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106<br />

ChApter 1<br />

all-Yugoslav solidarity in confronting Serbia’s aggressive attitude<br />

also laid bare the impotence of pro-Yugoslav politicians in the republican<br />

leaderships to stand up to what had been a long time coming. It<br />

was only after he struck against Albanian miners that Slovenia pulled<br />

its men from the federal special forces unit. Slovenia warned that<br />

this was no longer a matter of relations within Serbia and that the<br />

future of Yugoslavia was at stake.<br />

Paradoxically, while destroying the multiethnic autonomy in<br />

Vojvodina and Kosovo recognized by the federal constitution, Belgrade<br />

insisted on ethnic autonomy for the Serbs in Croatia although<br />

the federal constitution contained no provision for such autonomy.<br />

After the dissolution of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia<br />

at its Thirteenth Congress in January 1990, Milošević announced that<br />

“Serbia has to prepare itself to live without Yugoslavia.” He also said,<br />

“Our goal is to establish borders within which there will be no war.<br />

Outside those borders war cannot be avoided.” 128At the federal level,<br />

efforts were still being made to come to national agreement. The six<br />

republican presidents held summits at Ohrid, Brioni, Cetinje, Brdo<br />

(near Kranj), Belgrade, and Sarajevo to try to patch up their differences,<br />

but their disagreement only grew greater. Milošević’s arrogant<br />

attitude at press conferences following these gatherings was publicly<br />

approved in Serbia, where most people understood his behavior<br />

as a reflection of his superiority. The first multiparty elections were<br />

held in 1990 in all the republics except Serbia. Milošević paralyzed<br />

the federation because he commanded four votes in Yugoslavia’s<br />

collective Presidency, having managed to gain control of not only<br />

Vojvodina and Kosovo but also Montenegro. He refused to recognize<br />

the new legitimate government in Croatia and its representative<br />

Stipe Mesić (who was supposed to succeed Borisav Jović as president<br />

of the Yugoslav Presidency). He also fully embraced the nationalist<br />

program and employed mass rallies as a tool to achieve national<br />

128 Borisav Jović, Last Days of SFR Yugoslavia (Poslednji dani SFRJ , p . 131 .

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