbon, 2009; Entre a Selva e a Corte: Novos Olhares Sobre Vieira, Lisbon,<br />
2009; “Vieira e a possibilidade de um Mundo Novo: Quinto Império<br />
como Projecto de Cidadania do Futuro”, in: Paulo Mendes Pinto et al.<br />
(Eds.), Religião & Ofensa: As Religiões e a Liberdade de Expressão, Lisbon,<br />
2009, 101-114.<br />
HAVELKA, MILOŠ, is Professor at <strong>the</strong> Charles University, Prague;<br />
Vice-Dean of <strong>the</strong> Faculty of Arts <strong>and</strong> Social Sciences at <strong>the</strong> same University.<br />
Research <strong>and</strong> several publications on Czech history, historical memory<br />
<strong>and</strong> national identity. Recent publications: “Über mitteleuropäischen<br />
Auffassungen von Mitteleuropa”, in: dejiny-teorie-kritika, 2, 2005, 195-213;<br />
“Identitäten in sich vereinigendem Europa”, in: P. Macek, J. Dalajka: Vyvoj<br />
a utvárení osobnosti v sociálních a etnickych kontextech. Brno 2005, 548-562.<br />
KALEWSKA, ANNA, is a Assistant Professor at <strong>Iberia</strong>n Studies <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>Iberia</strong>n-American Institute at <strong>the</strong> University of Warsaw. Research fields:<br />
Portuguese literature <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>atre <strong>and</strong> compared literature. Edited books:<br />
Camões, czyli tryumf epiki (Camões, ou o triunfo da épica), 1999; Baltasar<br />
Dias e as metamorfoses do discurso dramatúrgico em Portugal e nas Ilhas de São Tomé<br />
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e Príncipe. Ensaio histórico-literário e antropológico, 2005; translation of As Naus<br />
(Karawele wracaja) by António Lobo Antunes.<br />
KOROLIOV, SONJA, is a Research Associate at <strong>the</strong> Interdisciplinary<br />
Centre for Research on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Enlightenment (IZEA) at <strong>the</strong> Martin<br />
Lu<strong>the</strong>r University Hall / Wittenberg <strong>and</strong> Temporary Lecturer in Russian<br />
at <strong>the</strong> Humboldt-Universität in Berlin. She studied Classics at <strong>the</strong><br />
University of Oxford, where she also completed a Master’s degree in<br />
Modern Languages (Russian <strong>and</strong> German). Dissertation on <strong>the</strong> Russian<br />
<strong>and</strong> Jewish philosopher Lev Shestov in Heidelberg. Research fields: Russian<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Sentimentalism, Irrationalism, Theories of Insanity,<br />
Macedonian Literature.<br />
MACHADO DE ABREU, LUÍS, is a Full Professor at <strong>the</strong> University<br />
of Aveiro. His main research interests lie in <strong>the</strong> History of Ideas <strong>and</strong> Culture.<br />
He published numerous articles, among o<strong>the</strong>rs, “A intriga teológicopolítica<br />
dos anticlericalismos”, in: Marujo, António, Franco, J. Eduardo<br />
(Eds.) Dança dos Demónios Intolerância em Portugal. Lisbon, 2009, 125-201;<br />
“Nos labirintos do poder impotente”, in: Colóquio / Letras. Lisbon, 170<br />
(2009), 266-272; “Os jardins entre a natureza e a arte”, in: Franco, José<br />
Eduardo, Gomes, Ana Cristina Costa (Eds.): Jardins do Mundo Discursos e<br />
Práticas. Lisbon, 2008, 363-370; “A usura simbólica do Santo Ofício”, in:<br />
Barreto, Luís Filipe (Eds.): Inquisição Portuguesa Tempo, Razão e Circunstância.<br />
Lisbon, 2007, 405-411; Ensaios Anticlericais. Lisbon, 2004.<br />
MORÁN CABANAS, MARIA ISABEL, is a Professor of Portuguese<br />
Literature at <strong>the</strong> University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain. She was<br />
awarded her PhD in Portuguese Medieval Literature for her work on<br />
García de Resende’s ‘Cancioneiro Geral’. Research fields: Contemporary<br />
Poetry, especially Eroticism from a Social-literary Perspective, <strong>and</strong> Neotroubadour<br />
Literature in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Iberia</strong>n Pensinsula. Recent publication: María<br />
Isabel Morán Cabanas / José Eduardo Franco, O Padre António Vieira e as<br />
Mulheres – O mito barroco do universo feminino. Porto, 2008.<br />
NAZARETH, FRANCISCO, is a Lecturer in Portuguese Language <strong>and</strong><br />
Culture for <strong>the</strong> Camões Institute in Sofia, Bulgaria. He first graduated in<br />
Philosophy from <strong>the</strong> University of Porto <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n went on to do a Mas-<br />
