HUNGARIAN STUDIES 11. No. 1. Nemzetközi Magyar ... - EPA
HUNGARIAN STUDIES 11. No. 1. Nemzetközi Magyar ... - EPA HUNGARIAN STUDIES 11. No. 1. Nemzetközi Magyar ... - EPA
72 SAMUEL J. WILSONGörgey's decision to attack and defeat the Austrian armies before Russiantroops could join them was strategically sound, although his suggestion tomove the capital to Komárom was not. Even the tsar recognized andunderstood that Görgey's only choice for success was to defeat each opponentin turn before they joined forces against him. This was one of the reasonsNicholas was upset that Paskevich was unable to destroy Görgey's army atVác on 15 July 1849, a failure official Russian history would blame onHaynau's recalcitrance in refusing to join with Paskevich. Haynau, who wouldmove south rather than combine with Paskevich, refused to allow himself tobe subordinated to the latter's command. Ironically, Görgey still worriedHaynau, who feared that Görgey might attack west in Moravia. Consequently,Haynau was instrumental in having Austria approach Prussia to suggest theystrengthen their forces in Silesia. 33 Such was the respect Görgey warrantedfrom his adversaries. The divisiveness between Haynau and Paskevich and thefailure of both Austria and Russia to complete plans for Görgey's defeatallowed Görgey the opportunity, after being injured and failing to defeat theAustrians, eventually to move south past Vác and down the Tisza and pressforward with new plans. As developed by Kossuth and Klapka, the schemewas for Görgey to join with the two Hungarian corps in the south and attemptto defeat the Austrian troops led by Baron Josip Jelacic in the Bánát region.Görgey's march south through northern Hungary, although beyond the scopeof this paper, was yet another example of his military prowess.Görgey's decision to attack Komárom also illustrates his further involvementin Hungarian politics. There was more to this decision than militaryconsiderations. His distrust and rivalry with Kossuth was becoming moreevident, and Görgey was determined to insure the operation of his independentcommand. He saw himself as representing the best hope for Hungary's future.In the evolution of modern warfare, politics, with its influence on strategy, playsan increasingly greater role on military decisions. In World War I, Erich vonFalkenhayn struggled incessantly for a western front policy against thereluctance of the easterns Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff. Theseconfrontations led to lost opportunities and stalemate, which forced the war tocontinue with disastrous effects for Germany. Falkenhayn knew Germanycould not win a long war, so he pressed the issue at Verdun in hopes of removingFrance from the conflict. He refused to adopt the eastern commanders' plan toplace strategic predominance in the east for a Cannae decision against theRussian forces. Falkenhayn feared being drawn further into the Russianhinterland like Napoleon. He only saw disaster in this policy. Görgey's decisionwas similar in his hope of removing Austria at Komárom. Görgey's strategy,however, had tangible military objectives: the destruction of the Austrian army.
GÖRGEY, LEE, AND PERCEPTIONS 73Falkenhayn chose Verdun for its nationalistic value to the French. He plannedto bleed them white in the hopes of forcing them to surrender. Görgey hoped tofollow the strategy of Frederick II during the Seven Years' War. Outside ofnegotiations Görgey had no other recourse for military victory but to defeat hisopponents in turn before they joined forces against him.This final campaign is filled with intrigue and uncertainty on both sides.The combined Austro-Russian invasion caused contradictions and distrustamong both states as well as the Hungarian leadership. Criticism aboundedwith no group or individual beyond reproach. In such circumstances, theaccumulated stress pressed individuals to the breaking point. On the Hungarianside, however, Görgey bears the brunt of criticism. István Deák stated thatGörgey's actions during this period reflected his "confused logic with itsmixture of loyalist-legitimist and radical-revolutionary concepts." 34 Deákbelieves that Görgey's offensive, to force the issue of a negotiated peace, wouldhave been more appropriate months earlier; however, in June 1849, it was toolate and resulted only in a series of defeats and a wasteful bleeding ofHungary's best army. 35 If this was indeed the truth, it would have made sensefor Görgey to have negotiated a settlement in June rather than August 1849.Also, if there was no hope of victory and Görgey's plan was doomed to failand cause an unnecessary waste of human life, should Görgey's decision tosurrender be criticized as an act of treachery? Or was it the sound policy of asoldier-statesman? Would critics have been satisfied had Görgey, like Falkenhaynat Verdun, followed a policy that would have wasted human life withoutthe purpose of achieving a tangible objective, all for the sake of honor?Görgey's choice, along with his