Children's Needs â Parenting Capacity - Digital Education Resource ...
Children's Needs â Parenting Capacity - Digital Education Resource ... Children's Needs â Parenting Capacity - Digital Education Resource ...
Is concern justified? Problems of definition and prevalence 39The Office of Population and Censuses and Surveys (1996) survey breaks downthe data on the prevalence of drug dependence in the general population into familyunits. This analysis reveals that couples living with a child have a lower rate of drugdependency than lone parents (9 per thousand for couples with a child comparedwith 24 per thousand for lone parents). Once again, the vulnerability of children tothe impact of parental drug use when living with a lone parent, compared to thosewho live with two caring adults, is apparent.It is hard to know with any degree of certainty how many children are livingwith parents who are using illicit drugs, as such behaviour is against the law andcharacterised by denial and secrecy. Hidden Harm (Advisory Council on the Misuseof Drugs 2003) estimated that there are up to 60,000 children in Scotland who havea parent with a drug problem (approximately 5% of the total population group forthis age). In England and Wales there are estimated to be between 200,000 and300,000 children (2–3% of children under the age of 16 years) who have parentswho misuse drugs. Not all children will be living with their parents, only about athird of fathers and two-thirds of mothers with problem drug use are still livingwith their children; most of the children are living with other relatives (AdvisoryCouncil on the Misuse of Drugs 2003). Meier and colleagues (2004) surveyed thedata collection statistics used by all drug treatment agencies in England and Walesand found that 42% of drug users had dependent children but only 47% of thechildren lived with their parents; about 9% were in care.Epidemiological research also provides information on the number of babiesborn to drug-misusing mothers. The Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs(2003) estimated 1% of babies are born each year to women with drug problems,that is 6,000 babies born from 600,000 pregnant women who are misusing drugs.The numbers seem to be rising; most maternity units have reported an increasein the number of pregnant women with drug problems (Advisory Council on theMisuse of Drugs 2003). This concern was also highlighted in a Channel 4 Dispatchesprogramme (3 November 2008), which reported a doubling in the number of babiesborn to drug-addicted mothers in four years. The programme noted that there were1,970 such babies born in 2007 – compared to 1,057 in 2003 – and in more thanhalf the cases the children were born with foetal withdrawal symptoms or neonatalabstinence syndrome; 3,500 babies were born to parents who problematically useheroin each year. While the reported number of babies born to problem drugusers is clearly increasing, this could in part be due to the greater awareness amongprofessional health care staff of problem drug-using mothers.Problem drinking or drug misuse: issues of gender,culture and classPopulation studies show that drug and alcohol misuse is more common among menthan among women. Men are three times more likely to be drug dependent thanare women (Department of Health et al. 2007). Similarly, in relation to alcohol
40 Children’s Needs – Parenting Capacitydependency men are twice as likely to meet the criteria as are women (SAMHSA2007). Men from social class V are the heaviest drinkers among men. However,women from social class V are significantly under the average for women’s drinkingas a whole (Royal College of Physicians 1991).The issue of gender in parental drinking was highlighted by the work of ChildLine(1997). An analysis of all calls received in the year 1 April 1995 to 31 March 1996shows 3,255 children talked about their parents’ problematic drinking. The majority(57%) identified a male figure (fathers, stepfathers, or mother’s boyfriend) as theproblem drinker. Mothers also featured: a third (33%) of children mentioned theirmother or mother figure had an alcohol problem. Just 7% indicated both parentshad a drink problem.Some studies (Seljamo et al. 2006) indicate that a father’s drinking is moreinfluential than a mother’s when considering their children’s drinking patterns at age15. However, other studies (Macleod et al. 2008) suggest that heavy maternal drinkingmay be more influential in relation to children’s drinking (at age 10) than a father’sproblem alcohol use. Research also suggests a link between mothers using cannabisand their children’s use of the drug. Day and colleagues (2006) looked at prenatalmaternal use of cannabis and children’s cannabis smoking at age 14 and found that,compared to non-cannabis smoking mothers, their children experimented withcannabis at an earlier age and used cannabis more frequently. However, maternaltobacco smoking also showed a statistically significant association with cannabis useof the children at age 14.Culture often determines attitudes towards alcohol and drugs and, therefore,the