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270<br />

ChApter 3<br />

the situation on the ground was promoted, whereby Kosovo would<br />

be divided into two zones; Serbia would lose 12 percent of its territory<br />

by letting Kosovo secede, while an independent Kosovo would<br />

also lose 12 percent by allowing the secession of five municipalities<br />

in the north. 476 Ćosić urged a diplomatic and political struggle for<br />

the revision of the decision on Kosovo’s independence, which, he<br />

claimed, is “unjust and entrenches Serb-Albanian enmity.” 477<br />

Serbia’s strategy in the aftermath of Kosovo’s independence was<br />

to undermine Kosovo’s statehood by strengthening parallel institutions<br />

in Kosovo Serbian areas and by inciting Kosovo Albanians to<br />

react violently and thus damage the international standing of their<br />

state-building project. Among other things, Serbia conducted a vigorous<br />

diplomatic campaign against Kosovo’s recognition by other states<br />

(by the end of 2009 Kosovo was recognized by only sixty-two countries,<br />

with five eu member states deciding not to recognize it). In October<br />

2008, Serbia (with support not only from Russia but also countries such<br />

as Spain with secessionist movements and countries with large ethnic<br />

minorities such as Slovakia) succeeded in ensuring passage of a un resolution<br />

instructing the International Court of Justice at The Hague to<br />

pronounce on the legality of Kosovo’s declaration of independence.<br />

The situation has been made more complicated by Russia’s continued<br />

support of Serbia, its efforts to discourage recognition of<br />

Kosovo, and its insistence on unmik’s presence in Kosovo. Russia sees<br />

in its alliance with Serbia an opportunity to reassert its influence in<br />

the Balkans arena after a long absence. President Vladamir Putin’s<br />

476 Slobodan Marković, Izlazna strategija Srbije na Kosovu i Metohiji, Hereticus, Vol .V (2007), No .<br />

3–4; see also in the same volume articles by Jovan Trkulja, Jovo Bakić, Slaviša Orlović, Neven<br />

Cvetičanin .<br />

A flood of books, articles and analysis on Kosovo appeared in the wake of Kosovo<br />

declaring its independence . For instance, Milovan Radovanović, Kosovo and Metohija: The<br />

Antrophogeographic and Demographic Foundations (Belgrade: Službeni glasnik, 2008),<br />

argues that “Kosovo is lost, because Serbs in the year 1912 allowed Albanians to remain<br />

in Kosovo instead of removing them and thus lastingly resolve the Albanian issue .”<br />

477 Večernje Novosti, March 22, 2008 .

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