SIPANewS - SIPA - Columbia University

January 2012
SIPANewS
national
identity and
the power of
perception

SIPANEWS
VOLUME XXV No. 1 JaNUary 2012
Published semiannually by Columbia University’s School of International and Public affairs
From the Dean
The quickening pace of globalization over the past two decades has undermined traditional national
identities and helped to promote ethnic, social, cultural, and even transnational solidarities that compete
for primacy. More than 200 million people worldwide now reside outside their country of birth.
Most of the rest of the world’s population now live in cities that are becoming more and more diverse.
As the essays in this issue of SIPA News demonstrate vividly, individual identities and attachments are
changing on a vast scale. In some places, of course, economic crises and political tensions have fueled a
revival of nationalist sentiment against outsiders, but in most of the world, urbanization, education, and
rising consumption are making people more cosmopolitan.
In many places, identity formation has become an object of policymaking for national as well as local
governments and of lobbying (or marketing) by social entrepreneurs of all kinds. Governments seek to
reshape the attitudes of potential foreign investors and end up creating or perpetuating national or local
mythologies, while cultural symbols and achievements, from ancient ruins and transnational religiosity
to pop music and football (soccer), are being deployed by governments and non-state actors alike to
create a sense of community (or of tension and confrontation) where it did not exist before. These are
powerful trends, pushed along by the rapid proliferation of new means of social communication.
SIPA, for example, is working hard to enhance and expand its own community of more than 18,000
alumni in 153 countries. A record number of SIPA alumni volunteered to serve on an enlarged Alumni
Council that now includes active alumni representatives from around the world. You can find SIPA via
Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and LinkedIn, in addition to the Morningside Post (the student run blog
space) and the SIPA web page, with its videos of timely lectures and conferences on the great public
policy challenges of our times.
SIPA graduates are also playing key roles in reaching out to all Columbia alumni. Karen Poniachik
(MIA ’90), for example, now heads the new Columbia Global Center in Santiago, Chile. Karen is
Chile’s former minister of energy and minister of mining. Ipek Cem-Taha (MIA ’93, BUS ’93), a wellknown
media personality in Turkey, directs the new Global Center in Istanbul. SIPA graduates also
play leading roles in Columbia University Clubs from Beijing to Bogotá. Whether you are a SIPA grad
or not, don’t hesitate to get connected.
John H. Coatsworth
Dean, School of International and Public Affairs
Interim Provost, Columbia University

FEATURES InSIdE SIpA
p. 2
Nationalism 2.0
By Ethan Wilkes
p. 4
Marketing Macedonia
By Sara Ray
p. 7
Branding a Global
City, One Campaign
at a Time
By Andrea Moore
p. 10
Rebranding Murder
City: Mexico’s
Fight to Change the
Image of a Battered
Border Town
By Nathaniel Parish Flannery
p. 13
An Island of Open
Identity: Singapore
and Long-Distance
Nationalism
By Priyam Saraf
p.16
An Identity to Call Their
Own: Singaporeans
and the Question of
Immigration
By Crystal Neo
p.18
Nation for Sale:
Selling Sierra Leone
By Jennifer Wilmore
p.20
Post-Soviet Identity
and Foreign Policy
Formation in Ukraine,
Estonia, and Latvia
By Tim Sandole
p.22
Reconstructing the
Chinese Farmer
By David Borenstein
p.25
Forever Young:
China’s Belief
in Its Own
Benevolent Rise
By Rebecca Chao
p.28
Development through
Football: A Vision
for the Balkans
By Behar Xharra and
Martin Waehlisch
p.31
Faculty Honors
and Awards
By Alex Burnett
p.32
Leaders in Global
Energy: Seeking
Solutions to
Sustainable Energy
By Alex Burnett and
Michelle Chahine
p.33
SIPA Events
Highlight Emerging
Economies and
Economic Priorities
p.34
From Recipients to
Donors: Brazilian
Students Turn
Classwork into
Real-world Policy
By Michelle Chahine
contents
p.35
Witnesses to History:
SIPA Interns around
the World
By Michelle Chahine
p.36
PhD Students Connect
Climate Change and
Civil War
By Alex Burnett
SIPA Alumnae Direct
New Global Centers
p.37
From SIPA to Iraq to
Afghanistan: An Interview
with Carlos Terrones
by Michelle Chahine
p.38
Class Notes
Compiled by Pat Jones
p.39
Donor List

nationalism 2.0
2 SIPA NEWS
By Ethan WilkEs

identity matters in international affairs. how political, economic, or
military power moves the affairs of state is easy to see. But it is what
people believe and hold to be true—their identities—that underpins
these power resources and defines their use.
From transnational movements to nation brands and even new nationhood,
national identities are increasingly vying for international influence.
they are being packaged for global consumption and exist inasmuch as
they earn international recognition. these identities represent a new form
of nationalism—what we might call “nationalism 2.0”—that is externally
oriented, inclusive, and participatory.
Traditionally, the notion of a “national” identity
was wedded to the nation-state. It was an identity
rooted in the common bonds that defined and united
a national constituency, such as ethnicity, religion,
and language. It was an identity that came as
a birthright, produced patriots, and fought “for God
and country.” It served as the je ne sais quoi that
made Frenchmen French and Germans German.
But anyone with an Internet connection is no longer
a prisoner of geography; identities are no longer
accidents of origin. The ease of access to information
and international experiences has replaced the traditional
notion of a national identity with something
more of our own choosing. For those of us who have
come of age with this exposure, our self-selected
identities are increasingly wedded to nations of likeminded
individuals rather than to nation-states. We
are defined and united less by the national identities
we are born into than by the transnational identities
in which we choose to believe. We are becoming
advocates rather than patriots. Our fight is increasingly
for cause before country.
Nowhere is this reality more apparent than in
transnational movements like Free Tibet and Save
Darfur. That there is scarcely an elected official
in the United States who would openly argue
against either of these movements is indicative
of the extent to which the electorate has internalized
these transnational identities as part of the
American national fabric.
According to a 2010 CNN/ORC poll, 73
percent of Americans believed that “Tibet
should be an independent country.” A 2006
WorldPublicOpinion.org poll, conducted at the
height of the Save Darfur campaign, found that
62 percent of Americans believed that the United
States “has a responsibility to help stop the killing
in the Darfur region.” Interestingly, according to
a CBS News/New York Times poll conducted this
past fall, only 43 percent “agree with the views of
Occupy Wall Street,” a movement that ostensibly
represents 99 percent of Americans and concerns
issues far closer to home than Tibet or Darfur.
What Free Tibet and Save Darfur represent, in
contrast to Occupy Wall Street, is the key tenet of
nationalism 2.0: identities that appeal to individuals’
aspirations for advocacy and provide a coherent
platform in which many can participate might have
a discernable impact on policy. Save Darfur proved
instrumental in securing Congressional support for
putting UN peacekeepers on the ground in Sudan.
U.S. presidents continue to chide China over treatment
of Tibetans, to the great ire of Beijing.
More than a few countries have recognized the
power of nationalism 2.0 and are making conscious
efforts to package a coherent, consistent,
and well-communicated identity to the outside
world through the use of a nation brand.
Some nation brands are small and product
focused, such as the Bahamas’ promotion of great
tropical holidays, while others encapsulate an entire
national idea like those for India and South Africa.
They might be used to raise reputations, as in the
cases of Ghana and South Korea, or change them,
such as with the states of former Yugoslavia. They
may be as explicit as China’s “Made-in-China”
Times Square advertising blitz or as subtle as
Dubai’s steady drumbeat of positive, well-placed
business news stories positioning the city-state as an
oasis of stability and opportunity in a volatile region.
These diverse nation-branding campaigns all seek
to project an internationally appealing and participa-
A Libyan woman poses with her face decorated with the French flag (left) and Libyan revolution’s colors
during a march in Benghazi to support the international coalition on March 24, 2011.
tory identity that can work in support of policy objectives.
Many do so through the explicit connection of
a product or experience with its country of origin.
While not everyone can call Cape Town, Seoul,
or Mumbai home, many can go on safari, own a
Samsung phone, or learn yoga. The greater the
appeal of these products and experiences, and an
individual’s awareness of their origins, the more likely
that individual might be favorably predisposed to supporting,
or even advocating on behalf of, a World Cup
bid for South Africa, a free trade agreement for South
Korea, or a UN Security Council seat for India.
Where the stakes are particularly high, countries
foster nationalism 2.0 less through links with
engaging products and experiences than through
appeals to the values of their intended audiences.
In particular, new states such as Kosovo,
South Sudan, and potentially Palestine have
sought to win support for nationhood by projecting
identities that appeal to an American sense of
Wilsonian idealism. By casting their struggle for
self-determination in a familiar ideational context,
they have succeeded in engaging significant levels
of public advocacy in the United States to support
their aspirations for independence.
These examples stand in stark contrast to the
no less deserving independence-minded region of
Kurdistan. There are many reasons a Kurdish state
has not materialized, not the least of which are the
geopolitical ramifications for Turkey, Syria, Iraq,
and Iran. But Kurdistan, like Occupy Wall Street,
has also failed to project enough of an externally
oriented, inclusive, and participatory identity to
capture a transformative level of global advocacy
for its cause.
Identity, indeed, matters in international affairs.
An identity that cannot travel, one that remains
restricted to its national boundaries, becomes the
tree that no one heard fall in the forest; its ability
to affect policy will be minimal. In a world where
national identities are increasingly of our own
choosing, the ability of a country or cause to influence
events will hinge on its capacity to cultivate
nationalism 2.0. This is a world in which success
will depend less on the degree of blind patriotism
already existing at home, than on the extent of
dedicated advocacy achieved at home and abroad.
Ethan Wilkes, SIPA News coeditor, is a secondyear
MIA candidate concentrating in International
Finance and Economic Policy. He is editor in chief
of The Morningside Post and marketing director of
the Journal of International Affairs.
SIPA NEWS 3

A 12-meter-high bronze statue of
Alexander the Great stands on the
central square in Skopje, Macedonia’s
capital. Alexander the Great was born
in northern Greece. Macedonia is
striving to prove that it has the right
to claim the warrior king as part of
its ancient heritage, which Greece refutes.
The installation of this massive
sculpture is part of a cultural project
“Skopje 2014.”
Marketing
Macedonia By Sara Ray
4 SIPA NEWS

When I was with other Peace Corps volunteers
in Macedonia, we played a game we called
Balkan RISK. Styled after the board game RISK,
Balkan RISK pitted the Byzantine, Italian,
Greek, Balkan, and Austro-Hungarian empires
against each other for total control of Eastern Europe. Marching my
sunflower seed armies across the map provided visual evidence of a
simple fact: the Balkans were a profound crossroads of empires.
For centuries, the Balkan cultures have
absorbed the influences of empires north and
south, east and west. As a result, the nation that
is now the Republic of Macedonia has a culture
that seems at once Turkish and Hellenistic,
Slavic and European, Christian and Islamic.
While this fermenting of influences has produced
a varied national identity and an anthropologically
fascinating culture, the Macedonians
of today are faced with a curious issue: how does
a culture of such diverse influence market itself
to the rest of the world?
In the 20 years since the breakup of Yugoslavia,
many of its newly independent states have dusted
off the scars of war and made themselves attractive
tourist destinations: Slovenia, Croatia, and
even Bosnia’s war-ravaged capital—Sarajevo—
bustle with Western Europeans in the summer
months. Further south, however, Macedonia’s
sprawling vineyards, craggy mountains, and clear
lakes are glaringly empty of tourists.
In December 2008, the Macedonian government
debuted a commercial campaign marketing
Macedonia across Western Europe, Russia, Turkey,
and the United States. “Macedonia: Timeless” was
a visually stunning series depicting the natural,
historical, and cultural beauty of this Vermontsized
republic in the southern Balkans. But the
Macedonia: Timeless campaign didn’t match up to
the Macedonia of my experience. What stood out
most was not the rich display of Hellenistic and
Christian influences, but the total and resounding
absence of Macedonia’s Eastern and Islamic
heritage. The Macedonia I knew was not nearly as
homogenous as Macedonia: Timeless suggested,
and I wondered why the government chose to
present such a one-sided view of its country.
Apparently, I was not alone. Macedonia:
Timeless drew harsh criticism from two camps:
the Muslims and the Greeks. Both contested the
video’s historical accuracy, but for interestingly
disparate reasons. The Muslims of Macedonia—
Albanians, Roma, and Turks who, together, comprise
about one-third of the population—decried
their utter lack of representation. Where were the
mosques? The major Albanian cities? Allusions to
the 500 years of Turkish rule?
The Greeks, on the other hand, accused
Macedonia of overusing Hellenistic culture.
Over the past several decades, the Greeks have
become increasingly sensitive about Macedonia’s
use of traditional Greek (or Hellenistic) imagery
and nomenclature. So when one installment of
Macedonia: Timeless featured a woman feeding
grapes to a man in a toga as he lounged in
a pavilion with Ionic columns and nude statues,
Greece’s outrage was quick and pointed. Surely
the Macedonian government, when funding the
ad campaign, knew this imagery would be inflammatory
to its southern neighbors. So why did it
figure so prominently in the way they represented
themselves to the world?
The mountain lake Labunicko in Macedonia.
These two sets of questions stem from
Macedonia’s post-Yugoslavian quest for a cohesive
national character in the face of ongoing
ethnic tension. In 2001, Macedonia erupted
in a violent conflict between ethnic Albanians
and ethnic Macedonians. Religious, cultural, and
political issues hit a boiling point, resulting in a
conflict that functionally segregated the country
and left the issue of Macedonian cultural identity
simmering. What is a Macedonian? Can ethnic
Albanians living in Macedonia call themselves
Macedonians? Are Macedonians exclusively
Orthodox Slavs? What determines one’s identity—ethnic
culture or national citizenship?
With Macedonia: Timeless, the Macedonian
government walked squarely into this quagmire.
The commercial series unequivocally shows
Macedonia as a Christian and Western nation.
Strong Hellenistic undertones, paintings of
Orthodox saints, and ancient hillside churches are
significant and ubiquitous elements of Macedonian
culture. But the absences speak volumes. Save for a
brief flash of Turkish writing, there is not a single
cultural fragment of the Albanians, the Turks, or
the Roma. Mother Teresa, an ethnic Albanian
born in Macedonia’s capital, is completely absent.
The video captures none of the vibrant imagery
of Tetovo’s 600-year-old Painted Mosque. No traditional
Turkish dress, no smiling Albanian grandmothers,
no Bajram feasts. The government-funded
Macedonia: Timeless campaign not only alienates a
cultural segment of the country, it in effect erases it.
Macedonia: Timeless was not designed as a
political piece but rather to attract tourists to
SIPA NEWS 5

Left: Muslim men bow in prayer during the month of Ramadan inside the Isa Beg Mosque in Skopje, Macedonia, in 2010. Right: A young woman in traditional western Macedonian
dress prepares to participate in a wedding procession the night before the Galicnik Wedding on July 14, 2007, in Macedonia’s western village of Galicnik. The traditional Galicnik
Wedding is held every year on the Orthodox St. Peter’s Day.
Macedonia in the same way they’d been attracted
to Croatia and Slovenia. But unlike those nations,
Macedonia’s crisis of identity, particularly that of
ethnic identity, is still recent, fresh, and unhealed.
For ten years, Macedonia has struggled to unite
two cultural spheres whose history has been tense
at best and violent at worst into one cohesive
national identity.
While the government (currently, the ethnic
Macedonian–dominated VMRO-DPMNE) promotes
ethnic integration, its actions are less committed.
Macedonia: Timeless’ representation of a
Western, Christianized nation is VMRO’s vision
for Macedonia, not the country’s reality. Though
the government denied any ill intent in neglecting
Eastern and Islamic influences from the video,
it is interesting to note how closely the release
of this tourism campaign coincided with another
government effort known as “Skopje 2014.”
Skopje 2014 is a government-funded project
whose aim is to give the nation’s capital, Skopje,
a much needed facelift. As the nation’s largest
city, Skopje is competing against the likes of
Dubrovnik, Zagreb, Sarajevo, and Ljubljana—
all cities with an attractive mix of Balkan and
European styles. Skopje 2014 is Macedonia’s
effort to put itself onto equal footing. Since
2010, statues, museums, and monuments have
6 SIPA NEWS
slowly cropped up across the city center, transforming
Skopje from a drab, Yugoslavian-era city
into what it truly is: a European capital.
Skopje 2014, however, falls prey to the same
criticism as Macedonia: Timeless. The capstone
statue of the project is a 12-meter rendering of
Alexander the Great, a figure whose birthplace
is a fiercely divisive issue between Macedonia
and Greece. Other statues include leaders of the
Macedonian revolution against Turkish rule, Saints
Cyril and Methodius (the inventors of the Cyrillic
alphabet), and a 17th-century revolutionary killed
by the Turks. In a nearby park, there is a monument
to the soldiers and police killed in the 2001
armed conflict with ethnic Albanian militants.
It is easy to attribute these omissions to a
transparent political game and to cast VMRO
as an ethnically homogonous villain, but this
oversimplifies the issue. Macedonia: Timeless
and Skopje 2014 are not fundamentally political
tools: they are incentives aimed at revitalizing
Macedonia’s economy and putting the country on
the map for adventurous travelers. Regardless of
underlying political mentalities, any government
should understand that ethnic tension or violence
serves only as a repellant to tourists and investors.
It seems unlikely, therefore, that the Macedonian
government would invest in these tourism proj-
ects by intentionally using provocative methods
that have every potential to reopen old wounds.
The issue, then, is the validity of a consciously
formed national identity. Macedonia’s beautiful
landscape has been occupied for thousands of years,
has seen the rise and fall of dozens of empires. It has
absorbed baklava from the East and pizza from the
West. But Macedonia is a young nation still tasting
true independence for the first time. This newfound
freedom has forced the nation to ask itself: Who am
I? Who are we? And perhaps most provocatively,
who has the authority to answer these questions?
With the goal of increasing tourism, revitalizing the
country, and bringing Macedonia squarely into a
European future, the Macedonian government has
granted itself that authority. Macedonia: Timeless
and Skopje 2014 are the government’s answer to
the question of national identity: whether they will
bring the nation into a new future of economic and
social prosperity remains to be seen.
Sara Ray is an administrative assistant in SIPA’s
Office of Communications and External Relations. While
in the Peace Corps, she lived and worked in Macedonia as
the programming coordinator of an interethnic and interfaith
leadership program for young women.

Branding a Global city,
one campaign at a time
By andrea Moore
The Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao, Spain.

throughout its colonial history, hong Kong was
known as the gateway to asia. But with the rise
of other global cities in its region like Singapore,
Shanghai, and Seoul, hong Kong faced new competition
to its established identity. in response, the
city launched Brand hong Kong in 2001 to secure
its place as “asia’s world city.”
Hong Kong is not alone. Increasingly, cities
are making explicit efforts to employ the strategic
branding tactics of companies to stake their claim
on the world stage. This rising trend is indicative
of a new urban era and is due to two major shifts
that are making the global identity of a city more
important than ever before.
First, there are simply more people moving
to cities. In 2008, more than half of the world’s
population lived in urban areas for the first time
in history. By 2050, the United Nations projects
that the proportion of urban dwellers will reach
nearly 70 percent. This migration has been
called the most important since the rise of agriculture
and the decline of nomadic living.
Second, most of these new urban centers will
not be in the traditional developed economies.
In March 2011, the McKinsey Global Institute
published a report that estimated that 600 urban
centers generate about 60 percent of global GDP.
McKinsey predicts that this proportion will still hold
by 2025, but the location of these 600 cities will be
markedly different. One hundred thirty-six new cities
from the developing world are predicted to enter this
group of 600, with 100 from China alone.
Furthermore, the 2010 Global Cities Index
(a collaboration between Foreign Policy, A. T.
Kearney, and The Chicago Council on Global
Affairs) ranked 65 cities with populations greater
than a million according to “its influence on
and integration with global markets, culture, and
innovation.” Although traditionally global cities
like New York, London, and Tokyo still top the
list, other emerging market cities like Beijing,
Shanghai, and Buenos Aires now rank in the top
25, and the authors expect the rankings to skew
from the West to the East in coming years.
As these simultaneous shifts occur—increasing
urbanization and greater influence of the developing
world—up-and-coming cities are making
conscious efforts to compete for investment,
human capital, and prestige on the global stage.
Many cities have always had a particular
ethos or identity that required no formal effort to
develop. In their book, The Spirit of Cities: Why
the Identity of a City Matters in a Global Age,
Daniel Bell and Avner de-Shalit examine nine
modern cities and their individual “spirits”—
for example, religion in Jerusalem, learning in
Oxford, and ambition in New York. But in recent
years, cities are increasingly moving beyond
organic identity development to adopt formal
branding campaigns. Hong Kong launched its
formal brand in 2001, and other well-established
global cities have long pursued branding campaigns
of their own, such as the ubiquitous “I
Love New York” campaign.
There are different approaches to the strategic
creation of a city’s brand. Some cities are pursuing
the “Bilbao effect” by building landmark
cultural destinations to remake their international
urban identity. Before the Guggenheim Museum
opened in Bilbao in 1997, this Spanish city
of less than a million people had a struggling,
industrial-based economy. The arrival of the
museum was a lynchpin in its strategic international
transformation. In 2010, the Guggenheim
estimated that it contributed almost 200 million
euros to Bilbao’s GDP directly and indirectly, as
well as maintained almost 4,000 jobs. Perhaps