frequency and quantities used. For example, cultures in which religious beliefseschew alcohol are likely to result in lower rates of problem drinking than thosecultures where alcohol is freely available. An analysis of government statistics onalcohol consumption ‘respondents from Pakistani or Bangladeshi origin were less likelyto have drunk in the week prior to interview (5% and 4% respectively) compared to thoserecording their ethnicity as White British or White other (67% and 68% respectively)’(NHS Information Centre 2009, p.18, paragraph 2.6.2). A comparative study of 91people of Protestant background and 70 people of Jewish background showed thatthe Jewish culture and religion, where drunkenness itself or going to the pub andusing alcohol as a social lubricant is not an inherent part of daily life, also make Jewsless prone to drinking than Protestants (Loewenthal et al. 2003).It is clear that drinking is seen to be more culturally appropriate in some ethnicgroups compared to others. However, the cultural influence on drinking patterns hasseveral layers which need to be examined. Most of the United Kingdom studies havetraditionally focused on the alcohol use of immigrants, but immigrants constituteonly a minority of ethnic groups. More recent work suggests that while the overalllevel of alcohol problems remains substantially lower in South Asian communitiesthan in the general population, there is evidence that alcohol problems are on theincrease among first-, second- and third-generation immigrant families (Gharial2007). Similar trends were identified by Orford and colleagues (2004) in their small
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40 Children’s <strong>Needs</strong> – <strong>Parenting</strong> <strong>Capacity</strong>dependency men are twice as likely to meet the criteria as are women (SAMHSA2007). Men from social class V are the heaviest drinkers among men. However,women from social class V are significantly under the average for women’s drinkingas a whole (Royal College of Physicians 1991).The issue of gender in parental drinking was highlighted by the work of ChildLine(1997). An analysis of all calls received in the year 1 April 1995 to 31 March 1996shows 3,255 children talked about their parents’ problematic drinking. The majority(57%) identified a male figure (fathers, stepfathers, or mother’s boyfriend) as theproblem drinker. Mothers also featured: a third (33%) of children mentioned theirmother or mother figure had an alcohol problem. Just 7% indicated both parentshad a drink problem.Some studies (Seljamo et al. 2006) indicate that a father’s drinking is moreinfluential than a mother’s when considering their children’s drinking patterns at age15. However, other studies (Macleod et al. 2008) suggest that heavy maternal drinkingmay be more influential in relation to children’s drinking (at age 10) than a father’sproblem alcohol use. Research also suggests a link between mothers using cannabisand their children’s use of the drug. Day and colleagues (2006) looked at prenatalmaternal use of cannabis and children’s cannabis smoking at age 14 and found that,compared to non-cannabis smoking mothers, their children experimented withcannabis at an earlier age and used cannabis more frequently. However, maternaltobacco smoking also showed a statistically significant association with cannabis useof the children at age 14.Culture often determines attitudes towards alcohol and drugs and, therefore,the frequency and quantities used. For example, cultures in which religious beliefseschew alcohol are likely to result in lower rates of problem drinking than thosecultures where alcohol is freely available. An analysis of government statistics onalcohol consumption ‘respondents from Pakistani or Bangladeshi origin were less likelyto have drunk in the week prior to interview (5% and 4% respectively) compared to thoserecording their ethnicity as White British or White other (67% and 68% respectively)’(NHS Information Centre 2009, p.18, paragraph 2.6.2). A comparative study of 91people of Protestant background and 70 people of Jewish background showed thatthe Jewish culture and religion, where drunkenness itself or going to the pub andusing alcohol as a social lubricant is not an inherent part of daily life, also make Jewsless prone to drinking than Protestants (Loewenthal et al. 2003).It is clear that drinking is seen to be more culturally appropriate in some ethnicgroups compared to others. However, the cultural influence on drinking patterns hasseveral layers which need to be examined. Most of the United Kingdom studies havetraditionally focused on the alcohol use of immigrants, but immigrants constituteonly a minority of ethnic groups. More recent work suggests that while the overalllevel of alcohol problems remains substantially lower in South Asian communitiesthan in the general population, there is evidence that alcohol problems are on theincrease among first-, second- and third-generation immigrant families (Gharial2007). Similar trends were identified by Orford and colleagues (2004) in their small