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56<br />

ChApter 1<br />

In the first postwar years, the federal formula seemed to work;<br />

the national question appeared to have been solved by the one-party<br />

structure, led by Tito, which reconciled opposing national interests.<br />

But though Tito tried to neutralize national conflicts by introducing<br />

a supranational sovereignty, he failed to prevent their recurrence in<br />

the long run.<br />

Because the Yugoslav Federation—even in its loosest form, in the<br />

early 1970s—was subject to arbitration by the federal leadership, individualism<br />

and nationalism were always limited. The economic and<br />

political system was unable to provide a sufficiently sound base for<br />

genuine and permanent economic, political, and cultural integration<br />

within Yugoslavia. Although the end of the one-party system at<br />

the end of the 1980s was greeted by the different Yugoslav peoples as<br />

the beginning of the affirmation of their statehood, society lacked<br />

a sound foundation and institutions that could hold those peoples<br />

together.<br />

The constitutional amendments of 1971 and the debates surrounding<br />

them marked a turning point in the attitude of the Serbian<br />

political elite. Serbia was dissatisfied with the direction in which the<br />

country was drifting. The conservative forces, notably the dogmatic<br />

structures within the party and nationalist circles, saw the dismissal<br />

of Aleksandar Ranković in 1966 and the subsequent trend toward<br />

greater decentralization as a threat to Serbian interests. Discussions<br />

held at Belgrade University’s Faculty of Law in 1971 were the precursor<br />

of, as well as the framework for, all that followed.<br />

A group of professors headed by Mihajlo Đurić put forward the<br />

platform of the Serbian national program. They viewed the prospect<br />

of the confederalization of Yugoslavia as a plot to break up the<br />

Serbian people and argued that Serbia’s boundaries were “neither<br />

national nor historical borders” and that the “boundaries of all the<br />

republics were more of an administrative than a political nature.”<br />

Đurić insisted that recognition of such boundaries as state borders

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