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230<br />

ChApter 3<br />

Macedonia and Kosovo—which was seen as a potential danger to<br />

the stability of the entire region and nato’s southern wing. In addition,<br />

Washington and its Western European allies saw an opportunity<br />

to advance the goals of the Copenhagen Document, which had been<br />

drawn up in 1990 by the Organization for Security and Cooperation<br />

in Europe. The Copenhagen Document is not only a blueprint for a<br />

democratic Europe—a Europe governed by the rule of law and committed<br />

to the protection of human rights—but also emphasizes territorial<br />

integrity as the basis of European security.<br />

In the wake of the collapse of Albania in 1997 and the resulting<br />

new dynamics in relations between Kosovo Albanians and Serbs, a<br />

variety of international non-governmental organizations (ngo s)<br />

were able to arrange meetings between Albanians and Serbs in hopes<br />

of mediating on behalf of Western governments while Belgrade continued<br />

to treat Kosovo as an internal issue. The u.s. Council on Foreign<br />

Relations, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the<br />

Greek Elemetias Foundation, and many other groups offered their<br />

services in efforts to bring the two sides to the same negotiating table.<br />

The Rome-based Community of Saint Edigio brokered an agreement<br />

between Milošević and Rugova on education, one of the most politicized<br />

issues. 384<br />

384 The two sides met only when encouraged to do so by other actors . Only two meetings were<br />

convened in the country by the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, the Kosovo<br />

Helsinki Committee, and the Pristina Committee for Human Rights and Freedoms . The first<br />

conference was staged in Ulcinj (Montenegro) in July 1997; it called for an international<br />

conference and mediation . The second one was held in Belgrade (Serbia) on November 21–22,<br />

1998, several months before the NATO intervention .<br />

The attitude toward Albanians in Serbia was revealed when the Belgrade daily Naša Borba<br />

presented its 1998 tolerance award to Albanian students; the gesture provoked an outcry<br />

in Belgrade, the chief objection being, “‘Isn’t there anyone in our midst who deserved that<br />

award?”‘ The intention of the panel (or at least of some of its members) was to make a gesture<br />

of goodwill against a backdrop of general hysteria, especially in view of the fact that the<br />

1997 award had gone to Belgrade students . The award had informally been reserved for a<br />

prominent—and worthy—Belgrade intellectual, and the president of the panel resigned in<br />

the middle of the deliberations after realizing that the award would go to the Albanians .

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