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120<br />

ChApter 1<br />

the rs. He said that the “moment has come to consider strengthening<br />

ties between the rs and the fry, which ought to be strengthened<br />

in all fields.” 152<br />

Srs President Vojislav Šešelj denounced the Dayton Accords as a<br />

“Serb defeat which is the result of the disastrous national policy of<br />

the Serbian president supported by the official policy of the usa in<br />

particular.” Šešelj aired the view that continued to predominate in<br />

the policy on Serbian lands, namely that the “Serb people will never<br />

be able to accept as final the results of this hysterically anti-Serb policy<br />

of Milošević and the international community, so a future democratic<br />

and nationally-minded government will surely know how to<br />

realize the aspiration of our people to enjoy a united and strong Serb<br />

state.” 153<br />

Vuk Drašković, was more realistic in his assessment. He said<br />

that “had the war not been brought to a halt through the efforts of<br />

the Great powers, the whole of Republika Srpska would have fallen<br />

within weeks.” Drašković continued to regard Serbia as a power in<br />

the Balkans because “Serbia occupies such a geopolitical position as<br />

to constitute a bridge between Europe and Asia and between the West<br />

and Russia.” 154<br />

Serbian strategists have more recently acknowledged the international<br />

circumstances that would frustrate the creation of an integral<br />

state of the Serbian people for a long time to come. In their<br />

view, the Dayton Accords were a reality to be reckoned with while<br />

retaining the same long-term goals. The union of Serbia and Montenegro<br />

with Republika Srpska would be delayed until a more propitious<br />

moment, that is, until the international constellation changed,<br />

152 Naša borba, November 23, 1995 .<br />

153 Ibid .<br />

154 Naša borba, December 11, 1995 .

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