SOCIETY AND SETTLEMENT IN GLENDALOUGH ... - Ian Cantwell

SOCIETY AND SETTLEMENTINGLENDALOUGH AND THE VARTRYBEFORE 1650IAN CANTWELL1999

LIST OF CONTENTSIntroductionAcknowledgementsMethodologyPaleoecology and ArchaeologyLate Iron Age and Early MedievalTheImpact ofReformConquest and SecularisationDecline,Resurgence and ExtinctionEpilogueConclusionsAppendixI: Pollen Diagram ofGlendaloughAppendixIl: Gregorian Reform in IrelandAppendixill: Draft Familytree ofthe O'ToolesAppendixIV: Selected DocumentsAppendixV: Placenamesand InterpretationAbbreviationsand Bibliography16811214357668183868997101104107

INTRODUCTIONIn 1990, due to family circumstances, I moved to CastIekevin at which stage I justabout knew that Glendalough existed. I became involved in the local historical societyand other community organisations which led to the organisation ofhistorical seminarsand editing the local annual historical and folklore journal. Over time this developedinto a knowledge of 18th and 19th century history and a desire to writea local study.As a result Trinity College was the next step because ofa lack ofunderstanding ofthepre-historic and medieval periods. The academic milieu also seemed to be the bestplace to research and write, away from the distractions ofhome.Glendalough and the Vartry yielded some ofits secrets in these last four years and Ibecame aware ofits many unique aspects and the fact that the island viewpoints ofthegeneral political historian were not necessarily appropriate. Worth noting is theirgeneral call for more regional and local studies since the general hypotheses that theypropose need to be tested and refined within more specific areas. Another factor thatcame to the fore was that the some of the contemporary source material servedpropaganda purposes and these needed to be critically examined.For any researcher the basic questions are: what is there? why is it there? what is itscontext? who is associated with it? what is the temporal framework? and finally how itto be interpreted? Only then can a narrative and explanatory hypotheses be developedand written. Warren's opinion that history does not exist until the historian makes it isapt. He points out that the goal ofobjective history is a chimera and that what passesfor such is often intuitive judgements and innate wisdom disguised as methodologyand the literary analogy he draws is between the relentless logic of Sherlock Holmesagainst the intuition ofPhilip Marlowe. 1lWarren W.L, The Historian as a 'Private Eye', Historical Studies. Vol. IX, Belfast, 1981, p. 1-41

eyond the island ofEngland and miss the fact that it too was undergoing fundamentalstructural and cultural changes''.The failure ofthe church to hold on to its lands in the face ofGaelic conquest is thendescribed and put in to a political framework.The viewpoint taken is one ofrelationships whether they be of alliance, competition or outright warfare. From thelocal point ofview the lack ofsources is noted and the possible impact ofsome oftheenvironmental catastrophes are discussed.The implications for the O'Toole Clan located at the frontier ofGaelic Ireland and theEnglish Pale is described and the processes ofacculturation explored. It will be arguedthat notwithstanding the security threat they posed, the processes of anglicisation andgentrification were changing them culturally. However it will be noted that theysuccumbed to wider forces beyond their control. The settlement organisation of themountains will be described and will concentrate on farm organisation and woodlandexploitation.The previous historiography is reviewed and the inaccurate descriptions will beidentified. It is hoped that the picture that will emerge is one of a development ofsettlement and culture with all its continuities and changes. Political events will not benarrated but instead a political context will be established as politics is part of thewider culture and it is necessary to include the political background as part of thegeneral understanding ofpatterns and processes.3Ever since RobertFitzstephenarrived in Wexfordin 1169the relationshipwith our easternneighbourbas dominatedout interpretationof eventsin Ireland and as a result the cultural:relationship between Ireland and the mainland is underestimated.3

"Geography is a permanentfactor in history,"JuliusNyere, quoting CharlesDe Gaulle, Irish Times,. January 1997"Nations are but people in slow motion."Michael Mac Liammor, 1 must be Talking to myFriends, Decca, 1966"The past is dead until the historiantransformsit by giving it the kissoflife.'Wdliam L. Warren, The Historianas 'Private Eye', HistoricalStudies... IX, 1984"And I don't doubt, before the journey's doneYou meanto whilethe time in tales and funIndeed, there's little pleasurefor your bonesRiding along and all as dumb as stones"Geoffrey Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, c. 1386 (trans. NevillCogbill, 1951)"Shortly before the coming of the English into the island a cow from a man'sintercourse with her - a particular vice ofthat people - gave birth to a man calf in themountains around Glendalough, It spent nearly a year with the other calves followingits mother and feeding on her milk, and then, because it had more ofthe man than thebeast, was transferredto the societyofmen."• GiraldusCambrensis, Topographica Hibemica, c. 1220, (trans. J.J. O'Meara, 1982)"Had I met an old pagan or abbot or saint (in GlendaIough) from the past I should not• have been surprised; were they not all around me, had I but eyes to see them? Was Imyselfnot like one enchanted, who, havingthrown off all worries and anxietiesofthisworld, was proceedingthrough a delightful old world from which bad been cast out alleviland malice?"Padraic 0 Conaire, Field and Fair, Travels with a donkey in Ire/and, 1929 (trans.Cormac Breathnaeh, 1951)4

SOCIETY AND SETTLEMENTINGLENDALOUGH AND THE VARTRYBEFORE 1650IAN CANTWELL

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI am deeply indebted to the residents of the communities of Roundwood andGlendalougb, especially the committee and members of the Roundwood and DistrictHistorical and Folldore Society, who welcomed me into their communities and fortheir continuedsupport and assistance since 1990.On an academic level I wish to thank William Nolan and Kevin Whelan who inspiredme in pre..University days. I wish to thank F.H.A. Aalenwho supported my applicationto enter Trinity College, Terry Barry who also supported my application and as tutorwas always helpful, lent me materialand was a source ofkindness. Ciaran Brady, PeteCoxon, Louis Cullen, and Katherine Simms also advised me on a variety of topicsthrough these four years. I wish thank Javier Matdano for access to his unpublishedwork on his pollen core of Glendalough and to Frazer Mitchell who advised andorganised the Radiocarbon dating of a sample as well as redrawing the pollen andcharcoal values. In the Geography mapping department Sheila McMorrow did trojanwork in helping me put together mymaps.I have benefited from Wicldow discussions with Terry Doherty, Harry Long, AiIbeMac Shamhrain, and Emmett O'Byme. Brian Donovan and Fiona Fitzsimons alsooffered and gave practical support.Finally my supervisor, Mark Hennessy, with whom I had a number of usefuldiscussions, he also helped to keep me on a structured path, and suffered (but not insilence) to my opinions on.nomaclemature and my, perhaps, eccentric notions on theexistence(or otherwise) ofGeography.To all I gratefullygive thanks and I hope that the following contribution does justiceto the time and assistancefreely given.6

I would finally like to thank my mother Krystyna Dobrzynska-Cantwell supported meand my children, Tadeusz and Jasmin, who were very patient with their distractedfather and humorously told me everything three times before it sunk in. I dedicate thiswork to the memory of my late father, Brian 1. Cantwell F.R.S.A.I., F.I.G.R.S.(1914-92), whose love ofhistory was myinitial and abiding inspiration.7

MEmODOLOGYIn 1996 two important works on Glendalough were issued. In them both Harry Long!and Ailbe Mac Sbamhrain 2 have pointed to the importance of a multi-disciplinaryapproach to an understanding ofGlendalough.Long 3 writes 'The interdisciplinary approach means that the remains of Glendaloughcan beviewed from different perspectives' and he uses the disciplines ofarchaeology,history, settlement studies, Medieval Irish and Latin literature, architecture, geology,and building technology in his work.Mac Shamhrairrl, following the guidelines of Felim O'Briain adopts a heuristicapproach. This approach should involve 'getting in contact with all the sources' s andis recommended and sometimes used by Early Irish Historians. His approach involvesa thorough investigation of Medieval Irish and Latin literature, Folk Traditions, andPlacename evidence. His approach mostly deals with his interpretation and correlationof the diverse literature sources which he gives primacy over non-documentaryevidence.Examples such as these can be found widely in the literature 6 and is the approach ofthis author, whose admiration for the polymath approach of such researchers as thelate Frank Mitchell is unbounded. Obviously it is not possible to develop an equalfacility in all disciplines but the challenge has been to learn as much as feasible in theresearching and writing ofthis dissertation. Froma philosophical point of view I havelLong William Henry, Medieval Glendalough, an Interdisciplinary study. Ph D Thesis, T.e.D. 19962Mac Sbamhrain Ailbe, Churchandpolity in Pre-Norman Ire/and. The case oIGlenda/ough.~19963Long op. cit. p. 7~ Sbamhrain,op. cit. pp.33-5Sibid quoting-O'Briain F., Irish Hagiography: Historiography andMethod, Measgra i gCuimhneMhichil UI Chleirigh. ed. O'Brien S., Dublin, 1944, p. 1196nough sometimes only as a face savingartificeto show onesopen mind while defending a positionandctaimjug that the dDferences in inteJpretation are the problem of the opposing discipline.8

attempted to think like a historian and perceive like a geographer since history isultimatelyan intellectual discipline and geography is a perceptualdisciple, though theecological approach, as experimented with by Colinvaux:7, bas been an interpretativeinfluenceIt is the fusion ofthe two that creates the interdisciplinary framework. This fusion iscalled Historical Geography, Landscape Archaeology and Settlement History. Thedifferencesbetween them are primarily a question offocus though personal taste andthe culturalecologyofAcademia is also important.The disciplines used are history, landscape archaeology, settlement studies and pollenanalysis. There have been four approachesused in an attemptto develop a cultural andsettlement narrative within this particular environment.The first is based on a review of the published and unpublished literature in thesedisciplines.Standard bibliographies of published and manuscript sources wereconsulted. The aim was to provide the specific historic knowledge and generalgeographicalcontexts for the research.The second is the use ofa pollen diagramofG1endalough for the purpose ofprovidingan environmental context, a source for the human influence on the environment, and aguide to the agricultural history of the local population. A radiocarbon date wasobtained to finetune the chronology.The third is the cartographic element: by plotting distributions within a specifictopographical context it is possible to deduce settlement patterns with their changesand continuities.'Colinvaux P. The State ofNations. London, 1978 &. Why bigfierce animals are rare. London, 19759

