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yugoslavias implosion

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objectives, especially following events in Novi Sad in 1998, an episode<br />

in the anti-bureaucratic revolution that led to the sacking of the provincial<br />

leadership. Mesić was installed in June 1990 as the new collective<br />

head of state by a European Community troika present at the<br />

inaugural session.<br />

The adoption of the new Constitution of the Republic of Serbia<br />

in September 1990 marked the end of the first phase of preparations<br />

to destroy Yugoslavia. This constitution usurped two paramount<br />

federal functions: national defense and foreign relations. It deprived<br />

the autonomous provinces of their constitutional functions and<br />

excluded Serbia from the legal system of the Socialist Federal Republic<br />

of Yugoslavia—Yugoslavia’s laws would no longer apply to Serbia.<br />

This constitution was the first secessionist document; Article 135 states<br />

that Serbia would enforce federal legislation only if it is not “contrary<br />

to its interests.” Milošević declared in a March 1991 speech on<br />

Radio Television of Serbia that “Yugoslavia does not exist any more.”<br />

Following the outbreak of war in Bosnia and the occupation of<br />

more than 70 percent of its territory by Serbian forces, as well as the<br />

break-up of the ypa into three armies (see the next chapter), Serbia<br />

passed the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (fry)<br />

in 1992, comprising Serbia and Montenegro, with the object of succeeding<br />

the sfry. The new constitution allowed all who wished to<br />

join the fry, primarily the Republic of Serb Krajina and Republika<br />

Srpska, to do so. Its provisions anticipated the unification of Serbian<br />

lands, which was Milošević’s objective.<br />

In those crucial years, Milošević succeeded through machination<br />

and fraud and by playing on the contradictions and unpreparedness<br />

of his counterparts in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. He emerged<br />

victorious from every situation. By making use of rallies bearing<br />

the stamp of “democratic legitimacy,” he cowed his opponents. He<br />

believed that rallies “were a form of political reaction by the broadest<br />

public to the nonfunctioning of society” and that “in Serbia the<br />

107<br />

ChApter 1

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