just as significantly, Bilbao was a finalist for the
World Design Capital in 2014, along with Cape
Town and Dublin. In less than two decades,
Bilbao has remade—even created—its global
identity. Notably, another Frank Gehry-designed
Guggenheim museum is slated to open in Abu
Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, in 2014, bringing
worldwide attention to the Middle Eastern art
scene and to Abu Dhabi as a global city.
Other cities are taking advantage of major
international events to catapult them onto the
global stage. Rio de Janeiro is using this tactic
to the extreme, with the Catholic World Youth
Day in 2013, the FIFA World Cup in 2014, and
the Summer Olympics in 2016. Rio’s bid for the
Olympics, the first to be held in South America,
was—as its website proclaims—built around the
theme of “passion and transformation of a city and
an entire country, fuelled by the renovation of the
Olympic spirit, to project Brazil and Rio de Janeiro
to the world.” Rio is using these international
events to broaden its global image and become one
of the urban gateways to the southern hemisphere.
As successful as some cities’ efforts
have been, the creation of an aspiring city’s
global brand can still be precarious. In March
2011, more than 130 artists promised to
boycott the developing Guggenheim Museum
in Abu Dhabi because of labor conditions for
foreign workers. Such a controversy could very
well offset any effort to make Abu Dhabi a new
global cultural center.
Beijing also famously used its 2008
Summer Olympics to boost its international
identity. However, in their 2009 paper, “City
Branding and the Olympic Effect: A Case Study
of Beijing,” Li Zhang of Fudan University and
Simon Xiaobin Zhao of the University of Hong
Kong conducted a survey about citizens’ attitudes
before and after the Olympics. They found
that the top-down branding effort by the city
government, which emphasized its vision for
Beijing’s development as a global city, was
mismatched with the vision of the city’s residents
and had little to do with grassroots initiatives.
“The city values and branding projects were
selected more for their relevance to Western
tourists than for their representation of actual
ways of life of local residents,” Zhang and Zhou
write. Just as in the business world, building a
city’s global brand must still be consistent with
the city’s core values to achieve a long-lasting
and successful outcome.
Moreover, a city’s global bra nd does not necessarily
have to reflect the core values of its home
nation. Discussing Amsterdam, de-Shalit emphasizes
that “It was an intention of the city several
times, most recently in the 1910s and 1920s, to
allow as many people who wanted to live there,
no matter their religion [or] color,” despite the
continued conservatism of Holland. Today, when
a city isn’t limited by its national identity, it has
greater latitude to build a competitive advantage.
Notably, despite its location in a politically conservative
region of the United States, Las Vegas has
successfully built a global brand as “Sin City” with
gambling, clubs, and other adult entertainment.
While in the past city branding may have
been primarily about attracting inward investment
and tourism, today’s efforts are increasingly
about positioning cities as active political
actors on the international stage. On issues
from terrorism to climate change, the leaders of
world cities are engaging other mayors and even
national leaders in direct diplomacy to meet their
most pressing challenges. Former Chicago mayor
Richard M. Daley launched the Chicago-China
Friendship Initiative during a two-week visit in
March 2011, improving the international profile
of Chicago’s economy with the explicit goal of
making Chicago the most “China-friendly” city
in the United States. Other initiatives, like the
C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group, provide an
international forum for city leaders to gather and
engage on global challenges outside national-level
discussions. While the C40 is currently chaired
by New York’s mayor Michael Bloomberg, the
steering committee also includes emerging global
cities like Jakarta, Johannesburg, and São Paulo,
which is further evidence that major cities of the
developing world already recognize the diplomatic
opportunities that globally branded cities enjoy.
As the world continues to urbanize, one thing
is clear: cities are actively using branding and
diplomacy for their own political and economic
gain. How successful these efforts are will depend
in part on the degree of independence and latitude
that cities are granted by their state, regional, or
federal governments. But as Hong Kong’s branding
plan to become “Asia’s World City” attests, cities
can increasingly present themselves on the international
stage to tell the world what they are and
what they want—and not have to wait for national
governments to keep up with them.
Andrea Moore is a second-year MIA candidate
concentrating in International Finance and
Economic Policy. She is managing editor of the
Journal of International Affairs.
While in the past city branding may have been primar-
ily about attracting inWard investment and tourism,
today’s efforts are increasingly about positioning cities
as active political actors on the international stage.

10 SIPA NEWS

A volunteer rolls up a
photograph during an
open-air exhibition near
the U.S.-Mexico border
at Rio Bravo, in Ciudad
Juárez, October 29, 2011.
The exhibition, which
is part of the global art
movement “Inside Out”
and shows thousands of
photographs of smiling
people living in Juárez,
is meant to promote
a positive image of
Cuidad Juárez.
RebRanding
MuRdeR City:
Mexico’s Fight to Change the Image of a Battered Border Town
BY NATHANIEL PARISH FLANNERY
Mary Korthuis, a senior executive at Genpact, a business process-exporting
firm, gave me a ride from El Paso, Texas, over to her office in Ciudad
Juárez—a place that is now considered to be the world’s most violent city.
It sits at the center of one of Mexico’s most lucrative drug smuggling routes
and has become a key battleground in the drug war. At night rival gangs and
cartel assassins kill each other in the streets. Even during the middle of the
day, there is no guarantee of safety. Hit men have summarily killed police
officers underneath the afternoon sun. As we drove towards Juárez, Mary was
calm. There were only a few cars ahead of us at the border crossing. “There’s
a built-up anxiousness [about crossing into Juárez], but after you’ve done it
for a while, it’s really no big deal,” she told me.
As we drove over the smooth highway overpasses,
I could see the billboards for OfficeMax,
Applebee’s, and other international chains that
have come to Juárez’s modern shopping malls.
The streets were quiet, and it was hard to imagine
that eight people had been killed the day
before, including a shoe shiner who was shot
in front of one of the city’s main supermarkets.
It was harder still to imagine that in 2010 more
than 3,000 people were killed in Juárez.
At a recent event promoting Juárez
Competetiva, the city’s main economic development
initiative, Cesar Duarte, the state governor,
told the crowd that changing the public’s
negative perception of Juárez is one of the main
goals of his administration. “Beating this stigma
is one of the government’s priorities, because
Chihuahua is not a violent state, and its people
are peaceful and hardworking,” he said.
The next day, however, armed men toting
AK-47 assault rifles shot and killed Mr. Duarte’s
main medical adviser while he was driving his
pickup truck in Juárez. The doctor’s elderly
father was also killed in the attack.
In Juárez, proximity to the United States has
brought immense foreign investment and also a
rising wave of drug cartel-related violence. For
both legal and illegal trade, Juárez is the perfect
SIPA NEWS 11

Top: Workers of an electronic assembly plant ride on a bus to their work place in Ciudad Juárez. Bottom: A man holds
a bullet casing in his hand at a crime scene in Ciudad Juárez on February 24, 2011. Three girls, ages 12, 14, and 15,
were shot dead by hitmen on February 23 while standing on a sidewalk, according to the local media.
point of access. A border city that provides lowwage
labor and unparalleled access to the world’s
largest consumer market, Juárez has become a
city of stark contrasts. Gruesome murders have
captured the attention of the international media,
but Juárez’s business community is arguing that
there’s more to the city than cartel violence.
At a national level, Mexico faces the same challenge.
“Restoring Mexico’s International Reputation,”
a recent report from the Woodrow Wilson Mexico
Institute, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank,
explains that in 2010, more than 80 percent of the
stories about Mexico in the Wall Street Journal and the
New York Times related to crime and corruption. Many
of Mexico’s leaders think that the shortage of stories
about topics other than the violence is contributing
to a perception that Mexico is a failing state. In
Juárez, the problem is even more acute.
Especially since 2008, when the global recession
caused many local employers to cut production
and trim their payrolls, city officials have
worked tirelessly to rebrand the city, stressing the
investment opportunities it offers.
12 SIPA NEWS
Local political leaders in Juárez have launched
a public campaign, often echoing statements from
the country’s president, Felipe Calderón, in order to
calm international investors and help build “Brand
Mexico.” They want to highlight the fact that in
spite of the violence, Juárez is open for business.
When I met Hector Murguia, the city’s affable
mayor, he was seated comfortably in his dark,
wood-paneled office, a luxurious corner on an upper
floor of Juárez’s hulking, cement city hall building.
He slipped quickly into his sales pitch. “In Juárez
we have the best labor force in the world,” he said.
He focused mainly on telling me about the
city’s universities and the high-tech skills of the
factory workers. He chose his words carefully
when talking about the violence. “The root cause
of the insecurity is the absence of opportunities
[and] jobs,” he said. The important thing,” he
said, “is implementing policies that strengthen
the businesses. ”At the national level, Calderón’s
branding campaign was captured in the government-produced
documentary film, Mexico: The
Royal Tour, which was released earlier this year.
It follows President Calderón as he gives an
American journalist a seven-day tour of various
tourist attractions in Mexico.
“We need to change the perception about
Mexico,” Calderón says to the camera.
As we drove through the security checkpoint
at the border, Mary, the executive from Genpact,
told me, “I come over every single day; there’s
no reason to be nervous.” She took me on a tour
of Genpact’s facility, through rooms filled with
young people working at computer stations.
The violence, after all, has devastated the
city’s small business community, but so far it has
left the export sector and the multinationals relatively
unscathed.
Sylvia Longmire, a former Air Force intelligence
analyst and author of a recently published
book on Mexico’s cartels, told me, “a lot of U.S.
businesses are operating in Mexico without problems
. . . business is flourishing.”
“Mexico is not a failed state,” she said.
On another day, I passed through a security
gate and met with Miguel Hidalgo, a senior
executive at ACS, a Business Process Outsourcing
company that employs 3,000 people in Juárez. He
took me on a tour of the brightly painted red and
yellow building, through a massive room filled
with employees in their twenties, dressed like typical
college students in casual attire, wearing stylish
t-shirts and new sneakers. Some of the young
men and women had tattoos on their arms and
hands. One tough looking young man, with short
cropped hair and an olive green dress shirt opened
at the collar to reveal a number of neck tattoos,
stood confidently in front of his work station. “Sir,
what I’m going to need you to do is go ahead and
click,” he said calmly into the microphone on his
headset in an impeccable Midwestern American
accent. Outside ACS’s office, I saw white corporate
buses driving by, one after another, picking
up and dropping off workers at other corporate
campuses and factories. Trucks rumbled by to line
up to cross the border into the United States.
By late 2011, foreign companies had signed deals
to invest $17 billion in Mexico, and Juárez itself has
attracted almost $600 million worth of investment
from foreign companies. Mexico’s economy is projected
to grow by as much as 4.8 percent in 2012.
In spite of the violence, the factories that line
the southern bank of the Rio Grande are expanding
production, and multinational corporations
are opening new facilities in Juárez. This is the
image the city is trying to promote.
“Juárez continues to be a magnet for investment,”
Mayor Murguia told me.
Nathaniel Parish Flannery is a first-year MIA
candidate.

An Island of Open Identity:
Singapore and Long-Distance Nationalism
Bhaskar still remembers the day when the phone rang in his old family home in the north of Kolkata. “We are pleased
to offer you a tuition grant to come study in Singapore,” said the dean of Singapore Management University. The
grant came with a contract to work in a Singapore-based company for three years after graduation.
The decision was not an easy one. India was the only home Bhaskar had ever known—Indian his only national
identity. No one in his family held a passport, had boarded an airplane, or traveled abroad. If he accepted the grant, he
would commit to spending at least seven years in a very foreign country; if he rejected it, he might miss the opportunity
of a lifetime.
Bhaskar doesn’t like missing opportunities.
NOTE: The names in this article have been changed at the request of the interviewees.
Shoppers browsing through a market
specially set up for Deepavali in
Little India, Singapore.
By PrIyAM SArAf
SIPA NEWS 13

People look out over the central business
district skyline in Singapore.
14 SIPA NEWS
For Bhaskar, and countless other Indian
immigrants to Singapore, life in the city-state
is an experiment in open identities. A person
can be Indian in his cultural habits, cuisine
preferences, and choice of partner, but still
very Singaporean in how they approach a problem,
their predisposition for efficiency, and
their views on the government’s role in development.
This is a place where long-distance
nationalism thrives.
“Singapore opened doors for me, while letting
me keep my links to India,” says Bhaskar, now a
graduate student at the Fletcher School of Law and
Diplomacy near Boston. “I remember celebrating the
Indian Independence Day while working on a policy
paper for a government agency in Singapore.”
But when asked where he considers home,
Bhaskar pauses before answering. “I feel connected
to Singapore where my friends are,
but I go back to India often.” He discusses
Singaporean politics with as much ease as he
analyzes the pros and cons of the education reservation
system in India.
After years of liberal immigration policies,
Singapore has emerged as a pioneer in both
practicing and defining open identities. It is an
interesting strain of nationalism that is a product
of the city-state’s historical origins. With limited
human and natural resources at independence
in 1965, Singapore determined that economic
success would hinge on its ability to attract the
skilled labor necessary for multinational companies
to consider relocating to the island. This in
turn would boost employment, driving the citystate’s
economy.
This is where talented immigrants like
Bhaskar fit into Singapore’s impressive growth
story from a Southeast Asian backwater to a
global financial powerhouse. A good part of that
success can be attributed to Singapore’s open
attitude toward what it means to be Singaporean.
A long-time resident and taxpayer of Singapore,
Bhaskar felt he could choose whether to take
up Singaporean citizenship or not. There was
no pressure. He preferred to retain his Indian
nationality, which he views as a ticket to participate
in Indian politics in the future, should
he choose to do so. And he is hardly alone.
According to the 2011 census, Singapore counts
62 percent of its population of approximately 5.1
million as citizens of other countries.
Some Indian immigrants have chosen different
paths. Padmini came to Singapore to study
engineering on a Singapore Airlines scholarship
at the age of 17 and has lived there since. Unlike
Bhaskar, Padmini decided to take the Singaporean
citizenship available to her. Her reasons were both
personal and professional. “I really like Singapore,

and my entire social network is in Singapore,” she
says. “Plus, I want to work in development, and
having a strong passport like Singapore helps.” She
explains that as a Singaporean she does not face
the same visa requirements that Indian nationals
do for most countries.
Still, she retains firm ties to her native India.
This past October, she married Abhishek, a PhD
student in metaphysics from her hometown of
Madurai in Southern India.
The stories of Bhaskar and Padmini demonstrate
the interesting interplay between personal
choice and the extent of affiliation to Singapore.
Highly skilled immigrants who live and work in
Singapore for years may or may not be inclined
to become Singaporean citizens, which mandates
two years of compulsory military service for their
children. But this has not deterred Singapore from
promoting an open door policy that continues to
attract human capital from around the world to
meet its own developmental ends.
The result of this policy has been a population
that is overwhelmingly pluralistic in terms of the
composition of its citizenships and a decidedly
21st-century view of national identity. Unlike in
the past, where the state could assume the affiliation
of those born within its borders, immigrants
to Singapore like Bhaskar and Padmini are able
to define new identities individually, which are
characterized more by the sum of their parts than
any accident of origin. As their stories attest—
Indian upbringings and Singaporean educations,
a Singaporean passport and an Indian husband,
Singaporean profession and Indian political
ambitions—multiple identities and long-distance
nationalism are a reality they have selected for
themselves.
In purely economic terms, Bhaskar and
Padmini faced an unconstrained optimization
problem: which national affiliation to choose while
optimizing for multiple needs? How to define an
identity while discounting factors of initial endowment,
family status, ethnicity, race, religion, and,
perhaps, even caste?
Singapore has been smart to let them answer
these questions on their own. As an island of
open identities, Singapore implicitly recognizes
the weakness of geographic lock-in and the fickle
nature of national affiliation stemming from
this reality, especially among the small segment
of highly skilled and mobile workers. Allowing
those who arrive in Singapore to obtain work and
residence permits easily and define their level of
“Singaporean-ness” on their own terms makes
immigrants feel at home—and prolongs their stay
in the city-state as productive contributors to the
local economy. They become both inputs and
outputs of the local culture and norms.
But not all Singaporean citizens are keen
on keeping Singapore such an open place for
immigrants or a haven for long-distance nationalism.
They feel this culture of open identities
undermines the building of a unique Singaporean
identity and cultivating patriotism. “Immigrants
take away our jobs, but shy away from taking
on responsibilities that come with citizenship,”
complains Allen, a second-year Singaporean engineering
student. ”Why is there a tradeoff between
growth and patriotism for our country? It’s unfair,”
says Allen decidedly.
Visitors check out one of the immigration halls at Changi airport’s new Terminal 3 in Singapore.
Little India, Singapore
Allen is not alone in his views. But while
such concerns may yield political dividends, as
evidenced by some of the anti-immigration sentiment
surrounding the May 2011 general election,
the emergence of an insular or exclusive
nationalism in Singapore could prove not only
damaging to the island’s growth model, but also
distance it from the city-state’s founding principles
of meritocracy.
That fateful day Bhaskar received a phone
call from the dean of Singapore Management
University, he was faced with a choice. Would he
enter into long-distance nationalism with India or
not, even if for a measurable period of time? But
as the experiences of both Bhaskar and Padmini
show, this is a question many students in developing
countries face today. By placing few burdens
on students, Singapore makes answering
this question easier. Singapore is a place where
those who cross its path can feel a sense of
belonging and affiliation, while retaining strong
connections with where they originated.
The world has much to gain from Singapore’s
pioneering example of open identities. By leaning
toward a tried and turbulent form of ethnocentric
nationalism, Singapore has much to lose.
Priyam Saraf is a second-year MPA candidate
concentrating in Economic and Political Development.
She is MPA president for the class of 2012.
SIPA NEWS 15

An Identity to Call Their Own:
Singaporeans and the
Question of Immigration
By Crystal Neo
Internationally, Singapore projects the
identity of a diverse country with an
open immigration policy and a multiethnic
population. A survey by HSBC
bank in 2010 ranked Singapore as the top
country overall for expatriates—ahead of Hong
Kong, the United Arab Emirates, and Canada. But
domestically, the results of the general election
in May 2011 and activity on social media suggest
Singaporeans may be yearning for a more unified
national identity to call their own.
This rift between Singapore’s international image
and domestic realities may have its roots in the citystate’s
politicization process. In the past, a combination
of depoliticization and aggressive hard sell by
the government fostered the view of Singapore as an
island of open identities. With the largest number of
contested seats since independence, this most recent
general election saw a rise in the politics of identity
about who is—and can become—Singaporean, as
opposition parties vied for support.
Immigration has long been an important
aspect of Singapore’s population and economic
strategy. Since 1987, immigration has proved a
viable solution to declining birth rates and an
ageing workforce. The failure of other incentives
such as tax breaks, subsidies, and cash bonuses
offered to address the demographic decline
resulted in an even more pressing need to increase
the population replacement rate.
But a surge in immigration during the boom
years of 2004 to 2007 affected many Singaporeans
when the economic crisis hit in 2008. Since the
end of 2005, the population ballooned by about
810,000, bringing the total to 5.1 million. Many
Singaporeans say this liberal immigration policy
resulted in crowded public transportation, more
competition with new arrivals for jobs, and fewer
places in choice schools for their children, as well
as rising costs of public housing.
The increasing voter discontent over immigration
in the nation was best epitomized by
16 SIPA NEWS
the furor generated by a disagreement between
a local family and their immigrant neighbors.
Local news reports on an immigrant family from
China complaining about the smell of curry from
a Singaporean Indian neighbor’s home led to the
creation of a Facebook page that attracted more
than 57,600 members. As a demonstration of support
for the Indian family, many said they were
cooking curry the following Sunday.
With more than a third of Singapore’s total population
made up of foreigners and permanent residents,
immigration became a hot button issue that enabled
opposition parties to garner record levels of support
during the May general elections. Although the ruling
People’s Action Party won a landslide victory,
the reduction in its winning margin revealed that
the influx of immigrants was a sore point for many
Singaporeans who remain unhappy over the consequences
of the liberal immigration policies.
This comes as no surprise.
The unhappiness over the influx of immigrants
had already begun to feature in the government’s
policy agenda prior to the election.
A report released by the Singapore Department
of Statistics in 2010 details how the government
has tightened immigration policies and started
to calibrate the inflow of new immigrants since
the last quarter of 2009. There were 59,460 new
permanent residents and 19,928 new citizens in
2009, in contrast to the 79,167 new permanent
residents and 20,513 new citizens in 2008.
A 2010 survey conducted by the Institute of
Policy Studies also indicates discontent over immigration.
According to the National Orientations
of Singaporeans survey, 63 percent of respondents
or two out of three, agreed or strongly
agreed that national unity would be affected by
the policy to attract more foreign talent. This
contrasted sharply with the 38 percent who
agreed or strongly agreed that such a policy could
be a threat to national unity when a similar study
was conducted in 1998.
Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong addressed
these concerns in a speech following the general
election. During his annual National Day Rally
speech in August, the prime minister promised to
slow the pace of immigration by tightening curbs
on some foreign workers. New immigration policies
will require potential immigrants to possess
better educational qualifications as well as belong
to higher income brackets.
This is in stark contrast to previous years’
National Day Rally speeches, when the government
had tried to convince citizens to accept
more immigrants into the country for the sake of
economic growth. Political leaders have often publicly
acknowledged multiculturalism and diversity
as pillars of Singapore’s identity. In the January
2011 book, Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore
Going, former minister mentor Lee Kuan Yew
described the openness of the Singaporean identity
as accepting “that whoever joins us is part of
us.” Chief Justice Chan Sek Keong has also spoken
of the multicultural nature of Singapore’s identity
as defined by the country’s constitution.
Yet, this form of identity hasn’t resonated with
Singapore’s citizens. Instead, they have rejected
the government-driven narrative of Singapore’s
identity and are beginning to assert their own
ideas of what it means to be Singaporean. As the
“curry incident” suggests, this newfound anti-immigration
stance reflects a desire by Singaporeans to
differentiate themselves from non-Singaporeans.
This process appears to be at odds with prior
government-driven initiatives to promote an open
identity, suggesting that national identities cannot
be dictated in a top-down fashion. Rather, they
must be desired and driven by the people.
As a young nation with 46 years of independence
behind it, then, it is normal for Singaporeans
to desire a national identity they can call their own.
Crystal Neo is a second-year MPA candidate concentrating
in Economic and Political Development.