The fourth was the primary research on the landscape over the last 10 years. This hasbeen mostly unstructured with no particular focus and consisted of visiting obvioussites and walking the land. The two areas ofspecific research conducted has been thecounting of tree and bush species in hedgerows and the survey of a rath inRoundwood Townland.The aim ofcombining these four research approaches was to examine the human andenvironmental ecology ofthe study area and arrive at provisional conclusions within aheuristic or inter-disciplinary context.10

CHAPTER 1PALEOCOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGYGeologyThe origins oftheWicklow Massifdate back to when the Caledonian orogeny intrudedlarge batholiths ofgranite into the overlying Ordovician shales, slates and mudstones.In the process metamorphic schists were formed with veins of intruded metal ores,such as gold, copper and lead which were to play a part in the subsequent economicgeography ofEast Wicklow. In the subsequent 390 million years the overlying rockswere weathered and eroded which resulted in peaks ofgranite and quartz in the centreofthe chain and sedimentary rocks on the flanks separated by a metamorphic aureole.The fact that parts of the aureole survive on some mountain peaks indicates that thearea has been through a period of recent tectonic uplift which speeded up thedenudation processes. To the north and east a ridge of Cambrian quartzite mountaincones (c. 500m)border the mountains from the northern Leinster and easternlowlands]. The Vartry Plateau is Deshaped,bounded on the west by the granite massifridge (650-800m) and by a semi-circular quartzite' ridge (250-43Om) with severaldrainage exits.DrainageThe mainriver valley system is the north to south Avonmore river, whose source is tobe found in the Sally Gap (c. 49Om). The Avonmore is mainly fed by the tributaryrivers ofthe Glenmacnass, Glendassan and Glendaloughvalleysas wen as rivers furthersouth before joining the sea at Arklow. The Vartry plateau is drained by a river ofthesame name which exits at the Devil's Gl~ a gorge ofglacial origin. 2 This river maylWhidow1.B., Geology andscenery In Ireland, London, 1974, pp.263-712Whit1ow, op.cit., pp. 263-7111

have been a tributary of the Avonmore in the pre-Quaternary period''. It is fed by amultiplicity ofsmall streams and joins the sea at Wicklow (Map 1)4.GlaciationPrior to the Quaternary period it is likely that an ecologically mature landscape withtemperate flora and fauna predominated. This changed completely with the climaticcollapse of c. 2.4 million years ago which instigated cycles of glaciation of increasinglength and severity interspersed with interglacial periods of which this is the latest.Over time the nature of the landscape was altered and many species became extinct,especially in the upland areas such as Wicldow which had its own mountain ice-caps. 5When the last glacial epoch, the Midlandian, ended about 13,000 years Bp6 themountain flanks bore the scars of glacial weathering and erosion, the valleys weredenuded of soils and scouring left undulating depressions that became lake systems.Out-wash moraines indicate the deposition ofrock debris ofglacial melt-waters in thefinal meltdown. Glendalough valley has a low'alluvial fan 7 which became the site ofecclesiastical settlement. From the western valleys came major deposits of glacialdebris which are to be found in the Vartry depression and are the result ofpiedmontglaciers'', These can be found especially on the Calaryuplands? which also shows signsofintense periglacial activitylO. These have created complex soil patterns which can beseen from the land use patterns oftoday. The most obvious difference is between thenorthern and southern parts of the plateau where the Archaeological evidence andplacenames suggest that the latter was marshy scrub-land and not settled until themodem period.3Farrington A., The Glaciation ofthe Wicldow mountains, R.IA. proc., Vol. XLTI, sect B, 1934, p.1744Based on Ordnance Survey, DiscoverySeries, 1:50 000, no. 565VVlUtlow,op.cit.p.2696All BP (before present) dates are given in 14C radiocarbon years.7Warren, W. A., Wick/ow in the lee Age, Dublin, 1993, p: 428ibid. pp. 10-139ibid p. 28lOibid.p.3412

\ Map 1 Topography and Drainaget~__ _ __ _-r':1above 300;

Pre-HoloceneAt the end of the period periglacial activity predominated in a harsh environment ofpermafrost. Flora and Fauna would have been limited to those whose range is nowArctic.Mean temperatures then almost doubled and a temperate phase lasted for2,000 years which created the environment for soil formation and landscape stability.Pioneer species included grasses, mugwort (Artemsia), sedges, sorrel (RumexAcetosay and willows (Salix) though productivity was still low. From about 11,750 BPan increase of plant productivity developed in an open ground community whichbecame host to bush species such as Juniper (Juniperus) and Crowberry (Empetrum)followed by birches (Betula)11. Mammalspecies would have now included theremnant herds ofthe Giant Irish Deer as wellas reindeer, wolf, bear, boar, etc. 12The cold snap, first identified in Ireland in Lough Nahanagan, is now recognised as partof the world wide phenomena called the Younger Dryas which dates from around11,000 BP. It is believed to have been caused by the collapse ofa significant portion ofthe Laurentide Ice sheet into the Atlantic Ocean which switched off the ocean'sthermohalinel'' current. A minor glacier formed in the Lough Nahanagan corrie whichleft behind a moraine that can be identified when the Lough is low due to electricityneeds ofthe ESB in Turlough Hill. The climatic deterioration is seen in the decline ofjuniper and birches and an upsurge in grasses, sorrel and ferns (Pteridophytes) such asPolypody, Ladies fern, Royal fern and Bracken'", Giant Irish deer became extinct butthey had been in this area as the bones ofone were discovered in Clohoge in the 19thcenturyl>. This period lasted approximately 750 years and ended suddenly when thethermohaline current resumed its activity in the Atlantic.11Maldano Javier, unpublished pollendiagram, all furtherpollenreference are fromthis source, see~ndixI1 Mitchell Frank and Ryan Michael, Reading theIrish Landscapes, Dublin, 1998, pp. 86-713LoweJ.J. and Walker MJ.C. Recon.stnJcnng Quaternary Landscapes, LoIldor4 2nd. eel. 1997, pp.362-414ibid. pp. 93-7 .lSpowersc:ourt W.M.,A Description andHistoryofPowerscourt, London, 1903, p. 4213

HoloceneFrom this point the Holocene period started. The area shows the classic succession ofJuniper (peaking c.9,750 BP) to Birch (peaking c. 9,250 BP) to Hazel (Cory~peaking c. 9,000 BP), which are all bush species, to trees such as Oak (Quercus), Elm(Ulmus) and Pine (Pinus). The typical mature woodland for the next 2,000 yearscomprised of these species with open ground species being found in the higheraltitudes. In general the data matches Birks's hypothesis of tree spreading in thearchipelago16.From about 7,000 BP (5,000 Be) Alder (Alnus) scrub invaded causing a relativedecline in other species, particularly Pine which, though being tolerant of mostconditions, is a poor competitor. Pine declined considerably from its peak of6,200 BP(4,200 Be) for the next 1,000 years and from then its presence was mostly marginal.WhileMesolithic gatherers and hunterswere presentin Ireland at this timeno evidenceofthem in the Wicklow Uplands has yet been discovered. This may be due to naturalerosion17. The Elm decline is noted in Glendalough at around 5,000 BP (3,000 Be)which is in accord with its decline elsewhere. It had never been a major species in thearea, unlike the midlands, and it does not appear to have been followed by the humanintervention ofthe MesolithicINeolithic typicalofthe more fertile areas of the island.Peat formatioDThe expansion ofpeat in this period is now seen as a combination of a wetter climateand the crossing ofpedogenic thresholds with thedating offirst peat formation aroundIreland varying from 4.5 to 1 thousand years BP.18 Research in Arts Lake, Co.Wicklow, bas indicated that the initiation of blanket peat formation started between16.BiIb H.JD.~ Holoc:ene isochrone maps andpatterns of tree spreading in theBritish Isles,Journal ofBifigeography, Vol.. 16, DO. 6,1989, pp. 503-4017Stout Gemldine, Wicldow's Ptdlisloric Landscape, Wicldow. p. 418Edwards K.J. et aI., Chronology, QIIaternmyIreland, eel. Edwards K.J. &.WarrenP.W., London1985, P. 29114

