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the first ethnic Albanian demonstrations in 1968, and the 1974 Constitution<br />

shaped the developments of the 1980s. In 1977, a campaign<br />

was launched in Serbia to amend the 1974 Constitution, and the Blue<br />

Book analyzing the position of Serbia and its autonomous provinces<br />

was circulated. Dragoslav Marković, a chief advocate of amending<br />

the Constitution, declared that “Serb nationalism has for a number<br />

of years fed on the unresolved constitutional question of Serbia following<br />

the adoption of the 1974 Constitution, on its disjunction and<br />

trinomy, on the burning problem of the Serbs and Montenegrins in<br />

Kosovo, and on Albanian separatism.” 55<br />

It turned out, however, that altering the constitutional status<br />

of the provinces was not so much a step toward recentralizing<br />

Yugoslavia as a means of destabilizing Yugoslavia. After Tito’s<br />

death, General Nikola Ljubičić (also President of Serbia from 1982<br />

to 1984) took over the helm of Serbia after serving as the head of the<br />

ypa for thirteen years. His position that “Yugoslavia will be defended<br />

by the Serbs and the [ypa]” betrayed the belief that Yugoslavia was<br />

a Serbian state and the ypa was its army. In the absence of a unifying<br />

leader and ideology, the government relied more and more<br />

on the Army, which had played a key role in crushing reform-oriented<br />

movements during the 1970s. The Albanian demonstrations<br />

in Kosovo in 1981 were used as a pretext for raising the Serbian<br />

national issue and for fomenting Serbian nationalist euphoria. The<br />

ypa pushed its way onto the political stage and virtually occupied<br />

Kosovo.<br />

The question of Tito’s successor had been raised during discussions<br />

of constitutional amendments. One idea that was floated in the<br />

mid-1970s was a collective presidency to take over the role of president<br />

of the republic after Tito’s death. In fact, Tito himself had proposed<br />

the idea, stressing the need for the state leadership to consist<br />

55 Mirko Đekić, Upotreba Srbije: Optužbe i Priznanja Draže Markovića (The Utilization of<br />

Serbia: The Accusations and Admissions of Draža Marković), Beseda, Belgrade, 1990 .<br />

67<br />

ChApter 1

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