Top: Nicole Seah, a candidate
from the opposition National
Solidarity Party (NSP)
for the Marine Parade group
representation constituencies
(GRC), speaks to supporters
at an election rally
in Singapore May 4, 2011.
Bottom: Organizers of “Cook
a Pot of Curry” Facebook
event Stanley Wong (2nd
left), Florence Leow (3rd
left) and Gabriel Yeap (center)
eat curry with friends, at
Leow’s home in Singapore
August 21, 2011. The group
organized the gathering in
response to a media report
about a mainland Chinese
family who could not stand
the smell of their local
Indian neighbors cooking
curry, in an effort to promote
understanding, awareness
and respect between different
cultural groups.
SIPA NEWS 17

Nation for Sale: Selling
perched atop a lush hillside overlooking
colorful rooftops, bustling traffic, and warm
Atlantic waters sits a billboard with a simple
statement: “Na wi country.” This is our country.
Signs like this cover the ground all throughout
Sierra Leone. What remains unclear, however, is
how widespread this sense of national pride actually
is in this West African nation.
The country has come to be defined by the
11-year civil war it endured in the 1990s and
the devastation left in its wake. And although the
conflict ended nearly a decade ago and peace has
since taken hold, for many, the idea that Sierra
Leone is a dangerous place still remains.
As a result, when it comes to its national identity,
Sierra Leone seems to have developed a bit
of an inferiority complex. With nearly every news
article written about their country highlighting the
war, and considering Hollywood’s depiction of the
conflict in the 2006 film Blood Diamond, citizens
have become very mindful of how they must
appear to the rest of the world.
None more so than President Ernest Bai
Koroma, who is keen to change the perception
that the country is dangerous. He now claims
18 SIPA NEWS
that it is so safe, he walks the streets and personally
drives himself around. But he also realizes
that the media’s constant description of
Sierra Leone as a war-devastated country is not
a misnomer.
The war destroyed critical infrastructure and
chased away both investors and tourists, and
the economy has still not fully recovered. In
response, Koroma’s administration has prioritized
attracting foreign direct investment as the key to
economic growth. And the president understands
that to do so, Sierra Leone needs to undergo
some serious rebranding.
The government has begun promoting Sierra
Leone as a “land of opportunity,” as one of the
most attractive destinations for investment in
Africa, with untapped resources, a growing economy,
fiscal incentives, a natural harbor, and hospitable
people. The government has also embarked
on ambitious infrastructure projects—building
and repairing roads and investing in electricity
production—and has focused on removing further
barriers to investment by creating the Sierra
Leone Investment and Export Promotion Agency
(SLIEPA), which offers free advice to prospective
investors and exporters and a joint chamber of
commerce with the United States.
What’s more, the government has cooperated
with the establishment of a special economic
opportunity zone by a private nonprofit organization,
which might represent the most promising
model for attracting investors yet. Aptly named
“First Step,” this industrial park, located just outside
the capital city, Freetown, aims to facilitate
foreign investment in Sierra Leone by reducing
the risks and costs for international businesses to
set up export processing industries. The government
has committed to providing incentives for
these businesses, including exemptions on import
and export duties, expedited customs services,
and corporate tax holidays.
Not everyone is happy with the government’s
policies of attracting foreign investment, however.
Civil society groups accuse the government of
essentially selling Sierra Leone to investors and
sacrificing the interests and needs of ordinary
Sierra Leoneans in favor of pleasing foreign companies,
particularly those interested in the country’s
vast mineral resources.
“There is no point in throwing away your

natural resources just because you’re in a hurry
to develop,” says Abu Brima, director of the
Network Movement for Justice and Development,
a civil society watchdog organization. Brima, like
many civil society actors, thinks Sierra Leone
is needlessly missing out on huge amounts of
potential government revenue by granting financial
concessions to companies.
“Sierra Leone has decided to give a lot of
incentives because we think we have to encourage
corporations to come. We don’t need that,” he
says. “Because whether we give incentives or not,
they will come. They need the resources.”
And in countries with weak government ability
to provide oversight and regulation, investments
by foreign companies almost inevitably carry with
them concerns of corporate human rights abuses.
One foreign diamond mining company, Koidu
Holdings, has been heavily criticized by human
rights groups for improper resettlement of local
communities, environmental destruction, and even
the shooting deaths of two local men by security
forces hired by the company.
Amid concerns of food insecurity in a society
where most people are subsistence farmers,
accusations of “land grabbing” have also begun
to spread, touching nearly any investment venture
in the country. For example, land leases to a
Swiss-owned company for a sugarcane plantation
and bioethanol production plant have come under
fire this year by the Sierra Leone Network on the
Right to Food and by others. They accuse local
government officials of diverting poor farmers’
land to corporate activities without adequate local
community consultation and claim that the company
has destroyed local water sources.
In light of these concerns, it is worth asking
whether the government’s attempts at selling
Sierra Leone to foreign investors are working.
Over the past few years, the amount of foreign
investment in the country has indeed been higher
than ever. Inflows of foreign direct investment
exceeded $86 million last year, compared with
just $10 million in 2002, when the war ended.
The fact that ground was recently broken on construction
of a Hilton Hotel in Freetown may also
be a sign not only of an improving tourism industry,
but also of the number of wealthy investors
coming to the country. Any visitor to one of the
white sand beaches near the capital city will tell
Left: Soldier standing in front of Ministry
of Tourism and Culture sign. Right: A general
view of the countryside just outside
Freetown, Sierra Leone.
Sierra Leone By Jennifer Wilmore
you that the place is once again crawling with an
increasing number of foreign contractors.
But despite these trends, the most recent
Investment Climate Statement from the U.S.
Embassy in Freetown indicates that Sierra Leone
has not yet escaped the stigma of war. According
to the report, “the devastation of the decade-plus
civil war and the daunting challenge of extreme
poverty continue to impact fundamentally almost
all aspects of Sierra Leone society,” including
governance, institutions, and critical infrastructure
like energy and communications.
To overcome these challenges, huge leaps are
still required not only in nominally rebranding the
country among the international community, but
also in improving infrastructure, education, job
training, and fiscal management. Tackling corruption
and putting in place protections for local
populations and environments affected by investments
are also necessary to ensure that by selling
itself to investors, Sierra Leone doesn’t end up
selling itself out for good.
Jennifer Wilmore is a second-year MIA candidate
concentrating in Human Rights.
SIPA NEWS 19

Supporters of Ukrainian
opposition leader Viktor
Yanukovych display his
party flags, with a statue
of Soviet state founder
Vladimir Lenin in the
background, at a campaign
rally in the Crimean capital
Simferopol, Ukraine, in
December 2009.
Post-Soviet Identity and Foreign Policy Formation
in Ukraine, Estonia, and Latvia By Tim Sandole
Ukraine, Estonia, and Latvia have two
geopolitical similarities: each was a
subject of the Soviet Union, and each
shares a border with Russia. Yet despite
their proximities to Russia and their respective
experiences with Communism, the two Baltic states
differ remarkably from Ukraine in their policy of
engagement with Russia and the West. Upon the
Soviet Union’s disintegration, Estonia and Latvia
aggressively looked west and embraced NATO,
while Ukraine looked west and continued looking
east, maintaining ties with its former master while
attempting to create a new relationship with the
United States and Western institutions. Why did
these three countries, which were geographically
similar from the outset of the post-Cold War era, differ
so remarkably in their foreign policy orientation?
Their disparate foreign policies are a direct result of
20 SIPA NEWS
their respective national identities, all of which came
to fruition during the Soviet Union’s disintegration.
Ukraine’s “Middle-of-the-Road”
Approach
Ethnic Russians formed the largest minority in
Ukraine, making up 22 percent of the population
according to the 1989 census. Throughout the
Soviet period, it was common for Russians to traverse
various Soviet Socialist Republics because
of favorable opportunities provided to them by
the Communist Party. And even after Ukrainian
independence, ethnic Russians had no reason to
fear for their well-being, because Ukraine took
a “middle ground” approach to policy formulation,
where ethnic Russians and Ukrainians
would be on an equal legal footing. Columbia
University professor Alfred Stepan explains that
Ukraine “decided to recognize and institutionally
give support to more than one cultural identity,
even a national identity, in the state.” This
moderate approach stemmed from the makeup
of Ukrainian regional identity. Nationalist and
anti-Russian sentiments have historically characterized
western Ukrainian regions, notably in
Galicia, where the Austrian Hapsburg Empire
once ruled. This left a Western-oriented legacy
in western Ukraine. Pro-Russian political values
have been historically codified in eastern
Ukraine, notably in Donetsk, as a consequence of
many years of Russian Czarist rule. This regional
dichotomy spawned three political ideologies in
the Ukrainian parliament (Verkhvna Rada) at the
outset of Ukrainian independence.
The political left embraced the Soviet idea
of Ukrainian origin belonging to an East Slavic

fraternity with Russia. The right trumpeted the
uniqueness of Ukrainians from the Russians and
was determined to break through to the West. But
the ideologically amorphous center, or the “Party
of Power,” eventually came to represent the popular
view and defined Ukrainian foreign policy. Any
time the political conversation veered too heavily
to the right or left, the Party of Power would eventually
bring politics back to the middle ground.
Leonid Kravchuk, elected in 1991 as the first
president of independent Ukraine, incorporated
many of the ideological facets of the Ukrainian
national revival into his foreign policy. Kravchuk
allowed Ukraine to become part of NATO’s
Partnership for Peace Program (PfP) in 1994, an
initiative that allows partner countries to build a
relationship with full NATO members. Ukraine
was then able to participate in NATO activities—
from defense reform to civil-military relations,
education and training, military-to-military cooperation
and exercises, civil emergency planning,
and cooperation on scientific and environmental
issues. As a PfP member, Ukraine was on the fast
track to becoming a full NATO member.
However, the net effect of Kravchuk’s policies
made the Ukrainian left nervous. His right-ofcenter
foreign policy contributed to his defeat in
the 1994 election, giving rise to Leonid Kuchma,
the favorite of eastern Ukraine. “However, the new
president did not lead Ukraine back to the USSR
and the dominance of Russia as many had expected,”
explains Volodymyr Kulyk, visiting scholar at
Columbia’s Harriman Institute. In fact, Kuchma
maintained a moderate foreign policy course that
allowed Ukraine to keep a foothold in Russia
while simultaneously raising its international status
and profile by engaging with NATO. Ukraine
maintained its status as a de facto participating
member of the Eastern-friendly Commonwealth
of Independent States (CIS), which Ukraine had
joined in 1991, but Ukraine never ratified the
CIS charter. This was advantageous because the
country benefitted economically from the organization
without appearing to be too close to Russia.
Similarly, the PfP strategy with NATO enabled
Ukraine to receive inclusive security guarantees
without being a NATO member. Therefore, the
dual identity that became foreign policy reconciled
both sides of the political spectrum.
While Ukraine pursued inclusive policies at
the outset of independence, the two Baltic states
pursued an exclusive policy, energetically choosing
NATO and completely jettisoning a security
relationship with Russia.
Baltic National Security Arrangements
During the interwar period, Estonia and Latvia
established a strong Baltic identity as a result
of independent statehood and retention of their
respective native languages. Thus, a strong anti-
Russian sentiment developed during the Soviet
Union’s annexation of the Baltic states in 1940,
where the Soviets were perceived as an aggressive
foreign occupier. When the Baltic states
regained independence in 1991, Estonia and
Latvia had especially large ethnic Russian minorities
due to migrations from Russia during the
Soviet era. In the late 1980s, Russians made up
a third of the population in Estonia, and half
of the population in Latvia. Eager to maintain
their newfound strength, Estonians and Latvians
created exclusionary laws, ranging from discriminatory
language policies and citizenship laws,
to discriminatory hiring polices that effectively
barred the Russian minority. This was the result
of the traumatic collective memory Estonians and
Latvians internalized during the Soviet reign.
They saw independence as a restoration of historical
justice, a return to Europe from which they
had been brutally cut off since 1940.
With a strong identification with Western
Europe, Estonians and Latvians were eager to
seize any opportunity to move further away from
Russia. The economic chaos that characterized
post-Soviet states strengthened Baltic enthusiasm
for joining what they perceived as the stable
and secure environment of Western institutions.
However, Estonia and Latvia were roundly criticized
by the very Western alliances they were
trying to join because of their exclusionary laws.
NATO leadership, in particular, made the two
countries’ membership contingent upon their
changing course. Estonia and Latvia faced a
dilemma: while greater European integration and
NATO membership were cherished goals, so was
individual Latvian and Estonian identity. They
feared that by allowing Russians more rights, they
were putting in jeopardy their revitalized identities,
which had been suppressed for so long.
Merje Kuus of George Mason University
argues, “it [was] because of the Russian threat
that it is possible to represent European integration
as a measure for strengthening state sovereignty.
Conversely, and paradoxically, it [was]
also through the notion of the Russian threat that
European integration is constructed as dangerous
to Estonian [and Latvian] national identity.”
Eventually, NATO and the EU helped mollify
the strong nationalistic identity feeling in Estonia
and Latvia. The West convinced the two countries
that the security of Baltic identity was not
zero-sum. Swayed by this, Estonia and Latvia
introduced major inclusionary changes to their
original legislation, a move that was viewed favorably
by NATO and the EU. Estonians and Latvians
became convinced they could join Western associations
without risking their national identity and
together entered NATO in 2004.
In sum, while all three nations are contiguous
with present-day Russia, Ukraine has deviated
significantly in its foreign policy approach
compared to the two Baltic states. Ukraine’s
dichotomous national identity has allowed it to
engage with Russia and the West simultaneously.
However, this simultaneous engagement has prevented
Ukraine from becoming a full NATO
member. The strong Western-oriented identities
of Estonia and Latvia, on the other hand, prompted
them to energetically join Western alliances,
namely NATO, in order to mitigate the influence
of Russia to the furthest extent possible.
Timothy Sandole is a second-year MIA candidate
concentrating in International Security Policy. He has
extensive experience working in Bosnia-Herzegovina with
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) as well as the Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (U.S. Helsinki Commission) in the
U.S. Congress.
NATO heads of state and government pose for an official photo at the NATO summit in Riga, Latvia, November 29,
2006. Heads of state and government from the 26 NATO countries met for a discussion on transatlantic issues at the
highest level.
SIPA NEWS 21

22 SIPA NEWS
Jia Ruiming is yet another college-educated person who
has returned to rural roots to start an organic farm. He
studied at an agricultural college, but illustrating just
how few young people are going into farming, every
person in his graduating class has gone onto another
city-oriented profession. Even he worked for many years
as a teacher before deciding to give farming a try.

Reconstructing
the Chinese Farmer
The Gao family lives in Anlong Village in
Sichuan Province. Their home is filled
with potted plants, orchards, drying produce,
and the experiments they conduct
to make their home greener and more sustainable.
They have developed a manmade wetland water
filtration system, make their own compost, and use
rice husks instead of soap to clean dishes. They support
themselves by selling organic vegetables directly
to consumers in cities. Unlike peasants elsewhere in
China, they have eliminated the need to migrate to
cities and work in coastal factories. Their lifestyle is
part of Anlong Village’s collective effort to create a
new way of living in the Chinese countryside.
However, China’s unequivocal embrace of urbanization
in the mid-1980s has not only caused disproportionate
investment and reform in urban areas and
economic disparity between the city and the countryside,
but has also perpetuated a negative image
of the village or peasant as backward and unmodern
and of the countryside as needing urbanization.
Pervasive national discourse creates extreme
prejudice against the rural population. The cos-
By David Borenstein
mopolitan, trendy urbanite is often considered of
high “suzhi” or quality, while the old-fashioned
farmer is almost always considered low “suzhi.”
The pervasiveness of this stereotype was apparent
in a traditional rural township in Sichuan province,
where peasants said they were too embarrassed to
be interviewed because of their low “suzhi.”
Policymakers, academics, and officials have promoted
temporary rural migration to the cities to
bring capital into the countryside and to “civilize”
villagers. The theory, as explained by the party
secretary of the township in Sichuan province, is
that the farmers can learn from urbanites and then
return to the countryside and improve their community’s
“suzhi.”
Unbalanced development and a decline in farming
revenues have created a countryside where peasants
usually have no choice but to migrate. Reinforcing this
trend is a national culture that equates the urban with
the civilized. As a result, most rural Chinese believe
that migration is a necessary way of life—both for the
economic opportunities it offers and the chance to
improve their “suzhi.”
SIPA NEWS 23

This scenario has created a vicious negative
cycle. In many villages most people of working
age have left to work in cities, turning communities
into ghost towns with virtually only young
children and the elderly remaining. Some villagers
unable to migrate commonly join crime networks
because of the few other local economic opportunities.
In many villages, sanitation and waste
are growing increasingly serious because many of
those who remain plan to leave as soon as possible
and neglect their community. As villages slowly
deteriorate, it only reinforces the perception that
rural life is inferior and, again, furthers the neglect.
However, peasants like the Gaos have developed
a method of economic production and conception
of progress that are powerful challenges
to China’s status quo.
The Gaos operate an organic farm in Anlong
Village. Working in a co-op with seven other
families, they run an enterprise they have come
to call “Jiankang Shucai Peisong,” or Healthful
Vegetable Delivery. It involves selling produce
directly to consumers while incorporating only
sustainable and organic farming techniques. Once
a week the Gaos’ eldest son, Gao Yicheng, delivers
produce from the co-op to multiple drop offpoints
in Chengdu, 30 kilometers away.
The co-op uses the term “cheng xiang hu zhu”
or urban-rural mutual aid to describe its operation.
The Gaos explain this concept as a method
of economic production that benefits both rural
and urban areas. The model has proved successful.
The Gaos are able to support themselves through
their operation, circumnavigating the social and
economic disincentives of family farming.
A highly iconoclastic culture and discourse
have developed in the co-op. Several of the Gaos
explained that progress should not be measured
in urbanization or increasing incomes. According
“Our media and culture
dupe us into believing
we don’t want to farm,
which creates bad farms
and bad farmers. But we
can think for ourselves
and set our own path.
I don’t need to migrate.”
24 SIPA NEWS
—GAO QINGRONG
A farmer and his daughter carry buckets of water to their drought-affected crops in a field near the village of Zhudong
in Hongchang County, Henan province. The severe drought in China has added to the hardship of millions of migrant
workers who every year travel from rural China to the cities seeking work. The economic downturn that has dramatically
effected exports has meant that job prospects are much harder and as a result, the extra income rural families have
enjoyed during the last few years will not be possible.
to Gao Yicheng, “progress should be defined by
the villages themselves.”
Central to the Gaos’ vision of progress is a
respect for their community. They have educated
themselves on sustainable agricultural practices
by seeking assistance from environmental NGOs
and self-study. For example, instead of using a
conventional toilet, they have installed an “ecological
urine-diverting dry toilet.” According to
So-Han Fan, a Chengdu-based NGO professional
who has worked with the Anlong co-op, the toilet
promotes healthy aerobic composting by separating
urine and feces so that they can be converted
separately into different forms of fertilizer. The
Gaos also created artificial wetlands around their
farm. The wetlands purify wastewater from the
house, which is then released into nearby rivers
or stored in fishponds.
Gao Qingrong, 32, the eldest daughter of the
Gaos, was once a migrant laborer in southern
China, just one of more than 230 million others.
But when she came home in 2007 for the Chinese
Lunar New Year, also known as the Spring
Festival, and saw how difficult it was for her family
to tend the farm alone, she decided to stay.
She returned to Anlong just in time to attend
a sustainable farming workshop conducted by a
Chengdu-based environmental NGO. Something
about the workshop inspired her deeply. Since
then, Qingrong has devoted herself to developing
sustainable, community-oriented farming practices.
In 2010, her efforts caught the eyes of PeaceWomen
Across the Globe, a Nobel prize-winning Swiss
organization that assists women involved in activities
that promote peace. The organization named
Qingrong one of its 1,000 PeaceWomen fellows
and provided funding for her to attend workshops
on sustainable farming practices.
Qingrong believes that prevailing attitudes
toward the countryside hurt villages. “Our media
and culture dupe us into believing we don’t want
to farm, which creates bad farms and bad farmers,”
she said. “But we can think for ourselves and
set our own path. I don’t need to migrate.”
And Qingrong remains positive about the future.
“There are plenty of possibilities for sustainable
farming to continue expanding in China,” she said.
“People will come to learn about the environmental
and health dangers of conventional farming. Once
people know about them, they’ll make a change.”
The model the Gaos operate is not a solution
to all of China’s rural problems. However, it is a
first step in fighting the national prejudice toward
the countryside and has turned an enclave in
Anlong Village into not only a more desirable but
also a more sustainable place to live.
David Borenstein is a first-year MIA candidate concentrating
in Economic and Political Development. He
has conducted extensive ethnographic research on Chinese
rural development. From 2009 to 2010, David conducted
fieldwork in the Sichuan countryside as a Fulbright fellow
researching peasant resistance to rural development policies.

Forever Young:
china’s Belief in Its own Benevolent Rise By ReBeccA chAo
Chinese soldiers march, with a skyline
of Pudong in the background.
In 850 A.D., an unknown Chinese alchemist sought to produce an elixir that would grant eternal life
and unwittingly discovered gunpowder. The combination of saltpeter, charcoal, and sulfur that he
thought would keep him forever young succeeded only in burning down part of his house.
Though some scholars disagree, China contends that this mild explosive was developed for use in
firecrackers to scare away evil spirits during its New Year’s celebrations. China prefers to focus on the
spread of gunpowder to Europe in the 13th century and how Europeans developed canons and guns to
conquer other nations, eventually adding China to its list in the mid to late 1800s.
Regardless of the facts, China believes in its own benevolence. Further, how China sees itself reflects
how it views the world and the manner in which it makes foreign policy decisions. These perceptions have
affected China’s foreign policy outlook in at least one way—it does not view the United States or the rising
developing world, for that matter, as threats but as indispensable partners in its rise.