4,6Q0-4,200BP, with an increase of sphagnum from around 2,800BP. Secondarydeposition in the lake start to appear from around 3,000 BP. This is believed to be as aresult of banks reaching critical depth and/or the composition of different peat typesbecoming unstable on slopes. Wet seasons would also enhance the possibility of bogflows and one is recorded at SliabhCualannin 867 19 . The authors further note that theformation and erosion ofpeat has been significant in the last 150years.20NeolithieFrom about 4,800-4,700 BP (2,800-2,700 BC) the distribution of tree cover changeswith a growth in oak and birch but a declinein hazel (substituted by holly), alder, pine(substituted by yew) and the appearance ofash. For the first time charcoalvalues showa large increase beyond natural causes and indicates the first human presence in thevalley. Tree pollen values decline and is followed by an increase in grasses. In this. period the species range becomes more cyclical which indicates human disturbance byNeolithic Pastoral farming. Open ground species such as grasses (Pooceae), plantain(p/antego lanceo/. t.), sedges (Cyperaceae), nettle (UTtica), heather (Ca/luna) andferns become more common. The growth of heather also indicates the first spread ofblanket bog whichbecame widespreadfrom 4,500 BP (2,500 Be).It bas been oftennoted that the eastern uplands has much less archaeological evidencethan the north west with its rich heritage oftombs and settlement sites 21 . Ritual sitessuch as Megalithictombs (with a possible kerbed cairn) are to be found in Parkmore2 2and Glasnamullen2 3 . Cooney24 has pointed out the spatial relationship between19CantweU I. Climate Change andtheGaelicAnnals,Proceedingsofthe YOJIng IrishArchaeologists,Galway, 199&, p. 3120aradshaw R W.R. &.McGee E., The extent. andtime-course ofmountain blanket erosioninIreland,New Phytologist, Vol. 18, 1988, pp. 221-421ibid., p. 1, & quoting Price Liam, The ages of stone andbronze in Co. Wicldow, R.IA. Proc., xlii,sect. C, 1934, pp. 31-6422GroganEoin andKiIfeather Aone, ArchaeologicalInventory o/County Wick/ow, Dublin, 1997; p. 8&2123SIOut, op cit p. 3224Cooncy Gabriel, Megalithic tombs in their environmental setting: a settlement perspective,IS

settlement and the ritual landscape which is obvious in the GlasnamuUen area withsettlement on the plateau and tombs on Djouce mountain (725m). The ritualsignificance ofParkmore is unclear though they do stand at a cross-roads. Withinthearea the archaeological indications are that Ballyremon Commons, PowerscourtPaddock and Glasnamullen have been continuously settled from at least the late thirdmillennium Be onwards and were probably the centres of settlement until at least1200AD.25It must be stressed that all interpretations ofthe area's prehistory are based on surveysof surviving surface sites and that the area has had hardly any archaeologicalexcavation. The concentrationofsettlement in the northern part ofthe plateau, situatedon passes from the northern and eastern lowlands is likely to be significant. The lack ofsites from the Glendalough valley may be a function of the intense landscapemanagement from the early Christianperiod. In general the area is poorly representedby archaeological remains.Early settlement probablywas basedon the shifting model oflandscape clearance andabandonment within forest clearings followed by later more permanent settlement onthe plateau based in northern higher sections 26 . A major clearance phase ofoak, birchand alder appears in about 3,.500 BP (1,.500 Be) and this cuhninates in the firstappearance ofcereal pollen (Triticum) about 200 years later. Charcoal values show asharp rise around this time. Cereal planting was probably on the lighter soils ofmoraines above the lakes with cycles of clearance and abandonment happening at afaster rate. This late date of cereal farming, approximately 1,500 years after its firstrecorded appearanee27~is perhaps typical ofupland areas and this expansion is maybeLandscapeArchaeologyin Ire/and. R:eeves-Smyth Terence & Hamond Fred, London, 1984, p. 183~5250ropn OIl.cit. p. 244 for map26AalenF.RA, ManlJlldthe landscape in Ireland, London, 1978,p. 6527Edwards K.J., The Anthropogenic factor in vegatational history, Quatemary Ireland. eel. EdwardsKIlt WarrenW.P.,London, 1985,pp. 196-716

diagnostic ofhigh population pressures which caused marginal lands to be exploited ata time when mean temperatures on the island were higher. Locally, however, averagetemperatures are about1-2 degrees cooler than the adjacent lowlands with theBallyremon and Upper Calary areas prone to snow and drifting.The archaeological evidence from Behy indicates that a sophisticated system of landmanagement was in operation and was possibly practised on the Vartry plateau.Caulfield 28 , on the basis of findings in North Connaught, theorises that one livestockunit per hectare is notunreasonable and that family farms of25 ha. were feasible. Usingthis calculation for the plateau north of the exit of the Vartry river there areapproximately 60 square kilometres under 300m which could have supported around200 families. This compares with one family per 50 square kilometres during theMesolithic hunter/gatherer phase2 9Bronze AgeThe Bronze Age is represented in Ballyremon Commons and Glasnamullen wherefulachta fiadh around settlement sites are to be found 30 , these are dated to the middleofthe last millenniumt". A bowl barrow at the former has been dated to 2,100-1,500BC 32 . Bronze age artefacts so far discovered and reported include a flat bronze axefrom BrockaghlCamaderry and a leaf shaped sword from Knockatemplel-'. Otherarchaeological remains are standing stones from Ballinastoe, Laragh East, Cullentragh,and Parkmore. Rock art has been discovered in Baltinanima, Seven Churches 34 andDrummin 35 , and are thought to mark route-ways and boundaries but may also be28Canlfield Seamus,Neolithic SettlementinNorth Connaught,Irish Landscape Archaeology,Reeves-Smyth, Terence &.Hamond Fred, London, 1984,.pp. 203-429ibid p. 20430Stou~ op. cit. p.2231Stout Geraldine and Stout Matthew,Early landscapesfrom Plantation to Prehistory, AtlasoftheIrish Rural Landscape. Ed. AalenF.H.A., Whelan Kevin, Stout Matthew,Cork, 1997, p. 3732Grogan Eoin &.Hillary Tom, Guide to the ArchaeologyofCounty Wicklow, Wicklow, 1993, p. 833Stout (1994), op. cit. p. 3434ibid. p. 3635Grogan, (1997) op. cit 2817

associated with Passage Grave art 36 . Map 2 shows the distribution of Pre-Christiansites as recorded by the Archaeological Inventory ofCounty Wicklow 37 and Stout 38 .Agriculture in this period was probably swidden based with tillage being based adjacentto the settlement and pastoral activities being conducted further away in outfields andmountains 39 . This type ofagriculture is based on the intensive use ofland with regularmanuring and seasonal fallow adjacent to the settlement with longer fallow periods thefurther away the inhabitants lived. The investment oflabour-time determined land useand productivityt", Evidence of cereal farming continues though without the sharpdecline of woodland (especially oak and ash) noted elsewhere. The relationshipbetween tree, bush and ferns remains cyclic indicating woodland clearance followed byabandonment and the growth of secondary woodland. In general hazel and birch arestable while alder and oak slowly decline.Iron AgeThe transition ofthe late Bronze Age to Early Iron age (C. 1,200-600BC) has provedto be difficult to interpret in the Archaeological record 41 and the record is poor inIreland. 42 This may be related to the decline in weather associated with the very shortwidth of tree rings in the dendrochronological record 43 . It is possible that naturalclimatic trends coupled with over-cultivation and increasing podzolisation contributedto pressure on agricultural land 44 . There was a large amount of bog oak in the360~I

Map2 Pre-Historic archaeology~. ._ '_. - ..-",above 300·r..W~l\F~:\FE:.ZW 200 - 300below 200Altitudes are given in metres2kmtLegend•I.A• •o•MegalithCairnFulachta FiadhRock ArtStanding StoneFindsSettlement Centres

