The OMC inclusion and national social NGOs: From enthusiasm to ...

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sharp. In France, it is more fundamental which has to do with the poor institutionalised linkswith the state and its funding schemes. The government is accused of failing to make povertyeradication a strategic priority of its policy and the objectives mentioned, so NGOs, were notimplemented either through legislation or programmes. More concretely, they criticise that thegovernment would not properly address the two most significant crises, that is those ofunemployment and of (lack of adequate social) housing, but also the cutting-back of theuniversal health scheme (CMU) in 2003. The absence of a clear and precise financial planwhich would allow identifying how much money is spent on a particular policy is criticised asis the insufficient dialogue between NGOs and policy-makers, the shortage of time and thelack of public visibility of the process (EAPN 2003). Evidently, the German reaction is not asfundamental but still severe. Criticism focuses on the newly introduced so-called Agenda2010 and its poverty-enhancing effects which are not dealt with in the NAP, but also the overrelianceon work as a means of integration, simply not available for all people. Further pointsare the absence of policies for the most vulnerable, insufficient gender mainstreaming andconsultation of civil society as well as the absence of concrete target setting, to name onlysome of them (BAGFW / NAK 2004).Finally, the lack of influence of NGOs on the implementation of the OMC inclusion is alsodetectable when looking at the new mainstreamed OMC social protection and socialinclusion. While all NGOs, as well as the French administration, have pled for a continuedseparated OMC inclusion, they did not succeed in rescuing the old OMC and are now dealingwith an OMC that covers such diverse issues as inclusion, health and pensions. The most citedreason for a separate OMC inclusion was the fear that in a streamlined OMC and next to thefinancially powerful issues of health and pensions, poverty and social exclusion matterswould receive even lower attention of the politicians.3.3 Evaluation of OMC inclusion by NGOsHow do the NGOs evaluate the OMC inclusion process? With regard to the poor quality anddegree of the consultation process and the quasi zero impact they had on the NAPs, theirevaluation is amazingly balanced which should be understood in the light of their interest tofurther develop the process. In both countries, more so in France, the understanding is thatthe political leadership had refused to take the NAPs as a reference and even to communicateabout it, thereby showing its lack of political support. The insufficient mobilisation of (all)actors is also often mentioned, more so in Germany than in France. Here, NGOs find that theinsufficient consultation lead to an insufficient incorporation of their views. One interviewee
found that the consultation process in the framework of the permanent advisory board ratherresembled a gathering where one could give one’s blessing to the NAP than real consultation– a view confirmed by an observing researcher 29 -, evaluated by another NGO representativeas “rather anecdotic” 30 . Interestingly, however, the issue of democratic legitimation washardly perceived as problematic. Only one (NGO) interviewee in Germany and two in Franceproblematised the absence of the parliament in the process. Other remarks relate to the toonarrow time frame and poor public visibility. The lack of engagement of the territorialauthorities is widely regretted, particularly in Germany, where it is partly attributed to a toostrong control of the process by the executive. Overall, federal, regional and local levels aswell as the NGOs seem to agree that it did not have any impact on poverty policies inGermany whereas the answers varied between I could not tell and no (impact) in France.These answers are reflected in the official governmental evaluations of this OMC in 2005 inwhich the German government states that this OMC did not have any impact on policymakingwhereas the French government at least officially welcomes it as an instrument in linewith French national and European priorities.French interviewees repeatedly found that the process had improved interministerialcoordination, where, so an interviewee, “the OMC inclusion provided a common frameworkin which the administration and NGOs could work together”. In Germany, and according toseveral interviewees from NGOs and the federal and the regional levels, the OMC inclusionhas not improved interministerial coordination. The respective actors explain this bydiverging interests both between the different resorts within a government and between theregions and the federal government.More on the political side of the coin, actors agree that the process has helped to keep theissue on the agenda (see also Maucher 2005), that it forces the government to draft the report(NAP), that it supports a European discourse on social exclusion and visualizes “socialEurope”. Finally, it would force member states to engage in processes of comparison,apprehended as a positive development. All these assessments are more or less sharedbetween the interviewees; the only real divide can be found in their evaluation whether the29 If one acknowledges that these meetings take place 1-2 times a year, during four hours of discussion, gatheringup to 80 people, and that the NAPs are not the only subject treated here, this account may come close to thetruth.30 Interview NGO key officer, 2.6.2005.
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