A Chinese military honor guard stands at
attention in front of a mural depicting the
Great Wall during a welcoming cereony
for President Barack Obama in Beijing on
November 17, 2009. Obama and President
Hu Jintao of China met in a session
that signaled the central role of China on
the world stage and highlighted the different
approaches that it and the United
States are taking on urgent problems
around the globe.
26 SIPA NEWS
Partners, Not Rivals
Take, for example, global attitudes towards China’s
rise. The Pew Global Attitudes Project reports
that among the 18 countries surveyed in 2009 and
2011, the median percentage that believes China
will or has already dethroned the United States as
the leading superpower increased from 40 to 47
percent in those two years. This adversarial position
assumes that the United States and China are
in competition for leadership.
Yet China perceives its own rise as occurring in
a multipolar world. Bonnie Glaser, a senior fellow
at the Center for Strategic and International Studies,
argues in a 2009 paper, that “The vast majority [of
Chinese scholars and experts maintain] that the
prevailing international structure of power will not
last; it eventually will give way to a multipolar era in
which China and other emerging economies have
an increasing say about issues of global importance.”
Susan L. Craig, a scholar at the United States
Army War College’s Strategic Studies Institute,
issued a study in March 2007 that examined
China’s perception of traditional and nontraditional
security threats. In it, she contends that throughout
history, China has viewed itself as exceptional
from all other states precisely because of its long

history of peace and anti-imperialism. As such,
China behaves defensively and rarely, if ever,
offensively.
China does not appear to actively challenge
the United States on contentious issues nor does
it seem to have any desire to recreate a Cold War
standoff. Rather, it has sought primarily to allay
the negative influence of Western criticisms, such
as attacks on its poor human rights records or accusations
of currency manipulation. China’s criticism
of Western media, for example, has focused not
only on its inherent contradictions but has also
emphasized that the West is flawed just like China
and therefore not culturally or politically superior.
When the U.S. debt deliberation nearly led to
a government shutdown, China used the opportunity
to point out the weaknesses of democracy.
Niall Fergusson, a professor of history at Harvard
University, reported in Newsweek that, viewed from
China, the debate over the debt ceiling confirmed
that “Western democracy is a form of institutionalized
chaos to be avoided by all sane Asians.”
Daily Beast reporter Isaac Stone Fish followed the
Chinese media’s critique of the Rupert Murdoch
wiretapping scandal in the summer of 2011. The
Chinese press agency Xinhua ran an article chastising
the West for unethical reporting. The Shanghai
Communist Party newspaper Liberation Daily questioned
whether, in fact, a free press was such a
prized and universal goal. The People’s Daily, considered
the official mouthpiece of the Communist
Party, took it further by saying, “Western media
doesn’t care about social morality.” Fish also spoke
with Michael Anti, a Chinese media commentator,
who warned that when Western media slams
Chinese media for bogus reporting or propaganda,
an average Chinese reader may now think, “Well,
Western media is also very rotten.”
This view is not exclusive to residents of
China. A 2006 article by Li He in Asian Perspectives
reveals that Chinese students studying in the West
(liuxuesheng), who were exposed to Western media’s
views on China, did not significantly alter their
opinions about their homeland. A large number of
the returnees Li interviewed believe that though
Western democracy is good, it is not appropriate
for China today. While political reform is necessary
within the Communist Party, the returnees
advocated for greater efficiency and rule of law
rather than democratization. A group known as the
“New Left,” comprising leading academics, most of
whom are returned liuxuesheng, has also emerged in
China to voice its disenchantment with the West.
Li writes, “They are challenging China’s unique
system of state-controlled capitalism with a simple
message: What they call China’s failed 20th-century
experiment with communism cannot be undone in
the 21st century by embracing a 19th-century style
of laissez-faire capitalism.”
Friend, Foe, or Just Trying to Grow?
Those who view China’s rise as a threat—mostly in
the West—emphasize China’s rapid military buildup.
Top U.S. defense officials released a report
in August 2011 cataloguing China’s impressive
military expenditures. While Pentagon officials
expressed concerns about China’s military intentions
in the Pacific, Michael Schiffer, the deputy
assistant secretary of defense for East Asia, said
that there was no particular increase that led him
to describe China’s overall arms buildup as “potentially
destabilizing.” Schiffer instead accused China
of being opaque about its military intentions.
Even if Schiffer is correct, the United States
responded in November 2011 by announcing a
decision to deploy 2,500 marines to Australia. It
seems U.S. officials share the view, as Glaser argues,
that “If Beijing were to perceive the U.S. position
as weakening, there could be fewer inhibitions for
China to avoid challenging the United States where
American and Chinese interests diverge.”
However, U.S. officials and scholars like Glaser
overlook China’s perceived threats in the Pacific
and thus dismiss China’s arms buildup as a defensive
tactic. Despite spats with Japan and China over the
South China Sea, China’s threat has been economic,
not military. During a nine-day visit to China in
November 2011, President Obama praised Beijing
for its cooperation on South China Sea disputes.
While it is difficult to assess whether China’s
military spending is defensive in nature—it becomes
an impossible question of who started what—
China’s definition of its own borders is another
example of how China perceives itself as nonimperialistic
and benign. China sees its claims over
Tibet and Taiwan as a question of national unity,
which Craig attributes to China’s colonization by
the West in the 19th century. She cites a speech
given by Lieutenant General Li Jijun of the Chinese
Peoples’ Liberation Army at the U.S. Army War
College in 1997, in which he points to a “unifying
consciousness” in China, committed to “maintaining
the unity of the country and its territorial integrity
and sovereignty.” Craig ascribes China’s distaste
for interventionism and its insistence on respecting
national integrity to that period of colonization,
known in China as a “century of humiliation.”
China may view itself as a friendly giant,
while others question whether it is just a guise.
After 5,000 years of uninterrupted civilization and
impressive cultural continuity, it is not unlikely that
China still sees itself as wielding a firecracker, not a
gun. But even at 5,000 years of age, China has not
fully matured as a modern nation. It remains to be
seen whether China will upgrade from firecracker
to firepower as it tries to figure itself out.
Rebecca Chao, SIPA News coeditor, is a second-year
MIA candidate concentrating in International Security
Policy and specializing in media. She is currently the features
editor of the Journal of International Affairs and
also writes for Asia Society.
SIPA NEWS 27

In Kosovo, sport is all about
politics, and Uliks Emra, one of
the best footballers in the country,
has been facing it throughout his
career. Although Kosovo declared
independence in 2008, it does not
have an internationally recognized
team. “It’s a pity that because of
politics, we are not able to play
internationally,” Emra said.
28 SIPA NEWS

Development
through Football:
A Vision for
the Balkans
BY BEHAR XHARRA AND MARTIN WAEHLISCH
When Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star Belgrade entered the green of
Maksimir stadium in Zagreb, no one could have foreseen that their
game would change the world. On May 13, 1990, their football
match turned into a battlefield between Croats and Serbs, helping
to trigger the beginning of the war and the end of Yugoslavia. Fans
of Dinamo, known as the Bad Blue Boys, and Red Star, called Delije
(“heroes”), took over the stadium in one of the most brutal football
riots the region had ever seen. Symbolically, their clash expressed
the ethnic tensions reflecting a revival of nationalism in the Balkans.
As elsewhere in the world, football (soccer
to Americans) has both torn people apart and
brought them together. In the Balkans, sports
help to shed light on the past and ongoing
struggles of the region. The war in the former
Yugoslavia lasted nearly a decade. What previously
had been one entity now comprises
eight countries—with Montenegro and Kosovo
emerging as the newest independent republics.
Given the region’s past, could football reconcile
former factions and reverse the Balkans’
negative image abroad? Could, for instance, a
World Cup 2030 organized in southeast Europe
make a difference? Though this vision has challenges,
the resulting benefits are even greater.
Emerging out of decades of conflict, the Balkans
are still characterized by negative perceptions:
violence, crime, nationalism, and hate. And
football continues to reveal misperceptions and
political divergence in the region.
Hooliganism and nationalism have been
nurtured in the stadiums of the Balkans.
Partizan Belgrade was disqualified from the
UEFA Cup 2007/2008, after violence broke
out among the fans in Mostar, Bosnia and
Herzegovina. In September 2009, a French
fan of Toulouse died from attacks by hooligans
in Belgrade. In October 2010, the Italy
vs. Serbia EURO 2012 qualifying match in
Genoa was cancelled due to riots. In February
2011, Serbia’s president Boris Tadić publicly
acknowledged that hooliganism is a security
problem and asked for a stop to the violence.
Additionally, according to the 2010 Gallup
Balkan Monitor survey, more than 40 percent of
people in the region regard at least one of their
neighbors as hostile. One notable example is
Macedonia’s dispute with Greece over its official
name, which has heightened nationalistic
frictions. The stadiums in Skopje and Athens
are arenas for hostilities, where both Greek
and Macedonian flags burn when the opposing
teams meet.
Another notable example occurred during the
Euro qualifying matches in Albania, when fans
of Albanian descent from across the Balkans
gathered in the stadium to express their feelings
of national unity. When the Albanian and Greek
teams played, fans covered the stadium with a
large Albanian red-black, double-headed eagle
SIPA NEWS 29

Dinamo Zagreb’s captain, Zvonimir Boban, attacks a police officer during soccer fan riots, prior to the
match against Red Star Belgrade, Zagreb, Croatia, May 13, 1990.
national flag. After Albania’s win over Belarus in
March 2011 for the EURO 2012, the vice-captain
of the national team took the microphone to address
the exuberant fans. He warned that Albanians
should not attempt to gain Greek citizenship, as
many have tried, in the hope of greater social benefits
and a Greek pension.
Lastly, Kosovo does not even have an internationally
recognized team, which is indicative of the
debates surrounding its newfound statehood. In
October 2008, FIFA rejected the application of the
Football Federation of Kosovo based on Article 10
of the FIFA statutes, which stipulates that only “an
independent state recognized by the international
community” may be admitted (Kosovo, which
declared its independence in 2008, is recognized
as a state by only 85 countries). Meanwhile, leading
football players from Kosovo represent Albania,
Switzerland, Finland, Montenegro, and Sweden.
A Kosovar refugee, Fatmire Bajramaj, is now representing
the German Women’s National Football
Team. She was placed as one of the three top
players for the 2010 FIFA Ballon d’Or, an annual
award presented to the best player in the world.
Though football has added to a negative image
30 SIPA NEWS
of the Balkans, the chances to impact development,
diplomatic ties, and exposure through this
sport are immense. In addition to those players
from Kosovo, the Western Balkans have produced
world-renowned football players and strategists,
including the Croatian former mid-fielder Zvonimir
Boban, who played for Milan; the Serbian
Nemanja Vidić, captain of the English Premier
League club Manchester United; the Bosnian
Edi Dzeko, striker of Manchester City; and the
Montenegrin player and former sports director of
Real Madrid, Pedrag Mijatović, to name a few.
The experiences of these leading athletes
playing for other international teams demonstrate
the powerful impact football can have on forging
bonds. “The magic of football is that it has the
power to bring people traveling beyond borders
and continents,” commented Dragan Stojkovic
at a ministerial conference on peace consolidation
and economic development of the Western
Balkans in 2004. Stojkovic, who had been the
captain of Red Star Belgrade during the incident
in 1990, rightfully noted that “football” is a word
understood in all languages of the Balkans.
Indeed, football can be an effective tool for
public diplomacy, peace building, and economic
development. Sports are strong catalysts for change
in all countries of former Yugoslavia—just as
proven elsewhere. South Korea and Japan cohosted
the World Cup in 2002, despite resentment over
a number of unsettled Japanese-Korean disputes,
stemming from Japan’s occupation and annexation
of Korea in the 20th century. The FIFA World Cup
2010 in South Africa allowed Africans to show the
world new insights into their lives, progress, and
achievements. The 2012 UEFA European Football
Championship will be organized jointly by Poland
and Ukraine. The tournament’s official logo combines
the traditional art of paper cutting practiced
in Poland and rural areas of Ukraine; the competition’s
slogan is “Creating History Together.” Its
opening will be in Warsaw, the finals in Kiev.
Imagine then the opening of a peaceful World
Cup 2030 in Zagreb’s Maksimir Stadium, quarterfinals
with a view of the reconstructed skyline of
Sarajevo, and semifinals in Pristina and Skopje,
with a team bus leaving to the finals in Belgrade.
Could this plan close the cycle of the Balkans’
volatile history and bring an end to the strains
and prejudices of the postwar legacy? Of course,
political changes will depend on more than a joyful
match between 22 players, kicking a ball over
the green. But football is an incredible means for
mobilizing internal and external support towards a
common goal. In particular, football could influence
the notion of how national teams confront each
other: rule-based, fair, controlled, and with respect.
Football can teach governments a lesson, bringing
the Balkans beyond their current stalemate.
A World Cup 2030 jointly organized by previously
rivaling neighbors could create the conditions
for a new momentum of cooperation in southeast
Europe. Football could revise the way the region
is seen by the rest of the world and also help to
enhance the mutual understanding of Croats,
Serbs, Bosniaks, Kosovar Albanians, Macedonians,
and other ethnic groups of the Western Balkans.
Realizing such a vision would be a valuable investment
in the region’s future.
Behar Xharra, junior fellow of Columbia’s
Harriman Institute, is a 2012 MIA candidate at
Columbia University’s School of International and
Public Affairs. Being a Kosovar, he previously worked
for governmental agencies in Pristina and also served
as a UNDP expert at the Kosovo Assembly and the
Bangladesh Parliament.
Martin Waehlisch, an international lawyer, has
been working on governmental and nongovernmental
projects in Kosovo. He is a visiting scholar
at the Harriman Institute. Both were authors of
the first study on Kosovo’s Public Diplomacy,
published in 2011 with the USC Center on Public
Diplomacy at the University of Southern California.

Faculty Honors and Awards By Alex Burnett
From left to right: Douglas Almond, Michael Doyle, Suresh Naidu
Congratulations to SIPA Professor Michael
Doyle, who received the 2011 Hubert
H. Humphrey Award from the American
Political Science Association (APSA).
The Hubert H. Humphrey Award is presented
annually in recognition of notable public service by
a political scientist. The 2010 recipient was David
Petraeus, former commanding general of U.S.
forces in Iraq and Afghanistan and director-designate
of the Central Intelligence Agency. Previous
honorees include former SIPA dean John Ruggie,
SIPA alumna Madeleine Albright, Richard Cheney,
Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and Brent Scowcroft.
Professor Doyle is the Harold Brown Professor
of U.S. Foreign and Security Policy. He
specializes in international relations theory,
international security, and international organizations.
Previously, Doyle served as assistant
secretary-general and special adviser to UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
Professor Douglas Almond received the 2011
Garfield Economic Impact Award. Professor Almond
and his coauthors, Joseph J. Doyle Jr., Amanda E.
Kowalski, and Heidi Williams shared the award for
their paper “Estimating Marginal Returns to Medical
Care: Evidence from At-Risk Newborns.”
Evaluating the lifesaving benefits of advanced,
research-based medical care, they found evidence
that such care enables very low birth weight babies
to “beat the odds,” surviving at greater rates than
would be expected based on birth weight alone.
Professor Almond focuses on health and applied
microeconomics, with a particular interest in
infant health and the environment. He previously
served as a staff economist at the Council of Economic
Advisers during the Clinton administration
and studied the health effects of air pollution in
China as a Fulbright scholar.
Professor Suresh Naidu was awarded a
two-year junior fellowship from the Canadian Institute
for Advanced Research (CIFAR). The fellowships are
intended to help young and gifted scholars build their
research and leadership capacity early in their careers.
CIFAR junior fellows are embedded in one of
12 interdisciplinary research programs. Professor
Naidu will work as a program member within
“Institutions, Organizations, and Growth.”
SAVE
THE
DATES
INSIDE SIPA
Professor Naidu teaches economics, political
economy, and development at SIPA. His research
focuses on the relationships between politics and
economics—particularly the history of slavery and
economic development in the U.S. South.
Professor John Micgiel was awarded the Commander’s
Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic
of Poland. President Bronisław Komorowski bestowed
state decorations on 27 distinguished people at the
Polish Consulate while on a visit to New York City.
The medals recognize those who have rendered
great service to the Polish-American community in
science, culture, business, and politics, as well as
their contribution to the Polish-Jewish dialogue.
In addition to teaching at SIPA, Professor
Micgiel is director of Columbia’s East Central
European Center.
Alex Burnett is communications manager
in SIPA’s Office of Communications and
External Relations.
Thursday, april 26, 2012
Twelfth annual Global leadership awards dinner
Honoring
Lisa Anderson
President, The American University in Cairo
Dean Emerita, SIPA
Howard G. Buffett
President, The Howard G. Buffett Foundation
Peter G. Peterson
Founder and Chairman, the Peter G. Peterson Foundation
Co-Founder and Chairman Emeritus, the Blackstone Group
Mandarin Oriental, New York
saTurday, april 28, 2012
sipa alumni day
Featuring in-depth discussions with faculty and alumni
on topics in international and public affairs, with a special
celebration of the 20th anniversary of the Program in
Economic Policy Management (PEPM).
More information on both events will be available at
www.sipa.columbia.edu
SIPA NEWS 31

INSIDE SIPA
Leaders in Global Energy: Seeking Solutions to Sustainable Energy
By Alex Burnett and Michelle Chahine
“I’m not concerned about the future, but the
transition to the future is what I worry about.”
–Eduardo Souto de Moura, 2011 Pritzker
Architecture Prize Laureate
Portuguese architect and Pritzker Prize
Laureate Eduardo Souto de Moura was one
of several distinguished guests to address
the SIPA community during the school’s
2011 Leaders in Global Energy series.
Souto de Moura highlighted his most recent
design of a home, innovative use of natural light
in a museum, intelligent and cost-efficient use of
new materials in a skyscraper, and a new approach
to the construction of a soccer stadium within its
natural surroundings.
“If we learn the rules of nature and approximate
them, we get something fantastic,” he said. “Architecture
is like an iceberg,” implying that we have
seen only the tip of intelligent, sustainable design.
Leaders in Global Energy is the centerpiece of
SIPA’s initiative to identify solutions to the challenge
of creating sustainable energy while protecting the
environment and reaffirming corporate citizenship.
Throughout the fall, SIPA welcomed thought leaders
in energy from across the government, corporate,
and NGO sectors. In addition to sustainable design,
they addressed topics such as energy policy in Latin
America, the electricity grid, the European approach
to sustainability, and wind energy.
“I think we have an obligation to educate folks
on the complexities we’re dealing with and try to
put into context what goes into your electricity
bill,” said Gordon van Welie, CEO of ISO New England,
the region’s primary power provider.
“You know, people hear and talk about climate
change and environmental issues,” said van Welie.
“The question is: How do you actually engineer
a system that will achieve those policy goals and
keep the lights on?”
Solutions will require collaboration by government,
corporate, and NGO leaders; the adoption of
new technologies; and the cultivation of a new generation
of thinkers who can overcome the historical
barriers to socially responsible energy policymaking.
“Keep interested in energy,” said Rui Cartaxo,
CEO of Portugal’s Redes Energéticas Nacionais
during an examination of the electricity grid and
32 SIPA NEWS
Eduardo Souto de Moura shows his design for the Municipal Stadium in Braga, Spain.
power distribution. “In the next 20 years, energy
will be a big part of the issues.”
Edison Lobão, minister of mines and energy
in Brazil, the globe’s sixth largest consumer of
energy, emphasized the world’s continued dependence
on fossil fuels.
“To counter these trends, it will be necessary
to get agreement from all stakeholders to achieve
what has already been agreed to in the Kyoto
Protocol,” he said. “Technological developments
create expectations that this will happen.”
“Yes, we can alter significantly the balance between
fossil fuels and alternative energy,” he noted.
In a discussion dedicated to wind energy,
Gabriel Alonso, CEO of Horizon Wind Energy, said
innovation is improving productivity. That has reduced
the cost of wind drastically, and wind power
is growing worldwide. In 2010, China became the
largest producer of wind power and working aggressively
to develop its offshore wind power generators.
“Wind is free,” said Alonso. “Our success lies
in our hands.”
Energy was also the topic of SIPA’s Gabriel
Silver Memorial Lecture on November 1. Yukiya
Amano, director general of the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA), spoke about nuclear
energy and the crisis that followed last year’s
earthquake in Japan. The event was cosponsored
by Columbia’s World Leaders Forum.
“What is most damaged by this accident is
confidence,” said Amano. “So we need tangible
results to restore it.”
“In light of recent projections, I am very confident
this is not the end of nuclear power,” he noted.
In addition to the Leaders in Global Energy series,
SIPA is developing new course work, fieldwork, and
research through the Energy and Environment concentration,
which provides students with the knowledge
base and analytical tools needed to address the
challenge of sustainably and responsibly powering the
developed and developing nations of the world.
Leaders in Global Energy is sponsored by
EDP–Energias de Portugal, S.A. EDP’s interests in
conventional and renewable power extend across
11 countries on four continents, including the
United States.
Michelle Chahine is a program assistant in SIPA’s
Office of Communications and External Relations.