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ters Degree in American Literature <strong>and</strong> Culture, at Universidade Aberta, in<br />
Lisbon, with a <strong>the</strong>sis on Paul Auster. Having worked in Australia, also as a<br />
Lecturer for <strong>the</strong> Camões Institute, first at Flinders University, in Adelaide,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n at <strong>the</strong> University of New South Wales, in Sydney, for six years<br />
<strong>and</strong> a half (with a short spell of six months in East-Timor in-between), he<br />
finished a Post-Grad in Film Studies, developing an interest in <strong>the</strong> areas<br />
of Film Criticism, Cultural Studies, Post-Colonial Theory, Cultural Theory<br />
<strong>and</strong> Theory of Fiction, as well as Hermeneutics. He published a collection<br />
of short stories called Femina (Viseu: Sagesse, 2000).<br />
PINHEIRO, TERESA, is a Junior Professor at Chemnitz University<br />
of Technology. She holds PhD in Cultural Studies. Her research interests<br />
concern cultural studies in <strong>the</strong> Portuguese, Spanish <strong>and</strong> German perspective.<br />
Recent publications: Portugiesische Migrationen. Geschichte, Repräsentation<br />
und Erinnerungskultur. Wiesbaden, 2010; Iberische Europa-Konzepte. Nation<br />
und Europa in Spanien und Portugal seit dem 19. Jahrhundert. Berlin, 2009; “Die<br />
Erfindung Europas auf der Iberischen Halbinsel“ in: Pinheiro, Teresa<br />
(Ed.), Iberische Europa-Konzepte. Nation und Europa in Spanien und Portugal seit<br />
dem 19. Jahrhundert. Berlin, 2009; “Das ‘Verstummen’ des portugiesischen<br />
Tonfilms im Estado Novo“ in: Febel, Gisela, Ueckmann, Natascha (Eds.),<br />
Europäischer Film im Kontext der Romania: Geschichte und Innovation (Akten der<br />
gleichnamigen Sektion des XXIX. Deutschen Romanistentages vom 25.9.-29.9.2005<br />
in Saarbrücken). Münster, 2008; “Iberische Sichten der EU-Osterweiterung”<br />
in: Niedobitek, Mathias, Jurczek, Peter (Eds.), Europäische Forschungsperspektiven<br />
– Elemente einer Europawissenschaft. Berlin, 2008; “Memória<br />
histórica no Portugal contemporâneo” in: Kalewska, Anna (Ed.), Diálogos<br />
com a Lusofonia. Colóquio comemorativo dos 30 anos do Instituto de Estudos Ibéricos<br />
e Ibero-americanos da Universidade de Varsóvia.<br />
RITA, ANNABELA, is a Professor of Modern <strong>and</strong> Contemporary Portuguese<br />
Literature at <strong>the</strong> Faculty of Letters of <strong>the</strong> University of Lisbon,<br />
Portugal. She is Director of <strong>the</strong> Centre for Lusophone <strong>and</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />
Literatures <strong>and</strong> Cultures of <strong>the</strong> Faculty of Letters, Universities of Lisbon<br />
(CLEPUL). Recent publications: “Padre José Joaquim de Sena Freitas<br />
(1840-1913) e a questão judaica” in: Luís Machado de Abreu, José Eduardo<br />
Franco, Annabela Rita, Jorge Croce Rivera (Eds.), Homem de Palavra<br />
— Padre Sena Freitas. Lisbon: Roma Editora, 2008; No fundo dos espelhos. In-<br />
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cursões na Cena Literária (vol. I). Porto: Edições Caixotim, 2003; Emergências<br />
estéticas. Lisbon: Roma Editora, 2006.<br />
ROUSSINOVA, OLGA, holds a PhD by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an University at St.<br />
Petersburg. Her academic interests include Social History of Art XVIII-<br />
XX cc., cross-cultural <strong>and</strong> artistic contacts, Portuguese <strong>and</strong> Russian art:<br />
Machado de Castro, <strong>the</strong> Court sculptor. Problemy razvitiia zarubeznogo iskusstva.<br />
SPb, 2010. V. 10; “Contemporary sculptural monuments without competitions<br />
<strong>and</strong> competitions without monuments”. in: Kapitel. Arkhitektura,<br />
restavraziia, dizain – 4 (16) 2009; French Art Academy in XVII-XVIII cc.: Artists<br />
<strong>and</strong> Artisans in sculpture, Academy <strong>and</strong> Academies. SPb., 2009.<br />
SEIDEL, JÖRG, is Graduate Assistant at <strong>the</strong> Junior Professorship “Cultural<br />
<strong>and</strong> Social Change” at <strong>the</strong> Technology Chemnitz University. His<br />
PHD title is “The Portuguese Colonial War in Angola <strong>and</strong> Mocambique<br />
as reflected in GDR media”.<br />
SERRA DOMINGUES, CLÁUCIO, was awarded a MA in History,<br />
German Studies <strong>and</strong> Philosophy at University of Münster (2007).<br />
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