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yugoslavias implosion

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276<br />

ChApter 4<br />

Milošević fell from power, and which failed to quickly appreciate<br />

the real direction in which Serbia was heading. Notably, it failed to<br />

understand that the election of Vojislav Koštunica in 2000 meant a<br />

continuation of the old policy; instead, it welcomed Koštunica as a<br />

democratic president who had won the world’s unqualified support.<br />

Not until 2008, when it accepted Kosovo’s declaration of independence,<br />

did the international community permit the final break-up of<br />

Yugoslavia, thus creating a framework for the consolidation of the<br />

region.<br />

Post-October 2000 Serbia was focused on preserving its military<br />

gains (Republika Srpska especially) while dealing with Milošević’s<br />

legacy of a corrupt state, a tottering economy, and devastated institutions.<br />

It also struggled to end its ten-year isolation from the international<br />

community, as well as the self-imposed isolation that had kept<br />

it away from the regional networks and processes of European integration.<br />

Internal differences within the Democratic Coalition that<br />

came to power after Milošević began to deepen, especially over cooperation<br />

with The Hague Tribunal and strategies for the country’s<br />

future. From the very beginning, Premier Zoran Đinđić was clearly<br />

pushing a pro-European strategy, whereas fry President Vojislav<br />

Koštunica was doing all in his power to safeguard Milošević’s cronies<br />

and the old structures in the police, the army, and the judicuary.<br />

Confrontation between these two diametrically opposed options<br />

obstructed the postwar transition and left Serbia lagging behind<br />

the rest of the region (especially after the assassination of Đinđić).<br />

It became increasingly evident that, without substantial assistance<br />

from the eu, Serbia would be unable to distance itself economically,<br />

politically, and morally from its recent past.

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