SIPA Events Highlight Emerging Economies and Economic Priorities
Representing more than 40 percent of the
world’s population, Brazil, Russia, India,
and China, the “BRICs,” have emerged as
economic powers and significant actors in
the international arena.
On December 2, 2011, SIPA convened the
Inaugural BricLab Conference, a half-day event
that examined their rising influence on global
policymaking.
The conference, which took place in
Columbia’s Low Rotunda, brought together
leading experts to discuss the strategic, political,
environmental, economic, and financial
consequences of their rise. Speakers included
Michel Temer, vice president of Federative
Republic of Brazil; Stephen King, chief economist
of HSBC; Sergei Guriev, rector of the New
Economic School of Moscow; Stefan Wagstyl,
Emerging Markets editor of the Financial
Times; Marc Uzan, executive director of the
Reinventing Bretton Woods Committee; Marcelo
Odebrecht, chairman and CEO of Odebrecht;
INSIDE SIPA
Left: Michel Temer, vice president of the Federative Republic of Brazil, being interviewed at the BRICLab conference. Right: Brazil as a Rising Power: Mario Garnero, chairman,
Brasilinvest, speaks about the changing power and business dynamics brought about by the rise of Brazil. Seated from left: Thomas Trebat, executive director, Institute of Latin
American Studies, Columbia University; Sergio Cabral Filho, governor, Brazilian State of Rio de Janeiro; and Marcelo Odebrecht, chairman and CEO, Odebrecht.
Sergio Cabral Filho, governor of Brazilian State
of Rio de Janeiro; and Columbia University
professors Merit Janow, Arvind Panagariya, and
Thomas Trebat.
The BricLab Conference was sponsored by
SIPA, HSBC, and Fórum das Américas and organized
by BRICLab co-directors and SIPA adjunct
professors Christian Deseglise (MIA ’90) and
Marcos Troyjo.
lawrence h. summers, Charles W. Eliot University Professor
at Harvard University, former director of the White House National Economic
Council, and former U.S. Secretary of the Treasury, delivered the Gabriel Silver
Memorial Lecture at SIPA on December 1. Mr. Summers shared his views on
the current economic situation and how to achieve growth: “If the private sector
is unable or unwilling to enable and increase its spending, there is no alternative
but for a government to be prepared on a temporary basis to expand its
borrowing and expand its spending.”
SIPA NEWS 33

INSIDE SIPA
From Recipients to Donors: Brazilian Students Turn Classwork into
Real-World Policy By Michelle Chahine
Three Brazilian students, each attending
SIPA on a Lemann Fellowship, are taking
the spirit of their fellowship to heart. Established
by Brazilian entrepreneur Jorge Paulo
Lemann, the fellowships are intended to promote
student exchange between SIPA and Brazil.
The three students—Karin Vazquez, Andres
Lalinde, and Tatiana Cabral Schnurr (MIA ’12)—
turned their final project for a management course
into a strategy paper for the Brazilian government.
Fellow SIPA student Xheni Shehu (MIA ’11)
cowrote the project.
The paper, “From a Fledgling Donor to a Powerhouse:
Improving Brazil’s Development Cooperation
Framework and Institution Settings,” was
distributed to various government officials at ABC,
the Brazilian Cooperation Agency; EMBRAPA, the
Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation; and
Caixa Econômica Federal (CAIXA), the public bank.
“The Lemann Fellowship is awarded to individuals
passionate about creating a better future
for Brazil, either internally or externally,” explained
Lalinde. “Since the project focused on Brazil’s exportation
model for development and cooperation
knowledge transfers, analyzing ABC’s strengths
and weaknesses from a consulting perspective
was an excellent avenue for three Lemann Fellows
(and one non-Fellow), to recommend changes that
would ultimately improve external relations abroad.
The ABC project was by far the most rewarding
academic endeavor I had ever accomplished.”
34 SIPA NEWS
The topic of the paper was the brainchild of
Vazquez, who worked in the Brazilian government
before attending SIPA.
“Because I was already working in the area,”
she said, “I was very interested in how emerging
countries are increasingly becoming donors of
international aid and less recipients of international
aid.”
“There’s this momentum around aid effectiveness,”
she added, “a South-South cooperation
agenda that is increasingly being seen as an alternative
to the North-South model of development
cooperation, possibly the future of development
cooperation.”
Vazquez was interested in looking at Brazil and
the Brazilian Agency for Development Cooperation
(ABC), to see how, given this new role that Brazil
was playing, the agency could improve its strategic
focus and the effectiveness of its operation.
The team conducted interviews with current
and former employees at ABC. With the raw data
they gathered, they used the frameworks they
were learning in their “Strategic Thinking for
General Managers” course with Professor Paul
Thurman to analyze the agency’s problems and
develop recommendations.
“It was interesting because our problem tree
was huge,” laughed Vazquez. One major problem
the team found was the limited communication
between the agency and other parts of the Brazilian
government.
“We actually tried to suggest a mechanism for
these actors to interact more efficiently as well,”
said Vazquez. “Even though the main focus was
more internal to ABC, this communication channel
with others was a mid- to-long-term recommendation
. . . We also later found that other agencies in
the government had similar problems at well.”
“It was a pleasant surprise to receive the report
from [the] students,” said Antonio Prado, coordinator
of international cooperation at EMBRAPA,
via e-mail. “This report is very useful because it
contributes to the necessary reflection on how the
Brazilian cooperation for development is structured,
what its bottlenecks are, and how institutions
such as EMBRAPA may help improve Brazil’s
cooperation.”
According to Prado, the report was e-mailed to
all the employees of EMBRAPA’s Secretariat for
International Affairs, which is responsible for the
operational management of international agricultural
projects.
“It was such a great experience to work on
a project with other Lemann Fellows because it
highlighted our diversity and individual strengths,”
said Cabral Schnurr. “The common denominator
was a passion for the development of Brazil, which
made the commitment towards finding sustainable
and feasible solutions even stronger. I think the
project was one of the most personally gratifying
works in each of our academic careers.”
JorGe paulo lemann cofounded the investment banking firm Banco Garantia and helped grow it
into one of Brazil’s most prestigious and innovative investment banks. In 2001, Lemann founded the Lemann
Foundation, a nonprofit organization that aims to improve education quality and opportunities in Brazil. Projects
to achieve this goal include different scholarship programs, research and dissemination about best practices in
education management, and training programs for educational leaders.
Lemann Fellowships provide support to students participating in the School’s dual-degree program with
Fundação Getulio Vargas Escola de Administração de Empresas de São Paulo, to students who live or have lived in
Brazil, and for students to engage in study, research, and internships in Brazil.
Visit SIPA’s Lemann Fellows webpage at http://lemannfellows.sipa.columbia.edu

Witnesses to History: SIPA Interns around the World By Michelle Chahine
It is a rite of passage—second-year SIPA
students return for the fall semester and
share the incredible experiences they had
traveling around the globe for their summer
internships.
Christopher Reeve (MIA ’12) spent last
summer interning at a Cairo newspaper, in line
with his specialization in International Media,
Advocacy, and Communications. He worked as
a reporter at Al-Masry Al-Youm, Egypt’s leading
independent newspaper, which had just launched
an English edition.
“There was so much news happening. News
happened every day,” Christopher said. “Even
when I wasn’t reporting, I was experiencing something
major and consequential to the world.”
It wasn’t just editorial and reporting experience
that he gained from his internship. He had a
front-row seat to history.
“There was a happiness in the street, in the
air. Everyone has hope now,” he said. “I have
much more hope than I did previously.”
Juontel White (MIA ’12) spent three months in
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. She worked for UNESCO
as a research assistant for a large conference on
teacher migration and mobility. Juontel engaged
with ministers of education throughout Africa and
the Commonwealth and traveled to rural areas to
interview students and teachers at adult literacy
centers.
“It was inspiring because in marginalized
communities, they don’t see the importance of
education (for themselves and their children)
until they’re invited to these centers,” she said.
Jonathan Roose (MIA ’12) spent his summer
in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. He interned in
Almaty, Kazakhstan, for the Eurasia Foundation
of Central Asia (EFCA), where he edited and assisted
in proposal writing.
“The experience was truly great,” he said.
“I learned a ton about the developing world,
Kazakhstan, Central Asia, and the post-Soviet
world.” Jonathan also taught English in Almaty
and Kyrgyzstan.
Homa Hassan (MIA ’12) served with the
United Nations Development Programme in Pristina,
Kosovo, where she helped implement the
five-year Common Development Plan and create
an interagency knowledge portal to compile and
map data, statistics, and studies.
“Working in Kosovo was one of the highlights
of my life,” said Homa. “I gained a huge appreciation
by watching one of the world’s newest
nations grapple with the challenge of overcoming
recent carnage with resiliency and optimism.”
Nadia Hasham (MIA ’12) was in Kurnool,
Andhra Pradesh, India, working on a pilot study
for an SMS-based vaccination reminders project
for mothers with newborns. It was a joint project
between the India-based NGO Developmental
Medical Foundation and the U.S.-based company
Medic Mobile.
“I was able to liaise with key players in the
region, including UNICEF, district and state
governments, the World Bank, and others,” said
Nadia. “I have enjoyed this project so much that
I have decided to stay on board until its completion
18 months from now.”
Ethan Wilkes (MIA ’12) had not one, but two,
internships in China and got to rub shoulders
with the number two man at the White House.
Ethan began by working at Aureos Capital in
Qingdao, a small provincial city in the northeast
part of the country. There he put together communications
material for investors and worked in
fundraising.
He then moved to the International Trade
Administration at the American Embassy in Beijing,
working on a research project looking into
Chinese state-owned enterprises. Ethan said SIPA
made this opportunity possible—he found it on
SIPALink, the career portal for students.
“We had a lot of delegations coming through,
too,” he said. “As an intern, you get to sit in on
these massive trade relation meetings as a fly on
the wall. It’s fascinating.”
One of these delegations was that of U.S. Vice
President Joseph Biden. Wilkes met the vice president
at an embassy meet-and-greet.
“Rarely do you get the opportunity to be
exposed to people of that level and listen to their
thoughts,” he added.
Michelle Chahine is a program assistant in
SIPA’s Office of Communications and External
Relations.
INSIDE SIPA
From top: Cairo’s Tahrir Square; Juontel White;
Nadia Hasham (far right); Ethan Wilkes with Vice
President Biden.
SIPA NEWS 35

INSIDE SIPA
PhD Students Connect Climate Change and Civil War By Alex Burnett
El Niño can help spark civil war, according to
research by SIPA and The Earth Institute’s
PhD program in sustainable development.
Kyle Meng, a PhD candidate in the
program, and Solomon Hsiang, a 2011 graduate,
coauthored the study in the journal Nature,
detailing their research linking the climate cycle to
increases in warfare. Mark Cane, a climate scientist
at Columbia University’s Lamont-Doherty Earth
Observatory, was the third coauthor.
The study found that the arrival of El Niño,
which every three to seven years boosts temperatures
and cuts rainfall, doubles the risk of civil
wars across 90 tropical nations. It says El Niño
may have played a role in a fifth of all worldwide
conflicts during the past 50 years.
36 SIPA NEWS
This is the first study of its kind, linking global
weather observations and documented violence,
to point to climate as a possible cause of future
destabilization. The study does not blame specific
conflicts on El Niño nor address long-term climate
change. But it does point to how a warming
climate could contribute to existing conflicts in
places like Somalia.
“The most important thing is that this looks at
modern times, and it’s done on a global scale,”
says Hsiang.
“We can speculate that a long-ago Egyptian
dynasty was overthrown during a drought,” he
continues. “That’s a specific time and place,
which may be very different from today, so people
might say, ‘OK, we’re immune to that now.’ This
SIPA Alumnae Direct New Global Centers
Columbia University launched two new
Global Centers in fall 2011, each directed
by a SIPA alumna: Karen Poniachik (MIA
’90) in Santiago, Chile, and Ipek Cem-
Taha (MIA ’93, BUS ’93) in Istanbul, Turkey.
In September, Poniachik joined University
President Lee C. Bollinger, Andronico Luksic, vice
chairman of Banco de Chile, and Kenneth Prewitt,
vice president of Columbia Global Centers, at a
signing ceremony hosted by SIPA dean John H.
Coatsworth. Her new role, directing the University’s
first center in Latin America, adds to an
impressive career in government and business.
After graduating from SIPA, Poniachik served
as director of business and financial programs
at the Council of the Americas in New York from
1995 to 2000. She moved to Chile to serve as
executive vice president of the Foreign Investment
Committee (2000–2006), minister of energy
(2006–2007), and minister of mining (2006–
2008). Her last role with the Chilean government
was as special envoy in charge of negotiating
Chile’s ascension to the OECD, achieved in January
2010.
The University launched its sixth Global Center
in Istanbul in early November with a series of
events and scholarly panels attended by President
Bollinger, Dean Coatsworth, newly appointed
interim director Ipek Cem-Taha, several Columbia
faculty and deans, and scholars from the region.
Cem-Taha is a Turkish businesswoman, journalist,
and leading member of several communitybased
and international organizations. From 2005
to 2011, she produced and hosted the program
“Global Leaders” in association with NTV, Turkey’s
leading news channel. She has also served as a
newspaper columnist, commenting on international
trends, politics, and economics. Cem-Taha
is also a co-founder and director of Melak Investments,
which provides strategic advice to funds
and companies looking to invest in Turkey. Previously,
she was a co-founder and managing partner
of Netwise/IKC Communications, an Internet
services company.
study shows a systematic pattern of global climate
affecting conflict, and it shows it right now.”
The PhD in Sustainable Development combines
elements of a traditional graduate education in
social science, particularly economics, with a
significant component of training in the natural
sciences. Students in SIPA’s Sustainable Development
PhD program come from a wide variety of
backgrounds and are working on a diverse set
of research topics, including poverty and water
resources, green building, climate uncertainty and
policy, disaster risk reduction, low-resources health
systems, and sustainable design. The program’s
graduates are uniquely situated to undertake serious
research and policy assessments with the goal
of sustainable development.
Ipek Cem-Taha with President Bollinger at the launch
of the Global Center in Istanbul.

From SIPA to Iraq to Afghanistan: An Interview with Carlos Terrones
By Michelle Chahine
After his graduation from SIPA, Carlos
Terrones (MPA ’08) left New York City
for Iraq and Afghanistan. In Iraq, he
worked for the U.S. Department of State
in governance and reconstruction-development
efforts. He was then asked to assist with similar
work in Afghanistan.
What is your work currently in Afghanistan?
How long have you been there, and how long
will you remain?
I am currently the civilian team leader for the
District Support Team in the District of Maiwand. I
am the State Department representative and lead
governance adviser. I lead a team of USAID and
U.S. Army officers in charge with governance and
reconstruction-development. I’ve been in Afghanistan
for almost a year and will end my tour at the
end of January 2012. I came to Afghanistan after
working in Iraq from 2008 to 2010.
What has your experience been, both personal and
professional?
On the personal level, working in conflict zones
in Iraq and Afghanistan has increased my
mental and physical strength. I spent my tours
in Iraq and Afghanistan embedded with the U.S.
military in combat areas far away from the large
cities in Iraq and Afghanistan. Life was lonely,
and I discovered encouragement through my
friendship with my U.S. military counterparts,
friends, and family. I almost lost my life once in
Iraq and once in Afghanistan. I’ve learned how
to take care of myself because I have dealt with
uncertainty and violence.
Despite the violence and uncertainty that
I have been exposed to professionally, I have
learned a lot and gained substantial experience
from both the international coalition and Afghan
side. I’ve learned the importance of being streetwise
and how to adapt to the culture’s tribal norms
and expectations.
My prior military experience as a marine and
in international development in Latin America, the
Middle East, and Asia provided me with the tools
to work in conflict zones. Working in tough situations
has brought about my critical thinking to go
outside the box, always seek self-improvement,
and provide the best alternatives to assist the local
communities and subnational governments.
I have really enjoyed assisting in the development
of the Afghan subnational government that
is trying to become self-sufficient, transparent, accountable,
and capable of identifying, prioritizing,
and servicing the needs of the Afghan people. As I
am coming to the end of my tour in Afghanistan, I
am proud to have been able to turn around one of
the most war-torn districts in Afghanistan, which
was known as one of the birthplaces of the Taliban,
into one of the most supportive and engaged
districts in governance and development activities.
Although much work remains to be done to
destabilize the Taliban shadow government, the
mentorship and perseverance working side by side
with our Afghan local officials are finally showing
positive signs whereby local leaders and villagers
are becoming active agents in their communities.
How do you feel SIPA prepared you for this?
My SIPA education was essential to this work.
SIPA provided me with strong analytical tools
that I have applied to development strategies in a
district west of Kandahar City, which is recovering
from the Taliban insurgent activity. I have a Master
in Public Administration with a concentration in
Economic and Political Development.
Do you have advice for students who may want to
work in conflict zones post-SIPA?
For those interested in working in conflict zones,
I recommend that they take management classes
while they are at SIPA. Having a basic knowledge
of management is important because of the rapidly
changing policies that we continue to have and
adapt. With good management they will be able to
adapt to crises and create solutions for their work
with colleagues and local counterparts.
INSIDE SIPA
“ I’ve learned the importance
of being streetwise and how
to adapt to the culture’s tribal
norms and expectations.”
SIPA NEWS 37

CLASS NOTES SIPA
Class Notes Compiled by Pat Jones
1974
James Bruno, MIA
James Bruno has published a political
thriller centering on Afghanistan. Tribe is
an American take on John Le Carré’s gray
world of espionage, a meditation on the
bigger issues of trust and betrayal and how
to find room for patriotism or integrity in
a world of runaway egos and ambition.
James’ previous two novels, Permanent Interests
and Chasm, have been steady Amazon
Kindle bestsellers since late 2010. James
was a Foreign Service officer with the U.S.
Department of State, where he worked on
Afghanistan for nearly five years.
1982
Kary Moss, MIA
Kary Moss was inducted into the Michigan
Women’s Hall of Fame at an awards dinner
in East Lansing, Michigan on October 27.
The State Bar of Michigan presented her
with a 2011 Champion of Justice Award on
September 14. She is the first female executive
director of the ACLU of Michigan.
1984
Brent Feigenbaum, MIA
Brent Feigenbaum has joined Centerline
to head its corporate marketing
communications and investor relations
departments, reporting to Robert L. Levy,
president and CFO. Brent is a 25-year
veteran in strategic marketing communications.
At Centerline he will focus on
raising the firm’s visibility by elevating its
marketing, public relations, and investor
relations initiatives, as well as enhancing
the firm’s overall internal employee
communications. He is a noted expert in
developing high impact integrated marketing
communications programs in the
financial services arena, with a particular
focus on corporate banking, private
banking, and commercial real estate.
1986
David R. Claussenius, MIA
David R. Claussenius has been named
Peace Corps country director of Thailand.
38 SIPA NEWS
David joined Save the Children/U.S. as
deputy director for Asia Pacific region
in 1988 and has held several leadership
positions with the organization. David
served as director of the Philippines and
Asia and Middle East programs, headed
the program in Vietnam, and worked as
regional director for South and Southeast
Asia. Most recently, he was the lead project
manager of an international program
unit of Save the Children, implementing
programs in 72 countries.
Ranjini Pillay, MIA
Ranjini Pillay was honored this past
October at the 19th Annual Women of
Distinction Breakfast, presented by the
Girl Scouts of Greater New York.
1991
Mikel Herrington, MIA, IF
Mikel Herrington has been named Peace
Corps country director of Bulgaria.
Mikel worked for almost 14 years with
the Corporation for National and Community
Service, where he spent most
of his time in the AmeriCorps National
Civilian Community Corps (NCCC)
program. Mikel has directed English
language and U.S. cultural programs in
China, led a team of graduate students
from Columbia University on a maternal,
infant, and child health care project
in Belize, and served as a research fellow
at the Centre for Strategic and International
Studies in Jakarta, Indonesia.
1992
Dan Viederman, MIA
Dan Viederman was named Social
Entrepreneur of the Year in the United
States by the Geneva, Switzerland–
based Schwab Foundation for Social
Entrepreneurship for his work as CEO
with Verité. Verité is an international
nonprofit consulting, training, and
research organization that has been a
leader in supply social responsibility and
sustainability for 15 years. Verité solves
the most difficult supply chain human
rights problems to help the most vulnerable
workers around the world.
1997
Akiko Sugaya, MIA
Akiko Sugaya received a Nieman Fellowship
at Harvard for 2011–2012 from
the Nieman Foundation for Journalism.
The Nieman Fellowship is a prestigious
award that gives fellows the opportunity
to study and explore research topics at
Harvard University for one year.
2000
Juan Pablo Jimenez, MIA
Juan Pablo Jimenez is co-author of
“Macroeconomic Challenges of Fiscal
Decentralization in Latin America in the
Aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis,”
published by the Economic Commission
for Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC). The paper discusses how fiscal
decentralization is affecting macroeconomic
management in the main Latin
American countries and which reforms in
the existing intergovernmental systems
could help strengthen their fiscal sustainability
and create fiscal space for active
countercyclical responses to economic
shocks. The paper was prepared within
the project entitled “Decentralization and
Governance” executed by ECLAC and
the German Cooperation (GIZ), where
Juan is the coordinator.
2002
Dana Curran Mortenson, MIA
Madiha Murshed, MIA
Dana Curran Mortenson and Madiha
Murshed are the cofounders of World Savvy,
an education nonprofit in the United
States. World Savvy educates and engages
youth in community and world affairs
to learn, work, and live as responsible
global citizens in the 21st century. Since
its founding, World Savvy has grown to
serve more than 10,000 youth and 1,400
teachers from three offices nationally.
Dana and Madiha recently secured a grant
from the U.S. Department of State for an
exchange program for students from the
U.S. to visit Bangladesh to learn about
climate change issues. Bangladesh is a
country on the frontlines of the climate
change threat. Through World Savvy’s
programs, students from the United States
will study climate change issues in partnership
with students in Bangladesh, who
will be recruited from Scholastica, a large,
private English middle school in Dhaka,
Bangladesh, of which Madiha Murshed is
the managing director. The co-founders of
World Savvy would be delighted to hear
from any SIPA alums who want to learn
more about World Savvy or the student
exchange program. For more information
about World Savvy, visit http://www.
worldsavvy.org/ www.worldsavvy.org.
2006
Veronica Conforme, MPA
Veronica Conforme has been appointed
by NYC Schools Chancellor Dennis
M. Walcott as chief operating officer of
the Department of Education (DOE).
Veronica, who joined the DOE in 2003,
has served as chief financial officer since
December 2010. Her new position was
effective as of November 1, 2011.
Nathaniel Hurd, MIA
Nathaniel Hurd has become the
Washington, D.C.-based policy adviser
for Conflicts and Disasters, World Vision
U.S. World Vision is a leading Christian
international relief and development organization,
responding to disasters, conflict,
poverty, and disease in more than 100
countries. Nathaniel advises World Vision
and represents the agency with Congress
and the U.S. government, on areas such as
breaking disasters, Afghanistan, Pakistan,
Haiti, civil-military relations, and more.
2010
Andrew Kessinger, MIA, IF
Andrew Kessinger is now living in Paris,
after having worked for a women’s empowerment
project in Sierra Leone. He
is currently a communications manager
in the Science, Technology, and Industry
directorate at the Organization for Economic
Co-operation and Development.
Pat Jones is an administrative assistant in SIPA’s
Office of Communications and External Relations.