Incbivore valley, which survived until.the 19th century before being mostly dug out forfuel in the pre-famine perioo4 S , which may date from peat formation. The evidencesuggests a turbulent period with the first appearance of hilltop fortifications in WestWicklow, Coolegad and Downsbill 46 being typical in Ireland. No archaeological findsor sites have been found on the Vartry plateau or associated valleys, so the implicationsofsocial change areunknown.The Iron age lull (generally250BC to 250AD) that appears in pollen diagrams is not ingreat evidence in Glendalougb but around 385 BC 47 there was a significant, thoughshort-term, phase ofclearance particularlyofoak, yew, ash and alder which may retlectmore intensive use ofiron technology in clearanceand ploughing. Grasses also increasesharply at this time. However this period was of short duration. Interestingly willowstarts to become significant which may indicate a transition to damper soils whichwould have become increasingly podzolised. Another possible reason is that the lakeedge bad now reached the sample site. An increase in heather may also indicate anincrease ofpeaty podzols on higheraltitudes with poorer soil cover4 8 .SummaryThe above analysis, (Map 2), show that the Glendalough and the Vartry were settledand farmed and were not the inaccessible places that have been presumed on the basisofthe lives ofSt. Kevin which stated that he settled in a previouslyuninhabited disert.The pollen diagram is the first concrete evidence ofsettlement in the region which hasbeen in existence for at least 2,000 years before the foundation of ecclesiasticalsettlement. However there is an interpretative problem in combining the pollen diagramfrom Glendalough and the Archaeology from the Vartry plateau. It may be that theyreflect two different settlement histories and on the basis of present knowledge one4~ lB., Walking in Wicklow, Galway, 1964, p. 784746Stout,. op cit. p. 19& 38BetaAnalytic Radiocarbon Dating Labora1Ory~ No. Beta-122061, 1998,see AppendixI48Stout 0, 0)). cit. p, 419

must be careful in interpreting them as one settlement pattern. From the late Neolithicthe northern part of the Vartry plateau has been an important settlement centre andmay have controlled the plateau. Glendalough's position may have been significant incontrolling the pass over the Wicklow Gap. There is evidence ofprehistoric trackwaysconnecting the west ofthe mountains to the eastern coasr'? which became the basis oflater ecclesiastical communication networks.49pnce Liam., Ptocenomes; TheHistorical Background, p. v20

CHAPTER 2LATE IRON AGE AND EARLY MEDIEVALTransition and SettlementThe late Iron age was a period o~ intense political change which led to a militarised andhierarchical society50. This had major implications for settlement patterns which,according to Early Irish Law tracts, were based on the Tuath. These were petty'kingdoms' and were subdivided into levels of power, status and land holdingcontrolled by the Rj51. This developed into a dispersed type of settlement which isepitomised by the Rath whose size and morphology ret1ected the position of theresident in his local tuath. The vast majority ofraths, so far dated by excavation, werebuilt between 40o-! OOOAD52. None ofthese dates comefrom CountyWicklow so it isunclear whether rath builders in mountain areas followed the same pattern of landexploitationand settlement.In the transitionalperiod before the arrivalofChristianity, 200BC-400AD, there was aslight increase of treepollen and a declining amount of charcoal which indicates thatsettlement was probably slackening. Price argues that there were placenames from thisperiod, for instance, Lough Dan may come from the name of a river goddess D.vonaS 3 . It is alsopossible that GleandDe is Pre-Christian 54 andit maybe that the river. was named after a pre-Cbristian Goddess. Also worth noting is the port Inber Dewhich is believed to be the old name for Arldow. 55 Another example may be Vartry(Fertir) which may correspondto the Old Welshgwerthyr, a fortress56 which be thinks500'CroininI>a.ibhL Early Medieval Ireland; London, 1995:0 pp.41-751Stout M TheIrish Ringfort:o Dublin 1997, pp.l1o-152ibid p. 2953Price,op. cit p. 30~ William Hemy~ M~dievalGlendalough, Ph.D. T.e.D., 1996, p.165 ,.S~tchingham, Evidence of 8c:aJadinavian Settlement in Widdow, Wicldow, p. 114 bas the mostrecentdiscussion.56pnce, op. eit., pp. 50 115221

may be Downemore in Glassnamullen but may also be at Ballyremon Commons. Pricetentatively suggests that Djouce and Gravale mountains may have originally beenDigais and Drobel; the former had two daughters Malu and Cappa and one mountainnear Djouce is calledMaulinand nearbyis Glencapp57.In the Glendalough Valley, the rock cave on the southern cliff face is believed topredate the Christian period and this is based on the Vitae of St. Coemgen5S who isreputed to have used but not built it.It has been variously argued that it is aprehistoric rock-cut tomb 59 or an exploratory mine aditoo. Price's supposition 61 of atravelling Bronze Age merchant being buried there may be somewhat fanciful but aritual purpose may be more correct as the geologywould argue against mineral ores atthat location.Price 62 argues that there were prehistoric routes leading over the Wicldow Gap(Wicklow - Ratbnew - CarrickMountain- Parkmore - WicklowGap - Athgreany) andSallyGap (Newcastle-Stoney Pass - SallyGap - Kilbride) and it is possiblethat a traderoute also came from Arldow, via the Wicklow Gap, to Aillean, one of the mostimportant ritual royal centres in Leinster6 3 as well as via Aughrim and Ratbvilly. Thepossible discovery of a Roman coin of Gratian (367-387AD)64 at Denybawn alsosuggests the use ofthe WicklowGap as a trade route. The importance ofInber De as aport is likely given the traditions that both PalIadius 6S and Patrick66 used it and it is57ibid. p, 535~ummer C. BethadaNaemn-Erenn, 2ndvol. Oxf~ 1922, p.13159pnce, op. cit., p. 41~ L., Glendolough andSt. Kevin, Dundalk, 1984. p. 16-761Price, Forward, O'NuanainP., Glendalough. Wicldow, 1984, p. 1462Price op. cit. Historical~p. x & Sm.yth, op. cit. p. 4663Rafferty,op.' cit p.71-464()?Riordain S. P. Roman MateriaJ in Ireland, R.I.A., Vol. LI., SectC., 1947, p. 746S:Bowen E.G., Saints, $eQ'WO)'S and the Senlements in the CelticLands, Cardiff: 1969. p. 122, thoughthis a ttaditiononly66.Etehingbam, op.cit. p.11422

possible that routes such as these were the routes by which conversion to Christianitytook place.Early Christianity - A HypothesisAny discussion of Christianity ofthe area has to take into account the possibility thatearly Christian leaders were subsumed into the St. Coemgen legends, like St. PatricIc67,and their lives relegated to the shadow lands ofmythic history68. Christianity arrived inIreland by 400 and since St. Coemgen did not 'found' Glendalough till the latter part ofthe 6th century it is possible that the area was already christianised by that date.There is a concentration of Early Christian sites around the Arklow area on theWicklow-Wexford border which may have been founded by hermits, or refugees, fromBritain 69 . This fits in with the cultural pathways pointed out by Bowen70 who mappeddedications of 'The children of Brychan' of South Wales, and include saints such asCairpe and Mochonoc, who have Wicklow connections. This concentration is stronglyassociated with Glendalough in the later period up to the beginning ofthe 12th centuryaccording to the maps of Mac Shamhrain71.Early Christian settlement is associated with circular enclosures, usually greater than30m in diameter 72 . These started of simply but developed along different linesdepending on their histories and locations and notall developed into monasticsettlements73. Within the study area there are eight such enclosures at Glendalough,Derrylossary, Knockatemple, Ashtown, Glasnamullen, Roundwood, Tomdarragh and670'Cro~ op. cit. p.2268de Paor, Peoples ofIre/and, London, 1986, p, 5569pnce, op. cit. Historical Background p. xvii70a0wen op cit. 118-14271Mac Shamhrain Ailbe,Church andPolity in Pre-Norman Ire/and: The case ofGJenda/ough.Maynooth, 1996, pp. 194, 197 &.20272Swan L.~ Enclosedecclesiastical sites and their relevanceto settlementpatternsof the firstMillennium AD~ IrishLandscape Archaeology, Reeves-Smyth & Hamond, Oxford, 1983, pp. 275-673ibid. p. 27723

Knockadreet (Cnoc a' droichead); the last seven have not previously been classified asEarly Christian church sites 74 . The following table shows the diameter, possibleChristian links and aspects of ritual site continuity. These relationships are shown onMap 3.GlendaloughDerrylossaryKnockatempJeAshtownGlassnamullenRoundwoodTomdarraghKnockadreetRock Holy Bi- BullaunArt Well vallateyYYyyyyyyyyyyy?ChurchDiametery 300-10Omy 100mY noy 40-5OmY I00-20Om80-9Om98-102m75mA caveat needs to entered here on two ofthe church sites. The first, Glasnamullen, iswithin a rectangular enclosure but is around three quarters ofa kilometre to the south.Likewise Knockatemple is within a rectangular enclosure of 40m by 60m andKnockadreet is about a mile to the south east75. Whatthe relationship between theenclosures and church sites are unknown.Of these Glendalough is the best known and documented because of its associationwith St. Coemgen but the others may have been of equal importance in the earlyChristian period, though without archaeological excavation we simply don't knowwhether Glendalough was the 'mother' house or not.74Stout M (1987), p. 101, afterSwan, 01'. cit. & Ordnance Survey (1979) & de Paor, op. cit. p, 6175Grogan (1997), nos. 829 & 86824

Map3 Early Christian Archaeology~~i1'~below 200.-~~ above 300..~. ~.{;;J'; :: 200 - 300Altitudes are given in metres2kmt• ••LegendEnclosuresRock ArtHoly Wells

