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62<br />

ChApter 1<br />

While serving as a member of the Serbian lcy Central Committee<br />

in the late 1960s, and wielding considerable influence both within<br />

the party and outside it, Ćosić was the first to publicly oppose “Albanian<br />

nationalism,” which consisted of demands for greater equality<br />

for Yugoslavia’s ethnic Albanians. At the fourteenth session of the<br />

League of Communists of Serbia Central Committee, Ćosić challenged<br />

the fundamentals of the party’s national policy. This marked<br />

the beginning of the switch from Yugoslavism to the advocacy of<br />

Serbian unity. Ćosić and the historian Jovan Marjanović impugned<br />

Albanian demands as a manifestation of nationalism, Albanian centralism,<br />

separatism, and anti-Serbdom; they were expelled from the<br />

Central Committee in May 1968.<br />

Ćosić advanced the thesis that ethnic Albanians as a nation<br />

had the right to unite and should be supported to that end. Aware<br />

that Serbia was no longer able to keep Kosovo under its control, he<br />

argued that Serbs had the same right; he suggested that a division<br />

of Kosovo would be the best solution for Serbia. Ćosić believed that<br />

Serbia should be content with the acquisition of Vojvodina and that<br />

it had no demographic potential to hold its own against the ethnic<br />

Albanian population’s explosion in Kosovo.<br />

Following his 1968 expulsion from the Serbian lcy Central Committee,<br />

Ćosić firmly embraced the nationalists to become the chief<br />

middleman between the nationalists and the dogmatic wing in the<br />

party. The Serbian Literary Society, which Ćosić presided over in<br />

1969–71, and the Praxis Movement threatened the existing regime and<br />

President Tito. These groups favored a nationalistic and/or dogmatic<br />

(Stalinist) attitude toward political developments in Yugoslavia.<br />

The Serbian Literary Society became the bastion of the Serbian<br />

nationalist opposition, insisting that any major changes should<br />

be postponed until after Tito’s death in the hope of raising the Serbian<br />

question then without much of a problem. After becoming its<br />

autora (Group of authors), (Belgrade: Helsinki Committee for human Rights in Serbia, 2008)

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