Donor List July 1, 2010, to June 30, 2011
“CERT” followed by year = graduate with certificate from a Regional Institute
“IF” followed by year = graduate of the International Fellows Program
“MIA” followed by year = graduate with a Master in International Affairs
“MPA” followed by year = graduate with a Master in Public Administration
$500,000+
Anonymous
EDP—Energias de Portugal, S.A.
Vladimir V. Kuznetsov, MIA ’91, IF ’90
Jorge Paulo Lemann
Andronico Luksic/E. Abaroa Foundation
John Templeton Foundation
$100,000–$499,999
Estate of Julius G. Blocker
Arminio Fraga
Irish Aid
Henry Luce Foundation
Brett A. Olsher, MIA ’93
David B. Ottaway, IF ’63
Smith Richardson Foundation
David John Sainsbury/The Gatsby
Charitable Foundation
Jeffrey L. Schmidt, IF ’79, CERT ’79/
Jeffrey L. Schmidt Fellowship
Charitable Trust
The Spencer Foundation
Maurice Samuels, MIA ’83
Veolia Environnement
$25,000–$99,999
Amy Levine Abrams, MIA ’81, IF ’81/
Abrams Foundation
Georgia Adams, MIA ’83 and Charles
Adams, MIA ’83
William Vincent Campbell
Carnegie Corporation of New York
Alexander Georgiadis, MIA ’85/Krinos
Foods Canada Ltd.
A. Michael Hoffman, MIA ’69, IF ’69
Nemir Kirdar/Investcorp
Marc St. John, MIA ’84, IF ’84 and Julie
Newton St. John, MIA ’85
Ipek Nur Cem Taha, MIA ’93 and Shwan
I. Taha
$10,000–$24,999
Anonymous
Reed David Auerbach, MIA ’81, IF ’81
and Adrienne Petite Auerbach
Roger R. Baumann, IF ’84, MIA ’85 and
Julie Baumann
Matthew Boyer, MIA ’94
Kim Christopher Bradley, MIA ’83
Michael James Brandmeyer, MIA ’95,
IF ’95
Brazilian-American Chamber of
Commerce
Edward T. Cloonan, MIA ’77 and Linda
Cloonan
Financial Women’s Association of NY
Educational Fund
Sonia Gardner/Avenue Capital
Management
Richard S. Goldberg
Donald Loyd Holley, MIA ’59
Anuradha T. Jayanti/Rev Trust of
Anuradha Jayanti
Robert I. Kopech, MIA ’77
Sidney & Robert Katzman Foundation
Harley L. Lippman, MIA ’79/Genesis 10
The Lucius N. Littauer Foundation
James Luikart, MIA ’72 and Amira Luikart
Peter Neill Marber, MIA ’87/Marber
Family Charitable Fund/HSBC Global
Asset Management
Juan Navarro/Supermarkets Norte
Investments
Barbara Helen Reguero, MIA ’86
Alejandro Santo Domingo
Mary and David M. Solomon
Joan E. Spero, MIA ’68
The Starr Foundation
Mana Nabeshima Tokoi, MIA ’91
Michael D. Tusiani/Poten & Partners, Inc.
Jens Ulltveit-Moe, MIA ’68
$5,000–$9,999
Magzhan Muratovich Auezov, MIA ’98
James L. Broadhead, IF ’63
Pamela Casaudoumecq, MIA ’89
Robert Meade Chilstrom, MIA ’69, CERT
’69 and Buena H. Chilstrom
Susie Gharib, MIA ’74/Nazem Family
Foundation
George Franz Hollendorfer, MIA ’01
Alex and Juliana Krys
Vuslat Sabanci, MIA ’96 and Ali Ismail
Sabanci
Arnold A. Saltzman/Saltzman Foundation
Brent Scowcroft
David Zvi Solomon, MIA ’97/Achim
Foundation
Joel D. Tauber
Paul Wayne Thurman
Neale X. Trangucci, MIA ’81, IF ’81
Enzo Viscusi
$2,500–$4,999
Norton and Ann Bell
Laurence Dara Berger, IF ’70
John William Dickey, MIA ’92
Mary S. Ginsberg, MIA ’78, IF ’78
Marietta Angela Ries Lavicka, MIA ’94
Claudette M. Mayer, MIA ’76, IF ’76
Media Rights Capital/Modi Wiczyk and
Assaf Satchu
Mitchell Darrow Silber, MIA ’05 and Beth
Ann Silber
Frank C. Wong, MIA ’82
Feng Jason Xu, MIA ’96
$1,000–$2,499
Anonymous
Robert Oswald Abad, MIA ’98
Lisa S. Anderson, CERT ’76
Halle J. Bennett, MIA ’92
Michael Paul Benz, MPA ’10
Robin L. Berry, MIA ’78
Blinken Foundation/Donald and Vera
Blinken
Elizabeth Cabot, MIA ’98 and Blake
Cabot
Linda K. Carlisle, MPA ’81
John and Patricia Coatsworth
Larry Rodney Colburn, MIA ’90
Jane D. Coleman, IF ’72
Anisa Kamadoli Costa, MIA ’98/Tiffany
& Co.
John J. Curley, IF ’63 and Ann C. Curley
Gregory R. Dalton MIA ’94, IF ’94
and Lucia Choi/The Dalton-Choi
Family Trust
John William Dandola, MPA ’10
Xinhua Dang, MIA ’93
Nina and Mitch Davidson
Barbara Knowles Debs and Richard A.
Debs/The Debs Foundation
Gregory Deeds and Lisa Helen Deeds
Christian Deseglise, MIA ’90
Troy J. Eggers and Susan K. Glancy
Peter D. Ehrenhaft, MIA ’57
Habib Mohammed Enayetullah, MPA ’91
Kashiyo C. Enokido, MIA ’78
Ivy Lindstrom Fredericks, MIA ’98
Jennifer Ann Pomeroy Fronk, MIA ’83/
Fronk Family Foundation
Shelley Louise Gardeniers, MIA ’96
Richard N. Gardner
Michael Alan Goldstein, MIA ’84
Anthony C. Gooch, MIA ’05, IF ’05
Erin S. Gore, MPA ’97
Alexander Juri Groushevsky, MIA ’96,
IF ’96
Neal H. Harwood, MIA ’61
Andrew and Heather Heller
Ralph O. Hellmold, MIA ’63, IF ’63
Sylvia A. Hewlett and Richard S. Weinert/
Center For Work-Life Policy, Inc.
Peter Alexander Hofmann, MIA ’86/
United Way of Central and NE
Connecticut
John Christopher Howe, MIA ’83/The
Patriot Group
Jingdong Hua, MPA ’03
Constance L. Hunter, MIA ’94
Douglas R. Hunter, MIA ’73
DONOR LIST SIPA
Nadia M. Jabri, MIA ’98
Herman N. Johnson, MIA ’99 and
Tamarra Matthews-Johnson
Hisanori Kataoka, MIA ’98
Allison C. Kellogg, IF ’72, MIA ’73
Melvyn N. Klein, IF ’65
Karen Young Knapp, MPA ’94
Arthur Wayne Koenig, MIA ’70
The Kresge Foundation
Monish Kumar, MIA ’95
Ziad Khalil Makkawi, MIA ’86
Arfan M. K. Malas, MIA ’68/Dextar
World Trade
Christopher James Manogue, MIA ’98
Sherwood G. Moe, MIA ’48
Melineh V. Momjian, MIA ’86 and Mark
Albert Momjian
Thomas John Monahan, MIA ’85
James William Morley
Mark David O’Keefe, MIA ’95 and M.
Guadalupe Granda, MIA ’95
Kenneth Prewitt
Adam and Mandy Quinton
Clyde E. Rankin, IF ’74
Peter M. Robinson, MIA ’79, IF ’79
Karen Scowcroft, MIA ’84, IF ’84
Saurin Dinesh Shah, MIA ’97 and Sara
Elise Borden, MPA ’95
Sandra Shahinian Leitner, MIA ’76
Cassandra A. Simmons
Jonathan P. Simon and Anna C.
Coatsworth
Julie Lynn Siskind, MIA ’95/Jewish
Communal Fund
Alfred C. Stepan, IF ’65
Bela Szigethy, MIA ’80, IF ’80
Masanobu Taniguchi, MIA ’79, CERT ’79
David James Tsui, MPA ’01
Daniel B. Tunstall, MIA ’68
Yuko Usami, MIA ’77
Eliza and Jon Weber
Allyson and Andrew Weiner
Arthur M. Yoshinami, MIA ’80
Geoffrey Paul Ziebart, MIA ’89, IF ’89
$500–$999
Colin Jeffrey Aaron, MIA ’84
Patrick Kenehan Archambault, MIA ’99
John Keeble Bainbridge, MPA ’91
Arlene Renee Barilec, MIA ’84
Jillian Barron, MIA ’88
Matthias Georg Baumberger, MIA ’05
Stefan Robert Benn, MIA ’95
Maureen R. Berman, MIA ’73
Thomas Lynch Bindley, MPA ’03
Kate A. Bullinger, MIA ’94
Paul H. Byers, IF ’67
David C. Chaffetz, MIA ’80, IF ’80
Yung-Woo Chun, MIA ’94, IF ’94
John J. Costonis, IF ’64
Marc P. Desautels, MIA ’66
R. Anthony Elson, MIA ’64, IF ’64
SIPA NEWS 39

DONOR LIST SIPA
Jennifer Ann Enslin, MIA ’02
Rhonda L. Ferguson-Augustus, MIA ’79
Robert Mark Finkel, MIA ’88
Walter F. Frey, MPA ’08
Kirsten Alysum Frivold, MPA ’03
Larry S. Gage, IF ’71
Sol Glasner, MIA ’76, CERT ’76
John D. Greenwald, IF ’71
Bruce Kirkwood Harris, MIA ’92
Peter D. Hart Research Associates, Inc.
Teresa Misty Hathaway, MIA ’89
Mark M. Jaskowiak, IF ’77
Horace P. Jen, MIA ’93, CERT ’93
and Karuna Evelyne Shinsho,
MIA ’94
Andrea Lynn Johnson, MIA ’89
Michone Trinae Johnson, MPA ’96
Caroline C. Kay
John J. Kerr, IF ’76
Do-Hyung Kim, MIA ’00
Joachim W. Kratz, MIA ’58
Stephanie Beth Wolk Lawrence, MPA ’93/
Boston Foundation
George M. Lazarus, IF ’69
Ryan S. Lester, MIA ’01 and Amy Lester
Jirawat Sophon Lewprasert, MIA ’84
John F. Lippmann, MIA ’49
Dallas D. Lloyd, MIA ’58
Eric Rogan Mason, MIA ’95
Dan McIntyre
Sreedhar Menon
Amy L. Miller, MIA ’82
David W. Miller
Shalini Mimani
Morgan Stanley Smith Barney Global
Impact
Catherine Mulder, MIA ’81
Hiroko Murase, MIA ’91
Ana Carolina Cabral Murphy, MIA ’09
Stephanie G. Neuman/I. & B. Neuman
Foundation
Yigit Onat, MIA ’10 and Hahna Kim
Evan Hartley Platt/Hartley Corporation
Henrietta B. Pons, MIA ’64/Henrietta B.
Pons Trust
Clara Katingo Quintanilla, MIA ’82
Ailsa Roell and Patrick Bolton
Daniel Rose and Joanna S. Rose
Osman Shahenshah, MIA ’97
Aaron Venn Singer, MPA ’04
Vikram Jeet Singh, MIA ’03, IF ’03 and
Dilshika Jayamaha
Tara Jayne Sullivan, MPA ’86
Sharyn Menegus Taylor, MIA ’85
Maxwell Konrad Trautman, MIA ’92
$250–$499
Kaori Adachi, MIA ’99
Simon K. Adamiyatt, MIA ’81, CERT ’81
Kiyoshi Amada, MIA ’94
Sanford Antignas
Morten Arntzen, MIA ’79, IF ’79
Isabelle Jacqueline Aussourd, MIA ’02
Roshma A. Azeem, MPA ’04
Leonard J. Baldyga, MIA ’62
David A. Balzarini, IF ’62
Rukiye Zeynep Basak, MPA ’05
40 SIPA NEWS
Paul Bauer, MIA ’96
Robin M. Beckett, IF ’77
Pieter Anton Bierkens, MIA ’92
Melanie June Bixby, MIA ’91 and Robert
Epstein
Kenneth Herbert Blackman, MIA ’00
Joseph Abraham Blady, MIA ’03
Thomas H. Boast, MIA ’72
John Alexander Bodkin and Dinah K.
Bodkin
Patrick Francis Bohan
Carolyn B. Boldiston, MPA ’89
Georgy Georgovich Bovt, MIA ’92, IF ’92
Joan Copithorne Bowen, MIA ’67
Dwight A. Bowler, MIA ’79
Scott Budde, MIA ’83
Allen L. Byrum, MIA ’72
Robert Christopher Callahan, MIA ’05
Joan O. Camins, IF ’73
Mary W. Carpenter, MIA ’51
Elisa A. Charters, MIA ’02
Kai J. Chin, MIA ’78
Dale Christensen, MIA ’71 and Patricia
Hewitt, MIA ’71
Dale S. Collinson, IF ’62
James Anthony Coppola, MIA ’87
Karen J. Curtin, MIA ’78, IF ’78
Carolyn P. Dewing-Hommes, MIA ’86,
CERT ’86
Richard Albert Dikeman, MPA ’99
Andrew M. Dry, MIA ’80, IF ’80
Judith Ann Edstrom, MIA ’72, IF ’72
Allen Eisendrath, MIA ’81, IF ’81
Mayada El-Zoghbi, MIA ’94, CERT ’94
Cornelia Mai Ercklentz, MIA ’08
Vincent A. Ferraro, MIA ’73, IF ’73 and
Priscilla A. Mandrachia
Louise R. Firestone, MIA ’79
Susan H. Frieden
Sridhar Ganesan, MIA ’96
Hui Gao, MPA ’01
John C. Garrett, IF ’66/Garrett Family
Foundation
Jeffrey Franklin Gay, MIA ’04
Victor Gotbaum, MIA ’50
Manuel G. Grace, IF ’82
Carl C. Greer, IF ’63
Maureen-Elizabeth Hagen, MIA ’83,
CERT ’83
Kay L. Hancock
Peter L. Harnik, MIA ’75
Gordana D. Harris, MIA ’84
Ian Andrew Held, MIA ’95, IF ’95
Warren E. Hewitt, MIA ’50
Christopher John Hirth, MIA ’96
Katherine Hale Hovde, MIA ’89 and
Kenneth Kulak
Thomas W. Hoya, CERT ’69
Christopher Ko Hu, IF ’73
Yutaka Matsuura Ishizaka, CERT ’82
Merit Janow
Edward Van K. Jaycox, MIA ’64,
CERT ’64
Mary Tyler Johnson, MPA ’04/Ayco
Charitable Foundation
Stuart MacLean Johnson, MIA ’67
Richard B. Jones, MIA ’80
Nadine F. Joseph, MIA ’73
Robert K. Kaplan, MIA ’83
Norman D. Kass, MIA ’73 and Lani Kass
Brian John Kennedy, MPA ’04
Julia Metzger Kennedy, MIA ’92
Lawrence S. Klitzman
Susan Koch, MIA ’71
Lisa Esposito Kok, MPA ’90 and George
Hans Kok
Mel Laytner, MIA ’72
Musse Hussen Ld, MPA ’95
Hyun-Koo Lee, MIA ’81
Andre D. Lehmann, MIA ’73, CERT ’73
Jay A. Levy, IF ’62
David Chase Lopes, MIA ’92
Jerrold L. Mallory, MIA ’83, CERT ’83
Sonia P. Maltezou, MIA ’70
Sean Rosen Mandel, MPA ’07 and
Marian Rosen
Ann E. March, MIA ’99
Ludwig J. Marek, MPA ’07
Jocelyn Maskow, MPA ’88
John B. McGrath, MIA ’80, IF ’80,
CERT ’80
Milton W. Meyer, MIA ’49
Marianne Mitosinka, MIA ’81
Tracey Ellen Morzano, MIA ’94
Yaya Moussa, MPA ’98
David W. Munves, MIA ’80, IF ’80
Stephen S. Nelmes, MIA ’73
Carletta Nonziato, MIA ’84/
Carron, LLC
Dmitry Nikitin, MIA ’05
Mary Agnes O’Donnell Hulme, MIA ’95
Avo Erik Ora, MIA ’98, IF ’98
Ruth G. Ornelas, MIA ’80, IF ’80
Jennifer Hirsh Overton, MPA ’93
Kush B. Patel, MIA ’05
Nirmala S. Patni, MPA ’01
Carol Jean Patterson, MIA ’76, CERT ’76
Jon S. Pearl and Barbara S. Pearl
Tas Ling Pinther, MIA ’94
Thomas Guenter Plagemann, MIA ’91
Peter J. Podbielski, MIA ’74
Jefrey Ian Pollock, MPA ’97
Robert W. Pons, MIA ’64
David C. Ralph, MIA ’67
Julie Ramirez, MIA ’94
John M. Reid, MIA ’64
Robert D. Reischauer, MIA ’66
Jeremy Neal Reiskin, MIA ’87
Lucius J. Riccio
William James Rigler, MIA ’03, IF ’03
Robert M. Rodes
William A. Root, MIA ’48, CERT ’48
Smedes Rose, MIA ’94
Marian Rosen
Anne O’Toole Salinas, MIA ’96, CERT ’96
Joseph Andrew Samborsky, MPA ’04
Salvatore V. Sampino, MIA ’83
Julie Elizabeth Satow, MIA ’01
Herbert A. Schectman, MIA ’58
Deborah Gwen Schein, MIA ’88,
CERT ’88
Susan Ellen Schorr, MPA ’98/MGS & RRS
Charitable Trust
Ernst J. Schrader, MIA ’65
William Schumer, CERT ’48
Harold and Jeannette Segel
Ryan James Severino, MIA ’04
Richard M. Smith, IF ’69
Delia B. Spitzer, IF ’81
Marisa C. Stadtmauer, MPA ’93/Marisa
and Richard Stadtmauer Family
Foundation
Sally J. Staley, MIA ’80
Kulratan R. Stuart, MIA ’73
Leonard M. Tavera
Erik Matthew Tollefson, MIA ’06
Elizabeth D. Trafelet, MIA ’03
Jonathan Tretler
Alper A. Tunca, MPA ’05
Sharmila Hainum Tuttle, MIA ’05
Ralph W. Usinger, MIA ’73
Frederi Joseph Vagnini, MIA ’89
Joseph L. Vidich, MIA ’80
Gregory Alexander Viscusi, MIA ’91,
IF ’91
Hans Herbert Wahl, MIA ’95
Efrot Weiss, IF ’89, MIA, ’89
Helgard Wienert-Cakim, MIA ’62
Frank G. Wisner
Anna Wojnarowska, MPA ’04
Silas H. L. Wu
Juliet Wurr, MIA ’89, IF ’89
Hideo Yanai, MIA ’96
Nan Yang, MIA ’95
Zhijing Yin, MPA ’03
Catherine L. Yu-Mark
Up to $249
Anonymous
Ninfa A. Abad, MPA ’07
Amanda Adames Marmolejos
Can Adamoglu, MIA ’02
Carl B. Adams, MIA ’72
William J. Adler, MIA ’80
Afua P. Adusei
Alice Agoos, MIA ’80
Laura Maria Agosta
Christiana H. Aguiar, MIA ’89
Fareez Ahmed, MIA ’09
Lincoln N. Ajoku, MIA ’08
Adam J. Albin, MIA ’86
Delalle Nasr Strateman Alexander,
MIA ’85
Don William Alexander, MPA ’05
Jordan Alexander
Karen Jeannette Alexander, MPA ’90
Keely Dean Alexander
Paula Alfonso, MIA ’11
Patrice L. Allen-Gifford, MIA ’81
Erasto B. Almeida, MIA ’06
Douglas Vincent Almond
Robert J. Alpino, MIA ’85
Stephen Altheim, IF ’69
Nourah Ali AITwairqi
Luis Alvarez Renta, MPA ’09
Daniel Alvarez, MPA ’09
Elena M. Alvarez, MPA ’84
Kenneth Alvord II
Austin Chinegwu Amalu, MIA ’81
Ryan M. Ames, MPA ’09
Yotam David Amit

