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yugoslavias implosion

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312<br />

ChApter 4<br />

the fledgling civil society that existed in the country. Destructiveness<br />

and primitivism are the main characteristic of Serbian society<br />

today. Serbian society must face its criminal past and deconstruct<br />

Milošević’s legacy at all levels, from personal to programmatic. Raising<br />

the issue of moral responsibility is the only way to break with<br />

the barbarous practices of the previous decade to construct a new<br />

Serbian identity. As the political scientist Nenad Dimitrijević has<br />

remarked, “we must make a clean break with the humiliating past in<br />

order to be able to make room for a new beginning.” 532<br />

Serbia has no strength left to wage war; as such, Serbia is no<br />

threat to its neighbors but still can undermine the consolidation<br />

of Bosnia and Kosovo by encouraging the Serbs there to reject any<br />

notions of accommodation, reconciliation, and cooperation. The fact<br />

that all of Serbia’s neighbors wish to join or have already become<br />

members of the eu can have a positive impact on Serbia. However,<br />

the eu’s expectation that, given time, Serbia will integrate into<br />

Europe may be overly optimistic because, given Serbia’s conservative<br />

traditions and social forces, it cannot be a political and economic<br />

partner in the region without significant and sustained support from<br />

pro-European forces outside the country. Serbia’s democratic transition<br />

is possible only if the international community lends a helping<br />

hand and takes charge of Serbia’s institutions—especially the Army,<br />

police, judiciary, and education—while providing extensive economic<br />

support. Nationalism is the only identity of the Serbian elite<br />

at present—and the reason why Serbia’s future in Europe is unclear.<br />

The May 2008 elections brought to light Serbia’s dilemmas<br />

regarding its future. The so-called pro-European government (the<br />

coalition of the Democratic Party and Milošević’s Socialist Party<br />

of Serbia) that was established after the elections was the most<br />

532 Nenad Dimitrijević, Moralna odgovornost za kolektivni zločin, Beogradski krug,<br />

Zajednica sećanja, no . 1–4/ 2006 . Dimitrijević is from Novi Sad and was a professor<br />

at the local law school before being purged and moving to Hungary .

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