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their “activities, if not manage them” altogether. The Serbian Fascist
ideas paraded in this program were implemented against the Albanians
with far greater imagination until the nato intervention.
The advocacy of an all-Serb reconciliation (i.e., between the
Chetniks and the partisans) had long been proposed, and several
new “objective histories” were written, notably by Veselin Đuretić,
in support of the idea. In the early 1980s Vuk Drašković had attracted
public attention with his novel Nož (The Knife), which dwells on
Muslim crimes against Serbs. The book rallied the Serbian diaspora
in Canada, the United States, and Australia. In the company of the
poet Milan Komnenić and Vojislav Šešelj, Drašković toured these
countries and Europe to promote Serbian interests and to collect
financial help.
As Slobodan Inić observed, Serbian nationalism is “broader
than the Chetnik movement and its past and contemporary nationalist
program; but no program and no movement of the Serb people
has expressed the nature, plans, and ambitions of Greater Serbian
nationalism as fully and as directly as the Chetnik movement in Serbia
did and still does.” 135
REALIZATION OF THE SERBIAN NATIONAL PROGRAM 136
The Serbian national program was overseen and approved by the
Serbian elites gathered around Dobrica Ćosić and Milorad Ekmečić.
As president of the fry (1992–93), Ćosić took a direct part in negotiations
on delimiting the peoples, one of the publicly proclaimed aims
of Serbian politics.
135 Ibid ., Slobodan Inić, ‘Cetnizacija političkog prostora u Srbiji’ (The
‘Chetnization’ of political space in Serbia), p . 137 .
136 Some ideas from this part have been published in articles I have written and published
in Helsinki Charter, Helsinki Committee’s bimonthly magazine . Also in Serbia:
Between Archaism and Modernity in Regional and Ethnic Conflicts, Perspectives from
the Front lines, Ed . Judy Carter, George Irani, Vamık D . Volkan, Pearson, 2008