Gauri Anand, MPA ’11
Bridget Anderson, MPA ’04
G. Norman Anderson, MIA ’60
John C. Angle, IF ’69
Shehriyar D. Antia, MIA ’03
Iris R. Argento, CERT ’67
Nikolaos Argeros, MPA ’10
Sunil Arora
Emily Talbot Ashton, MPA ’04
Sarah S. Ashton, MIA ’93
Elizabeth Athey, MIA ’71
Karen Nicole Attiah
Dooneshsingh Audit, MPA ’09
Ana Elena Azpurua, MIA ’09
Sally Baek, MPA ’85
Sungwon Baik, MIA ’02
Charles Edward Baker, MIA ’92
Laura Shannon Ballman, MIA ’00, IF ’00
Moran Banai, MIA ’06
Saptarsi Bandyopadhyay, MIA ’11
Zdzislaw Baran
Aimee Elise Keli’i Barnes, MPA ’07
Wayne M. Barnstone, MIA ’79
Nicole Ann Barrett, MIA ’95, CERT ’95
Matthew David Barron, MPA ’10
Chhitij Bashyal
Justina Baskauskas, MIA ’94, IF ’94
Elizabeth A. Bassan, MIA ’79, IF ’79
Kevin Alan Baumert, MIA ’98
Alicia Jewel Beal
Kenton H. Beerman, MIA ’05
Julie A. Beglin, MPA ’97
Michael Armand Beirnard
Wanda J. Bell, MPA ’08
Scot H. Bellows, MIA ’79
Nancy Hays Bendiner, IF ’72
Yvette E. Benedek, MIA ’81
Tudor Vlad Benga
Juan Manuel Benitez-Fernel, MIA ’01
Sonja Jean Bensen, MIA ’89
Paul D. Berk, IF ’62
Stephen Michael Berk, CERT ’72
Thomas Paul Bernstein, CERT ’66
Genevieve R. Besser, MIA ’86
Wendy Lee Kutlow Best, MPA ’87
Dorcas Jeanine Bethel, MPA ’95
Richard K. Betts
Peter James Biesada, MIA ’86
Charles G. Billo, MIA ’67
William N. Binderman, IF ’63
Leopold Von Bismarck, MIA ’78
Alexandra Bokan Blair
Whitney Beth Blake, MPA ’07
John Langdon Blakeney, MPA ’06
Lisa Zucrow Block, MPA ’81
Tammy Sue Blossom, MPA ’96
Alisa Blum, MPA ’00
Christopher Joseph Bodington, MIA ’11
Michael Drury Bodman, MIA ’96
Holly Bernson Bogin, MIA ’88
Andrea R. Bonime-Blanc, IF ’81,
CERT ’81
Robert Boothby, IF ’62
Sebastian Borchmeyer
Trudy E. Bower-Pirinis, MIA ’78
W. Donald Bowles, CERT ’52
David Daniel Boyle, MPA ’98
Deirdre Grane Brennan, MIA ’01, IF ’01
and Christian Grane, MIA ’01
Philip Stern Brennan, MIA ’06
Gretchen Stahr Breunig, MPA ’88
Karl Wilhelm Brown, MIA ’06
Keith Dawayne Brown, MIA ’89
Keith Mac Brown, MPA ’90 and Jennifer
Lyle Green, MPA ’90
William C. Brown, IF ’67
Michelle Nichole Browne, MPA ’92
John P. Bruggen, MPA ’00
Jennifer Tara Bruno
Cecile R. Brunswick, MIA ’54
William Ransom Bryant
Laurance Nicholas Buencamino
Beverley Jeanine Buford, MPA ’86
Andrew Craig Buher, MPA ’10
Sonia Virginie Bujas, MIA ’92, CERT ’92
and Nuno Miguel C. Crisostomo,
MIA ’01
Leonardo Bullaro, MPA ’08
Gordon Marshall Burck, MIA ’86
Sarah Burd-Sharps, MIA ’87
Robert K. Burghart, CERT ’79
Kevin James Burgwinkle, MIA ’06, IF ’06
Janet A. Burroughs, MIA ’89
Marta Eugenia Cabrera, MIA ’85,
CERT ’85
Pierre J. Cachia
Fabrizio Cadamagnani, MPA ’11
Gerald A. Cady, MIA ’76, CERT ’76
Kristen Klemme Cady-Sawyer, MPA ’06
Michael A. Cairl, MIA ’77, IF ’77
Marjorie E. Campbell
Robin C. Campbell, IF ’76
Jeffrey L. Canfield, MIA ’82, CERT ’82
Forrest Andrew Carhartt
Donald L. Carpenter, CERT ’54
Nontrel Kesha Carwell, MPA ’05
Elizabeth Hopkins Cashen, MIA ’01 and
David V. Cashen
Valenice Castronovo, MIA ’80
Barbara Foulke Cates, MIA ’84
Mary Kathleen Catlin, MIA ’94
David Michael Caughlin, MPA ’07
John Joseph Cenney, MIA ’92
Elizabeth Ellen Champlin Geske, MIA ’87
Barbara Chan
Ann H. Chaney, MIA ’91
Martin A. Charwat, CERT ’65
Jason Kinbon Chau, MIA ’08
Swati Kumari Chaudhary
Amy Li Chen
Shiliang Thomas Chen
Winifred Debbie Chen, MPA ’07
Peter Chin, MIA ’11
Muzaffar A. Chishti, MIA ’81
Shachi Chopra-Nangia, MIA ’00
Paul Brian Christensen, MIA ’83
Ingrid D. Christophel, MIA ’83
Siew Leng Chuah, MIA ’84
Sandra G. Chutorian, MIA ’82, CERT ’82
Jeff Geefen Chyu, MIA ’83
William Ciaccio, MPA ’79
Amanda Hoagland Clark, CERT ’82
Azeb G. Clark, MIA ’96
Peter James Clayton, MPA ’90
Matt K. Clemons
Jayana J. Clerk, CERT ’77
Drew Dumas Coburn, MIA ’87
Natalie Greenan Coburn, MIA ’89
Laurie L. N. Cochran, MIA ’79
Ann-Marie Cofield, MPA ’10
Daniel Moshe Cohen, MIA ’04
Denise Ann Cohen, MIA ’93, CERT ’93
Dillon Lockwood Cohen, MIA ’09
Ellen Miriam Cohen, MPA ’03
F. Bruce Cohen, MPA ’91
Graham Charles Cohen, MIA ’91
Neil Hayward Cohen, MPA ’89
Daniela Coleman
Jennifer DeRosa Collins, MPA ’05
Joseph J. Collins, MIA ’80, IF ’80 and
Anita L. Collins
Glenn L. Colville, MIA ’75
Bernard Francis Condon, MIA ’91,
CERT ’91 and Patricia Anne Clary,
MIA ’91
Susan E. Condon, MIA ’70, IF ’70,
CERT ’70
Marybeth Connolly, MIA ’01
Maureen Considine, MIA ’86
Richard Cooper, IF ’85
Mary Griffiths Cooperman, MIA ’84
Anthony R. Corea, MIA ’79
Jeronimo Cortina, MPA ’03
Richard W. Cortright, MIA ’82
Steven Roy Costner, MIA ’88
Jeffrey Larter Cox, MIA ’89
Monica Inez Cramer, MIA ’92
Helen Cregger, MPA ’92
Robert S. Critchell, MIA ’70
Burton C. Crow, IF ’77
Matthew Russell Cruse
Alvin Robert Cruz, MPA ’87
Bernadette Cruz, MIA ’08
Mercedes Cubas, MIA ’81
Nikken Cullman, MIA ’09
Victoria R. Cunningham, MIA ’75
Donald J. Curry
Vanda Czifra, MIA ’11
Alessandra Mendes Da Silva, MIA ’89
Theodore Albert D’Afflisio, MIA ’71
Kevin Towne D’Albert, MIA ’90 and
Nancy Carney, MIA ’93
Dolores J. Daly, MPA ’95
Karl I. Danga, MIA ’72, IF ’71
Gina Maria Dario, MIA ’00
Sara Gabriela David
Joel Davidow, IF ’63
Adrienne D. Davis
Edward N. De Lia, MIA ’87
Dorothy T. de Vogel, CERT ’55
Toni Elizabeth Dechario, MIA ’07
Anthony Deckoff, MIA ’07
Carol M. Degener, MIA ’84
Katarina Deletis, MIA ’00
Frank Anthony Dell’Aquila, MPA ’07
Diane Leslie Demmler, MIA ’87
Sonali S. Desai, MIA ’00
Elinor M. Despalatovic, CERT ’59
Amy K. Devaney
Gary Francis Di Gesu, MIA ’89
Philip E. Di Giovanni
DONOR LIST SIPA
Raphael A. Diaz, MIA ’63
Daniel and Belle Dicker
Jessica Ephra Dickler, MPA ’04
Maria Christina Dikeos, MIA ’92
Alok Disa
Stephen D. Docter, MIA ’60
Hidayet Dogan, MIA ’82
Kerry Anne Dolan, MIA ’92
Lucia Adele Domville, MIA ’96
Melissa Sawin Donohue, MIA ’93
Christianna Casey Dove, MIA ’06
Sharla Kathryn Draemel, MPA ’01
Bogdan Cornel Dragulescu, MPA ’03
Ruth I. Dreessen, MIA ’80
Bruce H. Drossman, MIA ’82, IF ’82,
CERT ’82
Jennifer Bee Dudley, MPA ’04
Grant M. Duers, MPA ’07
Christopher William Dula
Leo J. Dulacki
Matthew W. Dundrea, IF ’77
Cecilia Elizabeth Dunn, MPA ’93
Edward K. Dzielenski
E. Michael Easterly, MIA ’68
Joanne Edgar, MIA ’68
Wakana Nakagami Edmister, MPA ’02
John Ehrman, MIA ’83
William B. Eimich
Isaac Manfred Elfstrom, MIA ’07
Francis Granville Eliot, MIA ’11
Susanne Noelle Elizer, MPA ’96
Betsy Rossen Elliot, MIA ’84, IF ’84
Sari J. Ellovich, MIA ’75
Chase Edward Emmerson
Rida Eng, MIA ’00
Gordon Epstein, MIA ’75, IF ’75,
CERT ’75
Dara Erck, MIA ’03
Amelia A. Erwitt, MPA ’06
Franklin Etchu Egbe, MPA ’11
Travis F. Evans
James David Fahn, MIA ’02
Peter Seth Falcier, MIA ’07
Joshua Chaplin Farley, MIA ’90, CERT ’90
Susan Silver Farley, MIA ’78
Robert S. Faron, IF ’75
Maheen Saleem Farooqi, MIA ’11
Judy Anne Farrell, MPA ’96
Antoine Faye
Brent Feigenbaum, MIA ’84
Aurelius Fernandez, MIA ’59
Alexander Patrick Conrad Fernando,
MIA ’05
Nancy A. Ferrante, MIA ’09
Craig James Ferrantino, MIA ’92
Diane P. Fink, MIA ’79
Roger Ransdell Fisk, MPA ’04
Kristin Raphaele Willey Fitzgerald,
MIA ’94
Howard Barrett Flanders, IF ’62
H. Joseph Flatau, MIA ’61
Kathryn Anne Fleury, MIA ’93
Bradley Feeney Foerster, MIA ’88,
CERT ’88
James Fonda, MPA ’07
David Stewart Fondiller, MIA ’92
Anne D. Ford, MIA ’05
SIPA NEWS 41

DONOR LIST SIPA
Laura Ellen Forlano, MIA ’01
Edin Forto, MIA ’01, CERT ’01
Laura Herbert Foster, MPA ’10
Richard W. Foster, MIA ’69
William S. Foster, MIA ’06
Catherine Starin Foster-Anderson,
MPA ’04
Donald T. Fox
Jackie Frankel, MPA ’09
Hugh Corning Fraser, MPA ’95/
Community Foundation of Greater
Memphis
Alexander Mols Fraser, MPA ’90
Gerald S. Freedman, IF ’62
Amy Esther Friedman, MIA ’92
Caroline Hearn Fuchs, MIA ’86
Brian Barden Fuller, MPA ’11
Robert John Gallagher, MIA ’90
Alexander Galsky, MIA ’10
Matthew Phillip Gantz
Karina Garcia-Casalderrey, MIA ’02
Emma Gardner, MIA ’11
John G. Garrard, CERT ’64
Frances X. Gates
Stephen Bernt Gaull, MIA ’88, CERT ’88
Joseph G. Gavin, MIA ’70
Benjamin D. Geber, MPA ’90
Brian Houng Gee, MIA ’04
Russell W. Geekie, MIA ’01
Frank Hermannus Gerritzen, MIA ’94
Daniel J. Gettings, MIA ’96
Osama Gharizi, MIA ’11
Elizabeth Schumann Ghauri, MIA ’94
Christine Wrona Giallongo, MIA ’90,
CERT ’90
Susan C. Gigli, MIA ’87
Diana Michele Glanternik, MPA ’05
Vladimir Nicolas Glasinovic, MIA ’11
Adam Spencer Glatzer, MPA ’07
John J. Gmerek
Eric Daniel Goldstein, MIA ’86
Edward Daniel Gometz, MIA ’01
Grace Ellen Goodell, MIA ’69
Nicholas Nickfant Gouede, MIA ’86
David E. Gould, IF ’94, MIA ’94
Rodney E. Gould, IF ’68
Allan I. Grafman, MIA ’77, IF ’77/
Allmedia Ventures
Ann Blumberg Graham, MIA ’81
Francis Lincoln Grahlfs, CERT ’55
John A. Grammer, MIA ’63
Jennifer Youtz Grams, MPA ’99
Carolyn B. Green, MIA ’63
Karl Hans Greimel, MIA ’98
Andrea Christine Griffin, MIA ’11
Jill M. Grillo, MIA ’89
Carole A. Grunberg, MIA ’78
Guy B. Gugliotta, MIA ’73
Sahil Gulati
Jian Wei Guo, MPA ’04
Sarita Gupta, MIA ’79, CERT ’79
Daniel and Susan Gutterman
Deena Jal Guzder, MIA ’08
Jonathan Sullivan Gyurko, MPA ’00
Viktoria Habanova, MIA ’08
Michele Anke Haberland, MPA ’04
Amir Hadziomeragic, MIA ’01
42 SIPA NEWS
Brigid Flynn Haeckel, MPA ’90
W. David Hager, IF ’66
Robin Greene Hagey, MIA ’80
Ayesha Haider-Marra, MIA ’04
Mykola Haliv
Scott Praeger Hall, MIA ’92
Bonnie Sue Halpern, MIA ’72
Joel Martin Halpern
Shamsul Haque, MPA ’10
Ayelet Klara Haran, MPA ’11
Katherine Olivia Hardy, MIA ’97
Velinda Tomelden Harjono, MIA ’97
Vanessa H. Harper, MIA ’10
Jonathan Harris, MIA ’59, CERT ’59
Laura Suzanne Harwood, MPA ’92
Md Mehdi Hassan, MIA ’00
James G. Hatcher, IF ’62
Gary Edward Hayes, MIA ’81, CERT ’81
Maureen Hays-Mitchell, MIA ’83,
CERT ’83
Susan L. Hazard
Lisa Ray Hecht-Cronstedt, MIA ’08
Rex S. Heinke, IF ’74
Elizabeth W. Heinsohn, MIA ’89
Hertha W. Heiss, CERT ’51
Gladys Heitin and Elliott Klitzman
Joshua Rob Hepola, MIA ’00, IF ’00
Alan J. Herbach, MIA ’79
Richard Hermanowski
Miguel Angel Hernandez, MIA ’01
Garry W. Hesser, IF ’64
Andrew William Higgins, MIA ’91
John F. Hildebrand, IF ’66
Peter J. Hill, MPA ’11
William E. Hiller, IF ’76
Johanna Hjerthen, MIA ’98
Nadia Man-Chuang Ho, MIA ’03
Lyndell A. Hogan, MPA ’93
Leif Holmberg, MIA ’08
Michael A. Holubar, MIA ’77
Nicole Janine Holzapfel, MIA ’94
Lindsey Levit Honari, MIA ’97
Joon Seok Hong, MIA ’05
Janet Irene Horan, MPA ’05
Pamela A. Houghtaling, MIA ’74,
CERT ’74
Gail Lewis Howard, MIA ’84
William D. Howells, MIA ’60, CERT ’60
John F. Howes, CERT ’54
Kang Shih Huang, MIA ’74
Christopher P. Hufstader, MIA ’96
Richard W. Hull, CERT ’65
Thomas N. Hull, MIA ’73, IF ’73,
CERT ’73
Joseph Kindall Hurd, MIA ’94, IF ’94
Claire Estelle Marie Husson, MPA ’05
Thomas J. Hyra, MIA ’76, IF ’76
Francesco Rocco Iberg
David Lee Ibsen
Roberto Inda, MPA ’05
Ehsan Isaac Iraniparast
Helen Drew Isenberg, MIA ’54
Ogniana Vassileva Ivanova, MIA ’02
Thomas C. Izard
Roy Christopher Jackson, MPA ’90
Jennifer A. Jackson-Strage, MPA ’91
Daniel N. Jacobs, CERT ’53
Erik Jacobs, IF ’85, MIA ’85
Eric Davis Jacobsen, MPA ’06
Adam Jagelski, MIA ’95
Wynne James, MIA ’71
Rehan Rafay Jamil, MIA ’11
Adrienne Mia Jarsvall, MPA ’11
Christopher Silva Jenkins, MIA ’11
Bradley Jennison
Carlos Jerez-Bernal
Mary Tyler Johnson, MPA ’04
Richard J. Johnson, CERT ’65
Sonia P. Johnson, MIA ’48
Rashmi Elizabeth Jose
John Charles Jove, MIA ’85
Walter E. Judge, MIA ’85, IF ’85
Peter H. Juviler, CERT ’54
Velika Kabakchieva, MPA ’07
Mark H. Kagan, MIA ’81, CERT ’81
Stephanie Anne Kahn, MIA ’09
Ann Dolan Kaiser, MIA ’80, IF ’80
Kamil Kaluza, MPA ’06
Nancy C. Kamen, MPA ’86
Christopher Roger Kaminker, MIA ’09
Amishi Ajay Kapadia, MIA ’02
Elisa A. Kapell, MIA ’79, IF ’79, CERT ’79
Alex M. Kaplan, MIA ’85
Leonardo Karrer, MIA ’09 and Kristen
Marie Cleven, MIA ’09
Lloyd R. Kass, MPA ’98
Richard G. Kass
Lilian Kastner, MIA ’06
Elizabeth Lynn Katkin, MIA ’92, IF ’92
Peggy Ockkyung Kauh, MPA ’01
Hirofumi Kawakita, MPA ’01
Michael Barden Keegan, IF ’86
Spurgeon M. Keeny
Katherine B. Keller, MIA ’82
Charles Robert Kelly, MIA ’83
Donn M. Kessler
Clarice J. Kestenbaum
John F. Khanlian, MIA ’69
Michele Llona Wray Khateri, MIA ’97
Bahman Kia, CERT ’80
Yoshiko Kido
Mary C. King, MIA ’79
Noelle King, IF ’84
Brigitte Lehner Kingsbury, MIA ’89
Gordon A. Kingsley, MIA ’81
Molly Catherine Kinney, MIA ’93
Nancy K. Kintner-Meyer, MIA ’89
James Henry Kipers, MIA ’02
Nina Kishore, MPA ’07
Adam Ferrier Klauber, MPA ’04
Jean L. Klein
Bernard Klem, MIA ’63
Anne R. Knulst, MIA ’51
Murat Kocabas, MIA ’11
Anjali Devi Kochar, MIA ’01
Kari Odquist Kohl, MIA ’99
Junji Koike, MPA ’11
Annette Phyllis Kondo, IF ’86
Paik Har Kong, MIA ’82
Sandra Y. Koo, MIA ’90 and
Jonathan Shaw
Victor Koshkin-Youritzin, IF ’65
Stephanie Jane Kosmo, MIA ’84
Tushar D. Kothari
P. Nicholas Kourides, IF ’70
Paul M. Kozar, MIA ’75
Lomi Laura Kriel and Rachel Gabrielle
Uranga
Matt Kumparatana, MPA ’02
Carlos Augusto Kuriyama, MIA ’05 and
Ann Mizumoto, MIA ’06
Richard W. Kurz, MIA ’77
Alina Kwak, MPA ’06
Susanne Kyzivat, MIA ’84
Elizabeth A. LaBarbera, MPA ’10
Laurin L. Laderoute, IF ’66
Polly Nora Lagana, MPA ’04
Thomas M. Lahiff, MIA ’74
Andres Lalinde
James Lalremruata, MPA ’03
Jose M. Lamas, MIA ’86
Richard M. Lamport, MIA ’62
Debbie A. Landres, MIA ’06
Julie Werner Lane, MPA ’92
Thomas Richard Lansner, MIA ’91
Claudia Laviada, MIA ’00
Eugene Kistler Lawson, CERT ’69
Bozidar Lazarevic
Lynn F. Lee, MIA ’57
Grace Lee, MIA ’07
Seung-Yeon Lee, MIA ’03
Bogdan Theodore Leja, MIA ’91
Philip J. Lemanski, MPA ’86
Amanda V. Leness, MIA ’93
Suzanna Lengyel
Sandra M. Lennon, MIA ’95
Oliver Andrew Lennox, MIA ’09
Ignacio Leon Gil
Lane Russell Leskela, MIA ’89
Julia and Robert Lester
Gina Patricia LeVeque, MIA ’07
Sergio Levin, MIA ’79
Joshua Gregory Levine, MIA ’99, IF ’99
Noah M. Levine, MIA ’05
Nadine Netter Levy, MIA ’70/Hess-Levy
Family Foundation
Deborah Jacobs Levy, MPA ’92
James John Lewellis, MIA ’04
David Yifong Li, MIA ’08
Fiona Fangxin Li, MIA ’10
Xuehui Li, MIA ’05
Arthur Dominique Liacre, MIA ’04
Amy Lile, MPA ’05
Mony Liquard, MIA ’02
Alexandre Brites Lira, MPA ’08
John Joseph Lis, MIA ’96, IF ’96,
CERT ’96
Daniel Brown Little, MIA ’05
Kai-Chun Liu, MPA ’82
Victoria Liu, MIA ’75, CERT ’75
Robert T. Livernash, MIA ’73, IF ’73
Jennifer Catherine Livingstone, MIA ’11
Emily Yottie Loebelson
Ka Chun Georgina Lok, MPA ’06
Jody Susan London, MPA ’90
James Michael Lonergan, MPA ’92
Austin Long
William P. Looney
Andrew David Lorber, MIA ’08
William Anthony Lorenz, MIA ’99
Ronald Dean Lorton, MIA ’71, IF ’71

