Twenty years after the Windhoek Declaration on press freedom

print media to flourish, hoping
that <strong>the</strong> economic challenges and
cost of production will take care
of this sector. After all, not many
of <strong>the</strong>se newspapers reach rural
communities which are under <strong>the</strong>
tight grip of Zanu-PF.
As a result <strong>the</strong> party cares little
about billboards in Harare attacking
President Mugabe – as long as <strong>the</strong>se
are not displayed in Zimbabwe’s rural
communities. Ano<strong>the</strong>r element
in this scenario is Zanu-PF’s calculation
that <strong>the</strong> broadcast media, especially
FM radio, will remain <strong>the</strong> most
popular media: with at least 80% of
<strong>the</strong> Zimbabwe population accessing
news via this medium. As a result,
broadcasting has to be firmly kept
under <strong>the</strong> grip of <strong>the</strong> party.
ZBC TV and its four FM radio stations
remain directly under <strong>the</strong> control
of <strong>the</strong> Ministry of Information and
Publicity. Senior staff are appointed
by <strong>the</strong> Minister in consultation with
<strong>the</strong> president. And ZBC has recently
more than doubled its propaganda
messages in support of President
Mugabe, with jingles praising <strong>the</strong>
president played across all <strong>the</strong> radio
stations and TV at hourly intervals.
While <strong>the</strong> print media has flourished
since 2009, with four daily newspapers
being added where <strong>the</strong>re was
one, threats are still made against
journalists. The Secretary to <strong>the</strong>
Cabinet is reported to have called
one such entrant, The Mail, in June
2011, threatening unspecified action
<strong>after</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper made allegations of
unprofessionalism by <strong>the</strong> Attorney
General.
Journalists are still barred from
visiting certain areas as security is
not guaranteed. With regard to <strong>the</strong>
“Mugabe is a liar” billboard, Zanu-
PF senior member and former Information
Minister Jonathan Moyo
called for <strong>the</strong> journalist concerned
to be arrested. Not only do newspapers
still require a license to operate
in Zimbabwe, but journalists in
formal employment or those who
80 | Media in Africa - 2011
wish to access state functions are
still required to register with <strong>the</strong>
state-appointed Zimbabwe Media
Commission (ZMC). The same ZMC
has since announced that it is working
on setting up a Statutory Media
Council to regulate <strong>the</strong> work of
journalists.
“With regard to <strong>the</strong>
‘Mugabe is a liar’
billboard, Zanu-PF
senior member and
former Information
Minister Jonathan
Moyo called for <strong>the</strong>
journalist concerned
to be arrested.”
Have things always been like this
for <strong>the</strong> past 20 <strong>years</strong>? Certainly not.
Zimbabwe previously seemed to
be on track to meet <strong>the</strong> <strong>Windhoek</strong>
<strong>Declaration</strong>’s call to develop a plural
and diverse media. The 1990s saw
a lot of investment in <strong>the</strong> print
media that resulted in some of <strong>the</strong>
leading newspapers – <strong>the</strong> Zimbabwe
Independent, <strong>the</strong> Daily News, and
The Standard – coming on board. The
government, through <strong>the</strong> Ministry
of Post and Telecommunications,
was <strong>the</strong>n actively working on draft
legislation to open <strong>the</strong> broadcast
media and ZBC was still <strong>the</strong> people’s
choice for news and entertainment.
The ruling party back <strong>the</strong>n, Zanu-PF,
was confident and faced no threat
from any quarter.
The economic liberalisation policies
initiated and supported by <strong>the</strong> IMF
and <strong>the</strong> World Bank somewhat
contributed to a softening of media
policy and attitudes of <strong>the</strong> ruling
elite. But <strong>the</strong> collapse of Zimbabwe’s
economy in <strong>the</strong> mid to late 1990s,
and <strong>the</strong> ensuing political struggles
with <strong>the</strong> new entrant to <strong>the</strong> political
scene, <strong>the</strong> MDC, hardened Zanu-PF
attitudes to <strong>the</strong> media.
The opposition parties and <strong>the</strong>
media were <strong>the</strong>n labelled “enemies
of <strong>the</strong> state” and subjected to all
sorts of harassment including <strong>the</strong>
bombing of newspapers, arrests and
exile of media workers. The state
media was put under tighter control
and senior media workers dismissed.
New laws were crafted to legislate
<strong>the</strong> operations of <strong>the</strong> media and <strong>the</strong>
government <strong>the</strong>n made it clear that
dissent would not be tolerated.
The current political changes in
Zimbabwe, however slow, indicate
that change is coming – albeit
at <strong>the</strong> whim of politicians. The
Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe
in June 2011 called for applications
for two commercial radio licenses.
Despite this, <strong>the</strong> country remains
in <strong>the</strong> woods politically and unless
<strong>the</strong> political question is settled
through <strong>the</strong> adoption of a new and
democratic constitution as well as
holding of free and fair elections,
it is possible that <strong>the</strong> small gains
made will be eroded.
Change and growth of <strong>the</strong> media in
Zimbabwe is an unfortunate victim
of <strong>the</strong> politics of <strong>the</strong> country. Unless
<strong>the</strong> politics are sorted, Zimbabwe’s
media path remains warped and
dangerous. <strong>Twenty</strong> <strong>years</strong> <strong>after</strong> <strong>the</strong>
<strong>Windhoek</strong> <strong>Declaration</strong>, Zimbabwe’s
media is still grappling in <strong>the</strong> dark
on how to move forward.