behavior, determined his fate in Hungarianhistoriography, but his decision spared the Hungarian nation useless sufferingand possibly might have helped to pave an easier path for reconciliation in1867. The continuation of the struggle to a futile conclusion might have leftdeeper scars between the Austrian and Hungarian combatants. A futurecompromise might have been more difficult to achieve. Continuation of thewar could only have prolonged the suffering.Like Görgey, Lee had contemplated a similar policy during the last year ofthe Civil War when he withdrew from Petersburg, Virginia, in 1865. Finally insupreme control of all Confederate forces, Lee knew, because of a lack oftroops, resources, and time, that the South's only hope for military success layin joining forces with General Joe Johnston's Army of Tennessee in NorthCarolina. They could then attack and defeat Union General William T.Sherman's army before turning their attention to Grant's forces in Virginia. IfGrant and Sherman were to join forces, defeat would be axiomatic for theSouth. Unfortunately for Lee, Grant prevented the junction of Southern forces
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- Page 39 and 40: FROM CAIN TO NAHUM 37which, as Csap
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- Page 43 and 44: FROM CAIN TO NAHUM 41who sees what
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- Page 53 and 54: HELP ME, PASTORAL MUSE 51Once again
- Page 55 and 56: HELP ME, PASTORAL MUSE 53Eighth Ecl
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- Page 59: HELP ME, PASTORAL MUSE 57Paul de Ma
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- Page 64 and 65: 62 SAMUEL J. WILSONbeings and contr
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- Page 78 and 79: 76 SAMUEL J. WILSON8. Artúr Görge
- Page 80 and 81: 78 STEVEN TÖTÖSY de ZEPETNEKtört
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- Page 118 and 119: 116 KEVIN E. KELLYfilms Lugosi made
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72 SAMUEL J. WILSONGörgey's decision to attack and defeat the Austrian armies before Russiantroops could join them was strategically sound, although his suggestion tomove the capital to Komárom was not. Even the tsar recognized andunderstood that Görgey's only choice for success was to defeat each opponentin turn before they joined forces against him. This was one of the reasonsNicholas was upset that Paskevich was unable to destroy Görgey's army atVác on 15 July 1849, a failure official Russian history would blame onHaynau's recalcitrance in refusing to join with Paskevich. Haynau, who wouldmove south rather than combine with Paskevich, refused to allow himself tobe subordinated to the latter's command. Ironically, Görgey still worriedHaynau, who feared that Görgey might attack west in Moravia. Consequently,Haynau was instrumental in having Austria approach Prussia to suggest theystrengthen their forces in Silesia. 33 Such was the respect Görgey warrantedfrom his adversaries. The divisiveness between Haynau and Paskevich and thefailure of both Austria and Russia to complete plans for Görgey's defeatallowed Görgey the opportunity, after being injured and failing to defeat theAustrians, eventually to move south past Vác and down the Tisza and pressforward with new plans. As developed by Kossuth and Klapka, the schemewas for Görgey to join with the two Hungarian corps in the south and attemptto defeat the Austrian troops led by Baron Josip Jelacic in the Bánát region.Görgey's march south through northern Hungary, although beyond the scopeof this paper, was yet another example of his military prowess.Görgey's decision to attack Komárom also illustrates his further involvementin Hungarian politics. There was more to this decision than militaryconsiderations. His distrust and rivalry with Kossuth was becoming moreevident, and Görgey was determined to insure the operation of his independentcommand. He saw himself as representing the best hope for Hungary's future.In the evolution of modern warfare, politics, with its influence on strategy, playsan increasingly greater role on military decisions. In World War I, Erich vonFalkenhayn struggled incessantly for a western front policy against thereluctance of the easterns Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff. Theseconfrontations led to lost opportunities and stalemate, which forced the war tocontinue with disastrous effects for Germany. Falkenhayn knew Germanycould not win a long war, so he pressed the issue at Verdun in hopes of removingFrance from the conflict. He refused to adopt the eastern commanders' plan toplace strategic predominance in the east for a Cannae decision against theRussian forces. Falkenhayn feared being drawn further into the Russianhinterland like Napoleon. He only saw disaster in this policy. Görgey's decisionwas similar in his hope of removing Austria at Komárom. Görgey's strategy,however, had tangible military objectives: the destruction of the Austrian army.