Ping Fong Louie, MIA ’85
Sarah Pressman Lovinger, MIA ’90
Paik-Swan Low, MIA ’85 and Steven
Arthur Hirsch, MPA ’85
Erica Granetz Lowitz, MPA ’94
Julia Y. Lu, MPA ’03
William H. Luers
Jessica Lustbader, MPA ’11
Mark J. Lux, MIA ’79
Yuwei Ma, MIA ’07
Cynthia MacDonald, IF ’77
Vernon L. Mack, MIA ’73
Patricia M. Macken
Alberta S. Magzanian, CERT ’56
Harpreet Mahajan, CERT ’80
Michael Thomas Maier, MIA ’08
Kenneth F. Mailloux, CERT ’74
Haim Malka, MIA ’01
Roy Andrew Malmrose, MIA ’84
Joel Nordin Maloney, MIA ’96
Paulo Cesar de F. Mamede, MPA ’05
Lawrence H. Mamiya, IF ’68
Sarah Vanesa Manaker, MIA ’04, IF ’04
Harriet Lee Mandel, MIA ’85, CERT ’85
Judyt L. Mandel
Justin Mandel, MIA ’09
Richard V. B. Manix, IF ’70
Theodore E. Mankovich, IF ’71
Roberta T. Manning
Ida May H. Mantel, MIA ’64
Robert B. Mantel, MIA ’63
Thibaud Marcesse, MIA ’05
Sarah Marchal Murray, MPA ’04
Frank J. Marsella, MIA ’76
Edward Adger Marshall, MIA ’03
Randi Marshall, MPA ’02
Zachary Blake Marshall, MIA ’91,
IF ’91
Michael G. Martinson, MIA ’70
Raul Kazimierz Martynek, MIA ’93
M. Haytham Matthews, IF ’78
Anneliese Farrell Mauch, MIA ’93,
CERT ’93
Rebecca Lynn May
Elizabeth Sheafe Mayer
Toby E. Mayman, MIA ’65
Glenn Edward McCartan, MPA ’11
Amanda Waring McClenahan, MPA ’02
Alexander Ian McCloskey, MPA ’05
Ann Hunt McDermott, MPA ’90
John Lewis McDonald, MIA ’93,
CERT ’93
Brian C. McDonnell, MPA ’80
Alan B. McDougall, MPA ’92
Clifford Andrew McGadney, MPA ’06
Eugenia McGill, MIA ’00
Fred F. McGoldrick, MIA ’66
James D. McGraw, MIA ’55
John T. McGuire, MIA ’63/McGuire
Family Foundation
Rose W. McHenry, MIA ’62
Anne N. McIntosh, MIA ’85, IF ’85
Robert Calvin McKenney, MIA ’08
John McKinley, MIA ’11
Kathleen Roberta McNamara, MIA ’89,
CERT ’89
Robert E. McNulty, MIA ’83
Patricia Marie McSharry, MIA ’86,
CERT ’86
Mary Helen McSweeney-Feld, MIA ’79
Stephanie Hope Meade, MIA ’02
Laila M. Mehdi, MIA ’86
Neeru Mehra, MIA ’79
Richard Mei, MIA ’85
Claire Anne Bradt Meier, MIA ’04
Joslyn Edelstein Meier, MIA ’07
Hermes Elpidio Mena, MPA ’09
Jack W. Mendelsohn, CERT ’77
Patricia Bernadette Mendoza, MIA ’97
Stephen Carlos Mercado, MIA ’88,
CERT ’88
Stephanie Crane Mergenthaler, MIA ’98
Michael G. Merin, MIA ’84, IF ’84,
CERT ’84
Alexandra Merle-Huet, MIA ’04
Samuel Austin Merrill, MIA ’99, IF ’99
Katherine M. Metres, MIA ’97, IF ’97
Jeffrey Peter Metzler, MPA ’99
Calvin Marshall Mew, IF ’72
Brian R. Meyers, MPA ’06
Frank J. Miceli, MIA ’92
Thomas R. Michelmore, MIA ’74
Adin Calis Miller, MPA ’96
Charles Russell Miller, MIA ’99, CERT ’99
George R. Milner, MIA ’49 and Norah
Leckey Milner, MIA ’49
Courtney Sara Lawrence Minard, MIA ’03
Edmund M. Mitchell, MIA ’73
Marilyn Mitchell
Ayoti Mittra, MIA ’11
Arsalan Mohajer
Redmond Kathleen Molz
Kathleen P. Mone, MPA ’81
Jeffrey Gordon Moore, MIA ’85,
CERT ’85
Joanne Catherine Moore, MPA ’00 and
Kenneth C. Moore
Charlotte T. Morgan-Cato, MIA ’67
Kin W. Moy, MIA ’90
Louis J. Murphy, MIA ’64
Rebecca Elizabeth Myers, MPA ’07
Robert O. Myhr, MIA ’62
James P. Nach, MIA ’66
Jonathan Jacob Nadler, MPA ’81
Sawa Nakagawa, MIA ’09
Sidney Nakao Nakahodo, MIA ’05
Meghan E.W. Nalbo, MIA ’07
Ophelie Namiech, MIA ’11
Joseph Francis Napoli, MIA ’89
Richard B. Nash, IF ’83
Edward Joseph Naughton, MIA ’08
Olga Nedeljkovic
Michele Diane Needham, MPA ’92
Chadwick C. Nehrt, IF ’81
Oksana Dackiw Nesterczuk, MIA ’81,
CERT ’81
Daniel Thomas Newmann, MPA ’10
Richard T. Newman, MIA ’51
Tan Nguyen
Ann Nicol, MIA ’77
David Michael Nidus, MPA ’98
Christopher K. Nikolakopoulos, MIA ’52
Lila Fatemeh Noury, MIA ’06
Joanna Rachel Novick
Hannah Fay Nudell, MIA ’09, IF ’09
Ronald W. O’Connor, IF ’64
Thomas F. O’Connor, MIA ’76
Noreen O’Donnell, MIA ’97
Peter Damian O’Driscoll, MIA ’97
James A. Oesterle, MIA ’65, IF ’65
Lorelei Brooke O’Hagan, MIA ’08
Harry John O’Hara, MIA ’91, IF ’91 and
Annika Linden O’Hara, MIA ’91
Valdimir Olarte Cadavid
Amber Elana Oliver, MIA ’02, IF ’02
Christina Marie Oliver, MPA ’04
Irvin Washington Oliver, MIA ’08, IF ’08
Clarence W. Olmstead, IF ’67
Paul Victor Olsson, MIA ’87
Onuwabhagbe Abbey Omokhodion,
MIA ’00
Yalman Onaran, MIA ’93
Gwynne Arian Oosterbaan, MIA ’97,
CERT ’97
Mary Ann Oppenheimer, MIA ’69
Marie Agnes O’Reilly, MIA ’11
Angela Ortiz, MIA ’08
Ashley Coats Orton, MIA ’07, CERT ’07
Bruce A. Ortwine, MIA ’78
Joseph Osenni, MPA ’79
Kimberley Ostrowski, MPA ’07
Laura Otterbourg, MIA ’87
Marilyn G. Ozer, MIA ’71
William M. Packard, IF ’70
Elizabeth Sherrerd Page, MPA ’98
Angie P. Palacios
Eunha Enna Park, MIA ’89
Amitabh Passi, MIA ’05
Amal Shashikant Patel, MIA ’02 and
Darcy Diane Anderson, MIA ’02
Radha N. Patel, MPA ’06
Grant R. Patrick, MIA ’81
Susan C. Patterson, MIA ’77
Kathleen A. Pauker, MIA ’79
Jessica Horan Payne, MPA ’02
Andrew Collins Peach, MIA ’98
John Edward Peck, CERT ’91
John A. Pecoul, IF ’64
Barbara Pehlivanian
Richard J. Pera, MIA ’79
Diana Carolina Pereira
Don Peretz
Jack R. Perry, CERT ’58
Ned King Peterson, MIA ’06, IF ’06
Dennis E. Petito, MIA ’77
Lawrence C. Petrowski, IF ’69
Peter J. Pettibone
Elizabeth M. Phillips, MIA ’79
Maurice J. Picard, MIA ’61
James Brian Pieri, MPA ’07
Andrew J. Pierre, MIA ’57, IF ’57
Monica Pina Alzugaray, MIA ’11
Jeffrey M. Pines, IF ’71
Daphne Anne Pinkerson, MIA ’85
Vanessa Pino Lockel, MPA ’03
Costantino Pischedda
Amanda Pitman
Robert Walter Pitulej, MPA ’96
Rachel L. Pohl, MPA ’84, IF ’84
Victor M. Polce, MIA ’79
Sally Soo Hoo Pon, MPA ’82
DONOR LIST SIPA
David L. Porter, IF ’63
Margaret Edsall Powell, MIA ’01
Jennifer Elise Powers-Darrington,
MIA ’06
Chandni Sivasriaumphai Prasad, MIA ’96
Sarah C. Pratt
Beatriz Prieto-Oramas, MIA ’05
Joseph Procopio, MIA ’72
Kelly Proctor, MPA ’10
James Frederick Prusky, MIA ’96
Sami Qadan, MPA ’07
Glenda Liu Quarnstrom, MIA ’77,
CERT ’77
Jenik R. Radon
Chitra Raghavacharya, MIA ’01
Thomas Nelson Rains, MPA ’11
Allison Joy Ramler, MIA ’96, CERT ’96
Timothy Paul Ramsey, MIA ’93
Rikha Sharma Rani, MIA ’11
Andrea L. Rankin, MPA ’97
David J. Ransdell, MIA ’82
Adam Clive Raphaely, MPA ’07
Jonathan Jellis Rawlings
Gary J. Reardon, MPA ’80
Eunice S. Reddick, MIA ’74, IF ’74
Beth Karen Rehman, MIA ’05
Richard T. Reiter, MIA ’85
Jason Warren Rekate, MIA ’00
Janet S. Resele-Tiden, MIA ’92
Michelle D. Rexach-Subira, MPA ’96
Russell E. Richey, IF ’65
Scott Andrew Richman, MIA ’91
Susan B. Rifkin, MIA ’69, CERT ’69
Samuel Hamilton Rikkers, MIA ’04
Eduardo Rivas, MIA ’04
Nina Camille Robbins, MIA ’11
Yoel Ephrain Robens-Paradise, MPA ’92
Debra Leigh Robertson, MPA ’02
Sara E. Robertson, MIA ’84
Pearl Theodora Robinson, CERT ’72
William Rodgers, MIA ’91
Catherine Rodriguez, MPA ’10, IF ’10
Dorena Lynn Rodriguez, MPA ’96
Riordan J. A. Roett, MIA ’61
Andrew Romay
Patricia Rooney, MIA ’82
Susan O. Rose, CERT ’68
Kathryn Ann Rosenblum, MIA ’86
Emily Glaser Ross
Jay Ross, MPA ’11
Susan A. S. Rosthal, MIA ’71
Nathalie E. Roth, MIA ’00
Elizabeth Rothkopf, MIA ’99
Seymour Rotter, CERT ’49
Oleg Radkov Rouptchin, MIA ’02
Richard C. Rowson, MIA ’50
Joanne Golden Ruchman, MIA ’77, IF ’77
Moises Rudelman, MIA ’01
George F. Ruffner, MIA ’72
Robert R. Ruggiero
Stephanie Priscilla Ruiz
Andrew James Russell, MIA ’89
Nona J. Russell, MPA ’85
Leonas Sabaliunas, MIA ’58, CERT ’58
Margaret Heflin Sabbag, MIA ’98
Anthony R. Saccomano, MIA ’70
Nigora Sachdeva, MIA ’11
SIPA NEWS 43

DONOR LIST SIPA
Haroon Saeed, MIA ’95
Carol R. Saivetz, MIA ’71, CERT ’71
Simon Guadalupe Salas, MPA ’83
Alexandra Lisa Salomon, MIA ’99
Emily Saltzman Hoffner, MPA ’90
Teresita Lucia Sanabria, MPA ’89
Sybil Bess Sanchez, MIA ’97
Erica Sanders
Elizabeth Perschbacher Sands, MPA ’07
Jahmal Liani Sands, MIA ’11
Leslie Anne Santamaria, MIA ’06
Ana Catalina Santos Ramos
Manabu Sasaki, MIA ’01
Matthew Schiavenza
Carl Schieren, MIA ’67
Daniele Megan Schiffman, MPA ’02
Miriam Shahrzad Schive, MIA ’11
Kurt A. Schreder, MIA ’93 and Caroline
Paulus Schreder, MIA ’92
David J. Schurman, IF ’63
Chantal Schuster, MIA ’07
Ana S. Schwartz, MIA ’82
Frederick D. Seaton, MIA ’62, IF ’62
Abilene Tralee Seguin
Lynn A. Seirup, MIA ’80
Kaoruko Seki, MIA ’93, IF ’93
Albert Seligmann, MIA ’49
Irwin S. Selnick, CERT ’78
Marc Jay Selverstone, MIA ’92
Nina Maria Serafino, MIA ’76
Karen Serota and Lauren C. Serota,
MIA ’05
Katayoun Mary Shahrokhi, MIA ’08
Jennifer Shaoul, MPA ’90
Amita Sharma, MPA ’08
Howard Jerome Shatz, MIA ’91
Emy Shayo, MIA ’99
Dan Ray Shepherd, MPA ’08
Barnet Sherman, MPA ’82
Sanford T. Sherman, MIA ’82
Elisabeth Day Sherwood, MIA ’95
Betsy Pollack Shimberg, MPA ’97
Karlan Ison Sick
Michael David Sieburg
Marc J. Sievers, MIA ’80, IF ’80, CERT ’80
Kathryn Angel Sikkink, CERT ’84
Jennifer Marie Silvi, MIA ’09
Michael Silvia, MIA ’79
Melvyn J. Simburg, MIA ’71, IF ’71
Kuldip K. Singh, MIA ’77
Vicki Sittenfeld, MPA ’82
Joseph C. Small, IF ’68 and Alice K. Small
Susan V. Smith Santini, MPA ’93
David Burton Snow, MIA ’98
Roberto E. Socas, MIA ’55
Anastasia Sochynsky
Elaine Carol Soffer, MPA ’83
Richard J. Soghoian, IF ’65
Stephen A. Sokol, MIA ’01
Debra E. Soled, MIA ’82, CERT ’82
Jan Solomon, CERT ’75
Andre Israel Solorzano Dimas
Ellen Solowey, MIA ’86, CERT ’86
Frances G. Sonkin, MIA ’75
Christian R. Sonne, MIA ’62, CERT ’62
Aimee Duncan Sostowski, MIA ’07
Stephen H. Spahn, IF ’65
44 SIPA NEWS
Molly Catherine Spencer, MPA ’97
Arthur Finn Spring, MIA ’88
Daniel Sreebny, MIA ’78
Charles H. Srodes, IF ’65
Robert Francis Staats, MIA ’83
Elizabeth Stabler, MIA ’56
Marisa C. Stadtmauer, MPA ’93
Claire S. Stelter
Loren M. Stephens, MIA ’67
Amir Abraham Sternhell MIA ’91
Clyde Donald Stoltenberg, MIA ’85
Hari Subhash
Colin Sullivan
Jennifer Jaryi Sun, MIA ’97
Niamh Teresa Sweeney
Alison Kimberly Swenton, MIA ’00
Anne Bernadette Talley, MIA ’94
Alice Ayling Tan, MPA ’01
Ellie Tang, MIA ’09
Florence Tatistcheff-Amzallag, MIA ’76
Eda Franzetti Tato, MIA ’80
William C. Taubman, IF ’63, CERT ’63
Carlos Felix Terrones, MPA ’08
Gweneth Michelle Thirwell, MPA ’06
Paul A. Thompson, MIA ’73
Anna Throne-Holst, MIA ’06
David G. Timberman, MIA ’80
Stephen E. Tisman, IF ’72
Richard Stephen Tobin, MPA ’08
Elizabeth Anne Toder, MIA ’96
Alper Sadik Tokozlu, MIA ’01
Nuria Tolsa Caballero, MIA ’11
Rebecca Rosenblum Tolson, MIA ’94 and
M. Grant Tolson, MIA ’95
M. Tomaszewski
Gabriel Topor, MIA ’92, CERT ’92
Fumitsugu Tosu, MPA ’11
Jennifer Elizabeth Toth, MIA ’04
Ruth E. Townsend
Cathy Rivara Trezza, MIA ’85
Christopher G. Trump, IF ’62
Alilsa Fatma Tugberk de Macedo, MIA ’06
Rebecca Hales Tunstall, MIA ’04
Margaret Ann Turbett, MIA ’84
Robert F. Turetsky, MIA ’72
Mark Owen Turner, MIA ’95
Philip Harry Tuson
Melinda Macdonald Twomey, MIA ’84
Natalia Udovik, MIA ’69
Yuki Uehara, MIA ’04
Takako Ugaya, MPA ’94
Andrew Umans, MIA ’10
Miguel Urquiola
Ali Vakili
Barbara A. Van Geyzel, MIA ’77
Marten H. A. Van Heuven, MIA ’57
Jorge Luis Vargas, MIA ’98
Christopher Michael Vaughn, MIA ’98,
IF ’98
Natalia Vladimirovna Vazhenina, MIA ’11
Ilona Jaramillo Vega, MIA ’94
Leona Isabelle Verdadero
Milka Petrovich Verhaegen, MIA ’85
Neelam Verjee, MPA ’11
Nimish Verma, MIA ’11
Edward J. Vernoff, MIA ’69
Dario Enrique Vilchez, MIA ’10
Susannah Violino, MIA ’81
Justin Gregory Vogt, MIA ’06, IF ’06
Carrie Staub Vomacka, MIA ’06
Ulric Erickson Von Allmen, MIA ’94
Stephanie Von Stein, MIA ’93
Clark David Wagner, MIA ’85
Karen Marie Wagner, MIA ’02
Linda Mary Wagner, MPA ’08
Maria M. Waite-Nied, MPA ’82
Sarah A. Walbert, MIA ’80
Carrie Walker, MPA ’09
Robert Kimball Wallace, IF ’67
Jeffrey Gene Waller, MIA ’02
Jesse Campoll Walter
Stephen Christopher Wamback, MPA ’90
Shontel Lenore Ward, MPA ’06
Carl Thomas Watson, MIA ’04
Robert M. Watts, MIA ’80
Rebecca VanLandingham Waugh,
MIA ’00
Christina Anne Way, MIA ’05
Marian Lillian Weber, MPA ’07
Egon E. Weck, MIA ’49
Kimberly Anne Wedel, MPA ’88
Benjamin Richard Weil, MIA ’92,
CERT ’92
Paul J. Weinstein, MIA ’87
Gary Michael Weiskopf, MPA ’87 and
Lynn Weiskopf, MPA ’91
Morton P. Weitzman
Marilyn S. Wellemeyer, MIA ’68
Caitlin Elizabeth Welsh, MPA ’09
Marilyn L. Wertheimer, CERT ’53
Szczepan Wesoly
Sandra L. West-Williams, MIA ’88
Rebecca Kate Wexler, MIA ’11
Donald F. Wheeler, CERT ’71
Erika Buraczek Whillas
Raymond D. White, IF ’64
Susan Keil White, MIA ’01
Gordon James Whiting, IF ’93
Jill Sue Wilkins, MIA ’91
H. David Willey, IF ’63
Eli Steven Williams
Elizabeth Wilner
Ellen Katherine Wilson, MIA ’93
Edward S. Winsor, MIA ’54
Merle Beth Wise, MPA ’88
Bret Philip Woellner, MIA ’07, IF ’07,
CERT ’07
Ezana Haile Woldegeorgise, MIA ’09
Susan Hammond Wolford, MIA ’79
William D. Wolle, MIA ’51
Menen Wondwosen, MIA ’11
Scott G. Wong, MIA ’11
Gilda Gates Wray, MIA ’66
Dana Ying-Hui Wu, MPA ’92
Michele M. Wucker, MIA ’93, CERT ’93
Norman G. Wycoff, MIA ’50
Anastasia Xenias, CERT ’94
Bernice Esi Yalley, MPA ’06
Hidemasa Yamakawa, MIA ’92
Joanne Stern Yaron
Rebecca Yeh, MIA ’09
Loretta M. Yenson, MIA ’82
Sonia Eun Joo Yeo, MIA ’00
David Yuriy Yesilevskiy, MIA ’09
Ellis Woodworth Youdal, MIA ’95
Mark Donald Young, MPA ’91
Miriam A. Young, MIA ’91, CERT ’91
William Jack Young, MPA ’90
Ying-Yue Yung
Laura Anne Zaks, MIA ’05
Lawrence F. Zant, MIA ’51
Michael Shiel Zdanovich, MIA ’88
Marc-Claude Zeitoun, MIA ’91
Mathias Zeller, MIA ’11
Rachel Zenner Kane, MPA ’98
Allan Jianhua Zhang, MIA ’03
Chenguang Zhang, MPA ’08
Siliang Zhou, MIA ’11
Lauren Ziegler, MIA ’10
Andrew W. Zimmerman, IF ’68
Jonathan Zorach, CERT ’72
Matching Gift Companies:
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Cleveland H. Dodge Foundation
Ernst & Young Foundation
ExxonMobil Foundation
Fitch Ratings
Goldman, Sachs & Company
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Juniper Networks
MBIA Foundation, Inc.
The McGraw-Hill Companies
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Pfizer Foundation
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Tyco
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SIPA News is published semiannually by SIPA’s Office of Communications and
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Editors: Rebecca Chao, Ethan Wilkes
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