Twenty years after the Windhoek Declaration on press freedom

Misreading <strong>the</strong> market
By Charles Onyango-Obbo
Charles Onyango-Obbo is a columnist
and Executive for Digital and Africa
Media with <strong>the</strong> Nation Media Group
in Nairobi, Kenya.
The killing, imprisonment, beating
down and ostracism of journalists
by <strong>the</strong> enemies of <strong>the</strong> free press
(EoFP) remain very much in fashion
in Africa.
The thing about this is that <strong>the</strong>re
is something old-fashioned and
wasteful about it, because <strong>the</strong>
EoFP’s won <strong>the</strong> battle for control of
<strong>the</strong> press long ago. Typically though,
in keeping with <strong>the</strong>ir lack of nuance
on almost everything else, <strong>the</strong>y
don’t know it.
The truth is that most of <strong>the</strong> best
media in Africa today rarely lead
on <strong>the</strong> big issues of <strong>the</strong> day, or “set
<strong>the</strong> public agenda” as we like to say
self-importantly. The most <strong>the</strong>y are
is a big nuisance, although a few
still tell interesting stories.
There was nothing that governments
did deliberately to make media in
Africa, and nearly everywhere else
in <strong>the</strong> world, tepid. It was <strong>the</strong> result
of a big accident.
The Africa of <strong>the</strong> 1970s through
to <strong>the</strong> close of <strong>the</strong> 1990s was a
dangerous place for independent
journalists. One-party dictators
and military tyrants arrested and
killed journalists without a second
thought.
However, with <strong>the</strong> “second wave” of
Section 2: Pluralism
liberation that followed <strong>the</strong> collapse
of <strong>the</strong> Berlin Wall, most military and
one-party dictatorships closed shop
in Africa. Ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> old dictators reinvented
<strong>the</strong>mselves as half-hearted-democrats
of sorts, like Mathieu
Kerekou in Benin; or <strong>the</strong> militaries
organised elections and transferred
power to pliant governments as did
General Abdusalami Abubakar in
Nigeria; or presidents who came to
power as rebel leaders, like President
Yoweri Museveni, civilianised <strong>the</strong>mselves
and <strong>the</strong>ir guerrilla groups.
In <strong>the</strong> 1990s all <strong>the</strong>se governments
started liberalising <strong>the</strong>ir economies
and opening up <strong>the</strong> airwaves. In
countries like Uganda, in a space
of 10 <strong>years</strong>, over 120 licences were
issued for independent FM stations.
The same is true in Kenya, Tanzania
and Nigeria, to name a few. TV
licences were also given out.
This liberalisation also led to <strong>the</strong>
rise of many new newspapers
in markets where previously <strong>the</strong>
state-owned propaganda sheet,
which got its newsprint tax-free,
was <strong>the</strong> only morning reading. The
rise of new local and international
companies made it possible for new
newspapers, TV stations and FM
radio stations to build businesses
around advertising models.
It was <strong>the</strong> blossoming of new independent
media and competition
that neutered <strong>the</strong> media. Newspapers
seeking to expand circulation
beyond <strong>the</strong> men in dark suits who
had <strong>the</strong> money and power, started
courting “non-traditional” audiences
whom <strong>the</strong>y identified as women
and <strong>the</strong> youth.
They were convinced that <strong>the</strong>se
groups were not interested in news,
stories about inflation or corruption
in governments. Ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y wanted
lifestyle, fashion and beauty tips,
celebrity news and entertainment.
Media in Africa - 2011 | 87