What is worth noting is the continuing concentration in the GJassnamullen andBallyremon area. In discussing the origins of the former Price 76 notes a connectionwith 81. Moling, ofSt. Mullins, Co. Carlow, in the samt's Vita, where be is reputed tohave succeeded St. Coemgen. Mac Shamhrain associates this episode with 10thcentury political events77. There is an alternative scenario which would have a MoLuan as an early Christian saint whose cult was assimilated by his more famousnamesake. It is worth noting that the three almost adjacent townlands ofMullinaveigue, GlassnamuUen and Muillinreamon (now Ballyremon) have thepossibilityofMo Luanas a root, though Price translates the first78 and third as Mill79(Muileann).This may be possible as'Ballinastoe, between Mullinaveigue andGlasnamullen had a mill in the 19th century but it is difficult to judge whether therewould have been sufficient water pressure to run a mill at Ballyremon. Also worthnoting is the presence of St. Lain's well in Moneystown 80 • Given the strongassociation ofHoly Wells as pre Christianfertility centres, which were assimilated intofolk ChristianitySl by use as places ofbaptism and dedicated to midwifery and womenin labourS 2 , the eleven weDs is suggestive of a continuity of religious belief into theChristian period.The valley and surrounding area has the highest concentration of buJlaun stones anywhere in Ireland 83 . The function ofthese stones have never been exactly identified butwer~ probably used for grinding84, :their association with.Christian centres ofsettlement may indicate that they bad a ritual purpose as well perhapsfor grindingcomfor offerings.16pnce, op. cit. p. 5217Mac Sbamhrain, OIl. cit p.13S78Price, op. cit. p. 53, Quoting0'Cuny, O.S.L. Wicklow, folio. 20379ibid. p. 304-5, Remon, or Raymond, is an intrusive 12113tha:utmy Frank name~ M, St Loin's Well, R.D.H.F.J., No.1, 1983, p. 581dePaot\> op. cit. p. 57 ~82Rodgers M. &. Losack M Glendalough A CelticPilgrimage. BJackrock, 1996, p. 118831..ong op. cit. p. 173S4 ibid25

The above hypothesisofChristianity arriving in the area before St. Coemgen can neverbe proved due to the lack of sources though it is possible that archaeologicalexcavation may expand our knowledge in the future. This period belongs to the, littleknown, early Christian conversion of areas outside the Roman Empire whenevangelisation was uncommon and the role of Rome was solely the provision ofBishops to communities who requested them 85 . We therefore know little of whatpeople were converted from or converted to as in Christianity, Arian and Pelagasiancreeds were the competingwith Rome 86 . It was at this time Palladius, first knownBishop ofIreland, was ministering in LeinsterS' and whose influence may have beenthe background to Glendalough'smost famoussaint, St. Coemgen.St Coemgen aDd the HagiographiesAccording to the Irish Annals St. Coemgen died either in 618 or 622, aged 120 years,which Mac Shambrain suggests is due to uncertainty in computauon 88 . If it ispresumed that he livedan average age ofaround 60 yearsthan he would have foundedGlendaloughin the 580s. This would have been after the ecological collapse associatedwith the 542 event 89 which is believed to be the precursor ofthe Justinian Plague aboutwhich the Irish Annalspithily say that two-thirds ofthe world died 90 . Whether this hadthe effect ofinfluencing people towards monasticlife is unclear.The main source for the life of St. Coemgen comes from various surviving Vitae inIrish and Latin. These hagiographies can not be taken as biographies as they reflect theconcerns ofthe compilerswho were writing from around 800 91 . These concerns mirrorthe agendas of the compiler when he was writing as well as later copyists. These85pjetcher Ric~ TheConversion ofEurope, London, 1997, pp. 25 &. O'Cromin, op. cit. p. 4086ibid~ pp. 6-9870~C~ 0,. cit pp. 20-238~S~ op.cit, pp. 2-389saime M. A Slice tIrrofIgh Time. Londo~ 1995, pp. 93..59OCantwe1l I, Climate Changeand the Gaelic Annals, (1998)p. 2691MacS~ op. cit. basa valuable discussion onthedating of the various vitae,))p. 4..1026

include the creation ofa saintly aristocracy92, the advertising ofGlendalough as a placeofpilgrimage and learning, the establishment ofrights over daughter houses and lands,and changing dynastic interests, the latter two which can change over time. As a resultthe end result is a stratified layer of legends and motifs 93 . These motifs come in theform ofheroic sainthood based on conception, birth, boyhood deeds, adult adventuresand death with their associated miracles. 94The only accepted fact on St. Coemgen is that he probably was a member ofthe DaIMessin Corb and that he may have come from Tipperkevin, Co. Kildare 95 . His Vitaestates that he came to Glendalough initially as a hermit which is believed to be themodem Glendalough valley. It is worth considering the possibility that, presuming it isaccurate, that he first settled in the Clohoge valley as this also topographically is avalley oftwo lakes. There are five small circular hut sites on the western flanks aboveLough Tay96 which may be the remnants ofa hermitage. O'Hanlon, in 1855, collecteda tradition that St. Coemgen had lived in the valley and some ruins on the eastern sideofthe river, near the confluence with Lough Tay, were pointed out 97 .After the death ofSt. Coemgen his cult spread widely in Leinster and into Munster andUlster and Dal Riada, via Bangor. This can be seen in it's political context: manymonastic leaders were members of ruling dynasties and therefore shared the sameagendas and channels of expansion 98 . It is possible to overemphasise political links atthe expense of spiritual links as in the 6th and 7th centuries it can be seen that acommunity ofinterests were at work in the spread ofChristianity. In a sense the spread920 Corrain D., Legend as Critic" The Writer as Witness, eelT. Dunne, Historical Studies, XVI,1987"p.2793Doherty Charles" The Irish Hagiographer, in ibid. p. 1394ibid pp. 12-139~ Sbamhrain, op. cit. pp. 111-296Groganet at (1997), DOS.746-S0970 'Hanlon John, Lives ofthe Irish Saints. Vol. VI, Dublin, ad, pp. 36-798Mac Sbamhrain, op. cit. p. 17127

of cults mirrors the ideology and practice of the Peregrinatio. Map 4 99 shows theoverall spread ofCoemgen's cult outside Leinster into the further reaches of'Dal Riadakingdom 1OO . This was a two-way process with cult diffusion (i.e. Mo Chonnoc andPetroc ofCornwall) being transmitted in both directions and the overall picture showsthat Glendalough had wide ranging contacts with Munster, East Ulster and Britain 101.It is not the purpose of this paper to cover Glendalough's political or archaeologicalplace in Ireland as these have been well covered by Mac Sbamhrain and Long in theworks previously cited. The purpose will be to try and highlight some ofthe settlementconsequences for the valley and plateau.Glendalough: Settlement and EconomyFrom the first century the lithology of the Lower lake in Glendalough changes fromgleys to predominantly peat deposits which are likely to be the secondary depositionfrom upland bogs. Sedimentation is happening at a faster rate probably due to the lossof tree cover. In the middle of the 5th century the pollen diagram shows anothershort-term clearance phase ofmostly oak and birch which coincides with an increase ofgrass pollen and charcoal deposits. This does not appear to be sustained as there islater regeneration ofboth tree species. In the middle ofthe 7th century there is anotherclearance phase of oak and hazel with no great change in grass pollen but an increaseof ferns which may indicate clearance for wood but not for agriculture as both grassand cereal values remain low. It is difficult to interpret this as the sources forGlendalough are few with three references (excluding the death of St. Coemgen) forthe centuryl02. It may be that after the founding ofthe monastery there was a declinebut one cannot over interpret the pollen data as the economic linkages with the rest ofLeinster may mean that agricultural produce was imported.99 ibidlooibid. p. 67..9IOlibid. p. 122..5l02 ibid . p. 11228

v1ap 4 Diffusion ofSelected Saints:tIlt Diffusion (after Mac Shamhrain),..egendAffinus (Frank)B Broconoc .CoemgenCuthbertPetrocPoint oforiginOverall diffusion (Coemgen)Paruchia 12th C.Brittany & Tours

The foundation of ecclesiastical settlements at this period is also associated with anincrease of agricultural productivity due to improvements in dairying practises 103 andtechnology. The proposal by Duignan that ploughing technology and iron shares cameinto Ireland with Early Christianity is now under revision as Kelly and Brady argue thatthe coulter is a later innovation from the tenth century and that mouldboard andwheeled plough were unknown before the 12th century. Ryan 104 believes that newsettlement types and social organisation, including Christian institutions, may have beensignificant in the development ofMedieval Irish farming. Stout points out an economicdichotomy in the Vitaes of the Saints which associates the miracles of youth withpastoral activities and the miracles of adulthood with tillage 105 and this reflects theecclesiastical dietary bias to vegetarianism.Another area oftechnological advance was in the area ofmilling with the introductionof the horizontal water mill from the 7th centuryl06. Three granite millstones havesurvived from Glendalough which indicates the importance of the settlement as amilling centre. As monasteries were not supposed to personally profit from work thepotential ofadded value would have been significant as a source ofwealth creation107.According to the Annals of Tigemach the mill of Glendalough, along with the bridge,was swept away in a great flood108. Storm floods remained a problem in the valley upto the early 19th centuryl09 until the Irish Mining Company, reputedly, conducteddrainage works 1 10.103Stout M. (1997), op. cit. p. 132, quoting McConnick F., Cows, Ringforts and the origins ofEarlyChristian Ireland, Emania, xiii, p.35104R)'3Il M., Settlement in late prehistory, IQUA Frank Mitchell Symposium: Extended abstracts,1998, pp. 13-14, who swnmarises Duignan M, Irish Agriculture in Early Medieval Times, l.R.SA.I.,Vol. 74, 1944; Brady N., Reconstructing an Irish plough, I Jornadus Internacionales sabreTechnologia Agraria Tradicional, Madrid, 1992; Kelly F., Early Irish Farming, Dublin. 1997105Stout M., (1997), op. cit. pp. 129-30I06Long, op. cit. p. 171-2107 ibid ..108ibid p, 172~~9Topographica/ Dictionary ofIreland, ed. Lewis S., London, 1837, p. 660Oorerry Doherty, pers. comm.29

