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yugoslavias implosion

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76<br />

ChApter 1<br />

themselves “Yugoslavs” increased from 1.3 percent in 1971 to 5.4 percent<br />

in 1981. “Yugoslavs” were most numerous in Croatia (where<br />

many Serbs declared themselves as such), Bosnia (where “Yugoslavs”<br />

included offspring of mixed marriages as well as members of<br />

all three peoples but mostly Muslims), and Vojvodina (where most<br />

self-described “Yugoslavs” were members of minority groups).<br />

While the issue of a joint state was being considered, Serbia’s<br />

insistence on constitutional amendments, reflecting a desire to reestablish<br />

Yugoslavia as a centralist federation, prompted a debate on<br />

educational curricula. While Serbia strove toward greater uniformity<br />

in education, Slovenia argued that each republic should tailor the<br />

curricula to suit its specific national culture. In the 1980s, the starting<br />

point in the development of basic common curricula was the<br />

idea of an integral system of education on a Marxist basis. Uniformity<br />

would be achieved through a set of basic common curricula in all<br />

subjects throughout Yugoslavia, the content of each subject selected<br />

according to the percentage of each nation (e.g., 50 percent relevant<br />

to the Serbs and 7 percent each to the Slovenes and the Albanians).<br />

The hope was to thus solve the problem of the Serbian minority in<br />

Kosovo because the 1974 Constitution had granted the republics and<br />

provinces full jurisdiction in the sphere of education. Other organizational<br />

criteria were those promoting brotherhood and unity,<br />

Marxist training, and the traditions of the national liberation struggle<br />

and the Socialist revolution in Yugoslavia.<br />

The quest for a solution to the Yugoslav issue presupposed a<br />

“strong Yugoslav state,” and the revived debate on the prospects for<br />

creating a Yugoslav nation failed to win much support because the<br />

other Yugoslav peoples were apprehensive of a resurgence of Serbian<br />

hegemony. A segment of the Serbian elite believed that Yugoslavia<br />

could survive only by constituting a single Yugoslav nation on<br />

the model of the United States. Mihajlo Marković believed that the<br />

“Serbs have accepted such an option” and that the “state nationality”

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