From around the ninth century Giendalough starts to become better documented whichbas to be seen within the political context ofa transfer ofpower from the Ui Mail tothe Vi Dunlainge 111 . The Annals of Ulster, 790, record the tour of relics of St.Coemgen and Mo-Chua moccu Lugedon l 12 .Then there is the well known quotationby Oengus ofTallaghtll3:Emain's burgh it hath vanishedSave that it's stones remainThe ruam ofthe west ofthe world's multitudinousGlendaloughIt must be noted that Tallaght was within the secular and ecclesiastical polity ofGlendalough (A Daniel was an abbot ofboth Glendalough and Tallaght in 868 114 ) so acertain amount ofbias may be expected. Since there is also evidence that royal sites ofthe Iron Age, such as Emain,bad lost their importance before the large scaleestablishment of Christianityl15 the triumphal tone should not be taken as accuratehistory. Glendalough appears to have benefited from the eel; De reform movement and ­a poem of the 9th century gives some idea of the conditions ascetic pilgrimsendured116:The windover the Hog's Back moansIttakes trees and laysthemlowAnd shivering monks overfrozen stonesTo the hours ofnight timegoThere are a large number of platfonn sites in the vicinity of Reefert and Temple naSkellig and recently it has been discovered that more are to be found in Derrybawn andlllMac Sbamhrain, 01'. cit pp. 70-6112Long, op.cit. p. In113ibid. p, l~ from Stob'sectitioa, p. 24, lines 193..0. Datec. 830, Mac Sbamhrain, op. cit. p. 191140 ,Dwycr P., Cell De, Dublin, 1981, p. 3311'O'Croinin, op cit p.451160 'Dwyet, op. cit. pp. 98...930

Brockagh, though their is no complete survey. Healy in one excavation 111 came to theprovisional conclusion that they were charcoal burning platforms but Long basclassifiedthem into two types, Charcoal burning platforms and hut sites ofeither stoneor wattle l 18 .Between 800 and 1,000 there is further evidence ofwoodland clearance ofoak, birchand alder with a rise of grasses and ferns. This period has to be seen as a majorexpansion phase within the valley that can be seen in the wider context of thedevelopment ofDublin as a major trading city. As recent archaeological evidence hasshown the city imported agricultural produce, especially cattle, from the hinterland119and Glendalough with its control of a significant number of paruchia would haveeconomicallybenefited. Also under its control would be the provisionofraw materials,such as horn, leather, timber, fur. A hoard ofAnglo Saxon coins 120 , deposited c. 980,reflects the fact that the Civitas was integrated into the Vikingmaritimecash economy.The foundation ofthe Parish ofSt. Kevin in Dublin city, sometime after the conversionofthe Norse kings to Christianity after 940 121, also indicateslinks with the possibilityofa Parish market. From an architectural viewpoint Scandinavian artistic influence canbe seen on the 12th century market cross 122 which is appropriate to conunerciallinks.These linkages can be seen as a counter to the perception that Vikings only raided thecivitas ofGlendalough. This is not to deny that they did but ofall recorded instances ofraiding: five were carried out by them as against sixby Irish.123117Long op, cit. p, 25 quoting Healy P. Supplementary Survey ..., unpublished, 1912, pp. 140-1118ibid. p, 26-7119McConnick F., Dairying and beefproduction in Early Christian Ireland: the faunal evidence, IrishLandscape Archaeology, Reeves-Smyth and Hamond, Oxford, 1983, p. 26112000ney R W.M., A hoard oftenth-century Anglo Saxon coins from Glendalough, J.R.S.A.l, Vol.90i1960, pp. 41-7 ..12 Fletcher, OIl. cit. pp. 380-11221..ong, op. cit. p. 175123ibid. p.11431

Glendalough: Politieal contextDuring the 9th and 10th centuries the Ui Dunlainge came under pressure from theOsraige and Dublin Norse kingdoms and though there were periods of intensifieddynastic control ofGlendalough124. though in the long term this had little impact on itspower or property holdings. From then the Ui Muiredaig becamethe leading Leinsterdynasts until 1042 when they came under the control of the Ui Chennsalaig underDiarmait mac Mail na mBo. Thisperiodis seen as politically confusingas the Ua Briainand Ua Conchobair were competing fur the High-Kingship ofIreland. From 1132, aftera period of dynastic dissension, Diarmait Mac Murchada gained control of the UiCbennsalaigand he became the significant Leinster leaderuntil his death in 1172. 125This competing polity had major implications for Glendalough as the regional ruler ofLeinster usually dominated the appointment of Abbots and Bishops thus giving themcontrol ofthe lands and revenues. The evidence would suggest that Glendalough wasalso had a high status as a place of burial for regional rulers and as a place ofpilgrimage; Derbforgaill, mother ofMuirchertach Ui Briain, died on pilgrimage there in1098. Royal patronage also provided for architectural improvements and educationaladvancement126.It however should not be argued that such ecclesiastical settlements were proprietaryon the Anglo Saxon mode1 127 . It is evident that while the upper echelons ofmonasticelites were under the control ofthe regional dynast but the interests oflower levels inthe ecclesiasticalhierarchycreated an inertia ofinterests that had to be assimilated intothe overall agenda ofthe foundation. There is also evidence ofpolitical independenceas when, Mac Shamhrain argues, an oemod (unity) was negotiated between12~ Shamhrain, 0,. cit pp. 76-9 .125ibid. pp. 81-104. This is a bigh1y simplifiedsummary of a very dynamic political history.126wid pp. 223-6127BarIow F., The Fe1Idal KingdomofEngland, London, 3rd. ed., 1971, pp. 29-3032

GlendaIough and Clonmacnois as a reaction to unwelcome political interference fromthe Osraige 128 .Glendaloogh: City or CivitasRecent discussion has attempted to place such settlements into a urban hierarchy butlittle consensus has been achieved. The general opinion is that such settlements are noturban because they do not fit into modem functionalist typologies and definitions suchas proto-urban complexes, important monasteries, larger monasteries,pre-urbancentres, incipient towns, proto towns 129 monastic towns,130 and town atmonastery131. Long, in a passionate discussion on the issue, has stated that suchdefinitions are inappropriate as they read history backwards and calls the debate a'pseudo-historical proto-urban farce,l32. He suggests that the definitions and criteriaused should be contemporary with the period in question and as Civitas is mostcommonly used in this period, in a spiritual and secular context, than city is the mostappropriate term l33. Using Expugnatio Hibernica and The Song ofDermot and theEarl he further shows that the definitions used are Civitas or Urbs and suggests thatthis acceptance, by the authors, ofcities in aEuropean context reflects realityl34.While this author has sympathy for this point of view, especially on the point thatmodern secular academia generally ignores' the impact of spirituality on humanbehaviour, there is doubt whether the term 'city' is an adequate translation ofthe termCivitas. The translation ofLatin terminology and definitions into modern English tendsto lose their Medieval contexts and silentlytake on 20th century values and ideologies.It may be argued that past commentators are not necessarily the best guides to128Mac Shamhrain, op. cit. p. 230129Inhabited by proto-urbanites130u,ng,op. cit., p. 161131 ibid p. 186, quoting Graham B. J., Settlementas an indicatorof Economicand SocialTransformation, Historical Geography ofIrekmd; ed. Graham B.J. It Proudfoot L.J. 1993, pp.19-57132 ibid133ibid 186-7134ibid. pp. 181-333

understanding medieval ideologies, "however the fact that urbs and Civitas are widelyused in Irish and European literature should not be ignored.GlendaJough: Arehaeology, au iDdication ofwealtbIncreasing wealth from economic activities, pilgrimages and educational training led tothe development of the Civitas as can be seen from the intense building activity fromthe 10th century. From 950 there are increasingreferences to stone buildings in Irelandwhich may be seen in the context ofdefence against enemies l35 ; this also includes thebuilding ofthe clochthech (bell-house). Rebuilding ofthe Cathedral and other churchesin the valley in Romanesque style from the 10708 indicate the links Glendalough badwith European Church developments l 36 . A civitas such as Glendalougb. was probably amix of high status stone churches with wooden buildings being used for residential,education and craft industries. Long believes, in the context of lack of references totypes of building in Glendalough, that it probably tits into the patterns of buildingdevelopments in the rest ofthe island. I37 In an costing analysis, based on the law tractUraiceacht Becc and T.e.D. Ms. H.3.17, Long has shownthat it is possibleto say howmuch each building cost to build in bo (cows)138. Trinity Church, with a shingle roof,would have cost 59 00, the Cathedral (singlechamber)55 00, and the Round Tower 1400139. A bo in the medieval period usuallyindicateda milch cow with a calf and takingthe modem value ofa milch cow (lR£l,OOO) then the modem costs ofthe Cathedral,Round Tower, and Temple na Skelligwould be IR.£55,OOO, IR£74,OOO and IR£30,OOOrespectively, though obviously caveats have to be entered in relation to currencyfluctuations, costs of materials, transport etc. l 40 . Given the annual rent of a boaire(strong farmer) was one bo per annum thenthe monastery would need the rent of 30135ibid. pp. 121.2136- 1 bid. p. 34137ibjd. p_ 125138ibid. pp. 141-6139ibid. pp. 211...5140ibid. p. 15134

strong farmers for a building such as Temple na Skellig. 141 According to the law textsthe fann size of a boaire was 27.8 ha. 142 which gives a total of 834 ha. needed toprovide the price of this church. The price of the Cathedral (single chamber) andRound Tower would take an annual rental income of 1,529 and 2,057 acresrespectively. There were other sources ofincome other than farm rentals which wouldhave included tributes from daughter houses, commercialsupply of agriculturalproduce and raw materials to the Norse ports ofDublin, Wicldow and Arldow, feesfrom com milling, donations from pilgrims and students, etc. It is impossible to saywhat the income of Glendalough was at anyone time but it must have beenconsiderable. Expenditure is also unknown but would have included wages and salariesto lay employees and contract craftsmen as wen as supporting the poor, weak andhandicapped and providing refuge to other victims offamine, war and plague.As a place ofleaming it was one ofthe most important in Leinster. Between 932 and1106 the obituaries of five Fer leiginn (head of monastic school) are recorded in theAnnals 143 . Recent research has indicated that the Drummond Missal and the'Glendalough Schoolbooks' containing fragments of Ars Grammatica, attributed toClemens Scottus, and De Abaca of Gerbert of Aurillac come from Glendalough.Keating, in the 17th century, speaks ofone ofthe 'chiefbooks' ofIreland, the Book ofGlendalough, which is thought to be the Manuscript known as Rawlinson B. 502 144 .This was a two way process, not onlywas there the import oflearning but the exportas well which is typified by the appointment ofGilla-na-naemh Laignech (obit. c.ll60),former Bishop of Glendalough, as head of the Schottenkloster (Irish monastery) ofWurzburg 145 .141ibid pp. 151-2~:2Stout M (1997) p. 11131.ong, op. cit p. 178 & D. 226144ibid. p. 177145ibid. & D. 22335

Glendalough: Abbey and BishoprieIn the above discussion it has been assumed that the civitas of Glendalough was oneorganisation. This is unlikely to be completely accurate as the valley held both anabbacy and bishopric. The evidence of charters and grants around 1200 indicates thatthey were in fact separate organisations with separate administrations and landholdings. What the sources don't indicate was the division of land within the valleythough it is reasonably good on holdings ofeach in Leinster (Map 5 146 ) . The MonasticCity contains both the cathedral and associated buildings but it is unclear whether theAbbot or Bishop controlled it or maybe it was jointly controlled. It appears that theBishopric controlled little else in the valley or in the neighbourhood unlike theMonastery- who directly held three monastic estates: Fertir, Magmersa and Umail. 147Magmersa has not yet been identified but is possibly in West Wicklow as the prefixMagh (plain) is only found west of the mountains. It may be south of Umail in UiMuiredaig territory148. Umail is the old name for the Glen of Imaal and it wasconnected to Glendalough by a 3m wide road made up ofirregularly sized slabs. It wasestimated that the 17.7 km road would take nine years to build based on 25 menworking a six day week for eight months in the year. Though wide enough for wheeledvehicles the current irregular surface is thought to preclude this149.Fertir: a Monastic EstateThe Rath (or ringfort) has been shown to be the main type of settlement for themajority of fanners in the early Christian period up to the 12th century. Themorphology, distribution and farm size has been recently analysed by Stout 150 .In hisdiscussion on distribution 151 , he states that the Barony ofBallincor North is an area of14~ Shamhrain, op. cit. pp. 194 & 197147A/en•s Register. eel. McNeill C., Dublin, 1950, pp. 2 & 21148Mac Shamhrain, pers. comm.149Long, op. cit. p. 1781508toot M (1997), op. cit.151ibid. pp. 48-9336

•• ••••••••••••--========"ll Okmi SmMap 5 Distribution ofParuchia in Modem Co. Wicklow by Civil Parish & Leinster(afterMacSh~am)j --~ ~Legend• •BishopricAbbacy

low density which he explains by the inhospitable environment 1S2 . While much ofthemountain area does fall into this category, Map 6 153 shows that on the plateau, whichis artificiallydivided by a Baronial border on the Vartry river, there is a high density ofraths. Within the 60 square kilometres of the northern part of the plateau there areapproximately 40 raths giving a density of 1 rath per 1.5 square kilometres whichcompares with others areas ofbigh density154.It can be seen from map 6 155 that there are three zones ofsettlement: the valley systemand the plateau north and south. The valley systems was probably used primarily assummer pastures and a source of timber and wild food. Even though rath builderspreferred slope locations on hiUsides 1S6 it is likely that these valley slopes were toosteep for successful settlement. Environmental conditionssuch as heavy soils and bogswould also have made such sites unsuitable for permanent settlement. The oneenclosure in the valley system has not been recorded before and is to be found on agrassy islet in the middle ofthe Inehivore river, where it is in its rapids phase, and isabout 7m in diameter. The southern plateau has few ratbs which is probably due to itsoriginal marshy environment but would have been used as pasturage and a source oflight timber for wicker building materials and containers. Its damp environmentprobably madetheareaa useful sourcefor moss which wasusedheavilY in Dublin.There is a significant difference between the distnbution east and west ofthe river onthe northern end ofthe plateau. The eastern part representinga secular distributionandthe west a monastic estate distribution which does not appear to have been previouslynoted anywhere else in Ireland. Before discussingit in detail it must be noted that map6 represents settlement by the end ofthe 12th century and without excavation it is not152ibid. S9 &.61-2153Grogan, 1997 for~ size and associationslS4StoutM, (1997), p. 76-9215.5nekey assumption is thatan over20mindiameter areraths aDd all under areenclosures156&out M, (1997) pp. 106-737

, Map 6 Distribution ofRaths and Enclosures - C. 1200ILegendoI e•10I.!6.60m diameterBivallateChurchBullaunsHut Sites

known how well this represents continuity from the 5th century. Two factors that needto be considered are the impacts of climatic warming from the beginning of the 11tilcentury and the growth ofDubJin with its agricultural needs as discussed above.The eastern side ofthe river represents a typical hierarchy ofsettlementwith a bivallaterath at the traditional centre ofsettlementat Ballyremon which probably controlled themany small raths (diameter 20-30 metres) occupied by Boaire (Cow lord) and Ocaire(Young Lord) holding c. 27 ha. and 14 ha. respectively. The former was a freeman andthe latter was a leaseholder but it is not necessarily possible to detennine which rathrepresents which class as it is not clear whether the townland boundaries as theypresently exist were the same at that time, even though townland boundaries oftenrepresent farm organisation from this period157. The distribution does fit Stout'smodel158 of inter-relationships between ringforts and the ecclesiastical settlement ofKnockatemple, even though his other distribution maps relate to valley and drumlinsystems. This distribution ofplateau raths is complementary to ongoing field research.Overall the distributionappears to mirrorthemodern dispersedfarm distributionon theplateau which is in keeping with findings in the rest ofthe island159.Knockatemple in relation to other ecclesiastical centres, is somewhat ambiguous as it isnot clear whether it was a part of the Fertir estate or whether it bad an independentstatus and, unfortunately, records of the post 13th century land distribution by theArchbishopric of Dublin do not clarify the position. It is also unclear whether theselands, excluding Knockatemple, were under the secular control of the Vi Teig l60 orwas part ofthe monasticlands leased to this sept161.157McErlean T., Irish townland system of landscape organisation, Irish Landscape Archaeology,S~-Reeves It Hamond, Oxford 1983, p. 33715 StootM. (1997) 01'. cit. p. 124lS9ibid. p. 107 ~160Smyth, op.cit p. 42 &, Simpson L., Anglo Norman Sett1emeDt in Ui BriuiD Cualann, 1169-1350,Wicldow, p. 192 .161Price op. cit p. 401.::38

The distribution ofraths on the western side ofthe Vartry river is, so tar, unique. Itsdistribution pattern reflects a directly controlled monastic estate as distinct frommonastic lands leased to secular tenants. At it's core there are five large circularenclosures ofDerrylossary (Ballincorbeg), Ashtown, Roundwood, Glassnamullen andTomdarragh which may be the oldest parts of the estate. However the lack ofarchaeological excavation and literature sources means that we have no idea how theestate developed or how and when Glendalougb came into control ofit. All that can beassessed is the cumulative distribution.These large raths appear to have been farms in their own right but the Law tracts donot appear to cover fann size within an ecclesiastical framework, tmlike in the secularcontext162.It is impossible to say what the farm size may have been thoughtopographical boundaries, such as rivers and ridges, probably predominated.There are two sets of rath concentrations in Sbragbmore (a sub-denomination ofMullinaveiguethat became a townland during the Ordnance Survey mapping of 1830s)and Glassnamullen. The former has four enclosures of around 15m diameter and thelatter one. These appear to be bailes and probably housed farm employees. Theappearance ofsettlement clusters are unusual in a landscape predominated by dispersedsettlements,Denylossary, a bivallate rath of about 150m in diameter, was probably the mostimportant and in the post reform period became the parish centre. It is unusual for anecclesiastical centre to be bivallate, thereasonsfor this are unknown. It mayhave had avillage (baile) and mill attached, though the sources for these come from the 16thcentury. The division into the townlands ofBallincorbeg and Raheen may have been inthe 13th century or later. According to the 1841 census Raheen townIand was in the162Stout M, (1987), p. III39

Parish of Glendalough in the 1821. Census I63 and is the only townland east of theAvonmore river that was in the Glendalough parish. As there is no discernible reasonfor this in modem history this may be an artefact of a late medieval boundary betweenAbbey lands (Glendalough parish) and the Manorial lands ofCastlekevin (Derrylossaryparish). The only reason that Glendalough may have retained Raheen is that it was animportant economic centre. However, the archaeological surveys and reviews has noreference for Raheen.Ashtown l64 has a ruined church and granite font 165, it's doorway is possiblypre-Norman, according to Price l66 . It may have been in charge of the baile inShragbmore. The centres of Roundwood and Tomdarragh may have been purely farmcentres without ecclesiastical functions. The rath ofRoundwood was surveyed in 1998by members ofthe Roundwood Historical Society167 (see figure). This, in a very basicdescription, is called an enclosure by the Archaeological Inventory168. The surveyor,however, missed a number offeatures, the most important being the foundations of aclochan by the causeway in the south east169. The surveyor further states that the wallsare modem but apart from the facing there are two dry-stone contemporary walls at thecauseway and on the western side. There are also indications ofold foundations to thenorth which were not surveyed. One of the two glacial erratics, which may have abullaun, was used as a Mass Rock and there is a Holy Well nearby. Tomdarragh andKnockadreet have never been properly surveyed but there is a local tradition of asouterrain in the former.163Censusenwneration districtswerebasedon parishesand baroniesin 1821 and 1831164An alternative nameis BalIinafunshoge .~65Grogan op. cit. no. 78766pncc t OIl. cit. p. 27167Cantwell I DiamondHill R.D.H.F.J.. No. 10, 1988, pp.168 ·t tGr~ (1997), OIl. cit. 110.666 ..169Stout M. (1997), p. 18, notes that this is the most common posmon for an entrance40

RATH: DIAMOND HILL, ROUNDWOOD TILLEGENI2GradientStone FacingOld WallModern WallModern BankFenceStone RowErraticNWIII '~I---_---'1--...-.-----f~--'1-----i..-----....-.---.~----..-.-. I .--4~'--J -A....~.~~~ "~«IJ- )- I;'fll jIll.r Y T 'f ~.. BBSCALE. - ., • !'CHAEL LARKI!';. JOE AfCNAll.rSUR1cTED. 8 AUGl/SJ 1998.s r W ..; C-t\TlIW-. TOm KENJ..'£Dl .A,CAR TOGRAPHY: IAN CAXnlELL

What is unclear is the amount of unenclosed settlement. This is defined as smallbuildings ofperishable materials which sometimes lie close to importantraths and oftenhave souterains. It is likely that seasonal housing also existed in higher altitudes forherdsmen. The amount and development ofunenclosed settlements is still a matter ofdebate and no consensus has been reached though their appears to be a growing beliefthat there was a transition to square housing sometime before the IIth century170.This brief sketch ofthe distribution needs to be developed through a proper survey ofthe plateau. It would be equally useful to conduct a similar survey in Imaal so thatcomparisons can be made. Ifa typology ofa monastic estate can be developed than it ispossible that the elusive Magmersa could be identified. It could also be compared withother major ecclesiastical centres as a test ofthe hypothesis that this is a representativedistribution ofdirectly controlled ecclesiastical estates.SummaryIn summary the plateau and valley system ofwhat is now the Derrylossary Parish washome to a highly developed ecclesiastical civitas comprising ofan Abbey and Bishopricwith extensive estates and paruchia. Even though its origins are obscure by the 12thcentury it had an extensive commercial network of agriculture and craftsmanship andculturally; it was an important place oflearning. Glendalough was an object ofdynasticstruggle and it passed through the hands ofall ofthe main Leinster rulers in the EarlyMedieval period. T~ must have been destabilising at certain periods but through itsown recourses it survived and prospered.The distribution ofthe settlement on the Vartry plateau shows that the arrangementsand relationships favoured by secular and church were different. While the easternplateau is typical ofdispersed settlement the western side is more highly centralised in1700 raham op.cit. pp.49-5041

larger units. This latter distribution appears not to be found, yet, elsewhere and is,hopefully, a contribution to the developing settlement history of Early MedievalIreland.Mumford, in 'The City in History', stated that "Contrary to the convictions of censusstatisticians, it is art, culture and political purpose, not numbers, that define a city" 171;which is an appropriate way ofending this period when the winds ofchange belongingto the HighMedievalwere beginning to becomea majorinfluence.111quoted in Long. op.cit. p, 17642

The charters ofconfirmation to the Abbey and Bishopric ofGlendalough, between thisperiod, are seen as attempts byIrish church struggling to preserve their status andlands 179 . This may be correct though it may over-interpret their significance. Charterswere a recent introduction into Ireland and their use may reflect modernisation usingthis new administrative tool which is what could be expected in a reform churchwhenformal chanceries were being organised 180.Amalgamation of the Bishopri~One of the more notorious statements of this period came from Felix O'Ruadhain,erstwhile Archbishop of Tuam, who stated in 1216, that Glendalough was waste(specu/am locurum) for forty years and a den ofrobbers and thieves 181 . This bas beensubject of critical comment from McNeill who noted that this 'evidence' was notavailable in 1192 182 , i.e. 25 years earlier, to Warren who noted that O'Ruadhain hadbeen maintained by the King's Exchequer after his expulsion from Tuam 183 .Felix O'Ruadhain first appears as the abbot ofthe Arrouasian monastery ofSaul in Co.Down and was appointed Archbishop of Tuam in 1202 184 . His time there wastempestuous and as a result ofconflicts with Maeliosa Ua Conchobar was imprisonedin chains 185 . On being released he retired to Dublin and was maintained by the King'sExchequer before attending the 3rd Lateran Council in 1216. He returned to Tuamafterwards and retired in 1235. He died in 1238 at the Cistercian Abbey of St. Mary'sin Dublin where he was a benefactor l 86 . It is worth noting that in 1216 the monasteryand lands of the Patrician foundation of Aughagower, under the comharbs of the~79ibid. pp. 161-28OaartJett, op.cit. pp. 285-6181A/en 'sReg. pp. 40-1182ibid. p. 41183 Warren W.L.,King John and Ireland, EnglandandIreland in the LaterMiddle Ages. ed. J. Lydon,Plflin, 1981; p. 38Gwynn&.~ 01'. cit. p. 19818SGwynn op.cit p. 268186pryeE.B. et al, Handbook o/British Chronology. London, 1986,p. 37444

Archbishop of Armagh, was amalgamated with the Diocese of Tuam and become anEpiscopal manor 187 of Tuam; so there may have been some undocumentedarrangement. On the basis ofthe continuing Arrouasian investment in Glendalough hecan be seen as acting against their interest and this probably explains why he ended upwith the Cistercians.Abbacy to PriorateThe original grant from Richard Fitzstephen to the Abbey was in the period 1172-6when he granted the Abbey, with all appurtenances around the Civitas, and lands toAbbot Thomas in 1172-6 188 . This indicates that the Abbot had made fealty andhomage to the Earl perhaps under the influence of Lorcan Ua TuathaiL There is asomewhat ambiguous reference that may be significant when Diarmait Mac Murchadaand his son-in law visited Glendalough in 1171 to plunder an unnamed O'Toole forrefusing to parley and took spoils without violence l 89 .A further plundering raid tookplacein 1176 190 but the circumstances are obscure. This grant was confirmed byPrince John in 1192 191 and Innocent In in 1198 192 .This last grant is noteworthy as it includes the Cathedral, the Abbey Churches includingSt. Kevin's Hermitage, with his cell and scelic as well as the Abbey Lands. Thisappears to indicate that the Abbot has control ofthe Cathedral in place ofthe Bishop.This is curious as the then Bishop, William Piro, appointed in 1192 193 and seen as acaretaker Bishop until the amalgamation ofthe two Diocese, may have been expectedto protest. This Bishop is seen as a glorified archdeaeon 194 but as Archbishop of187Keville 1., Aughagower, Cathair Na Mart, Vol. 3, No. I, 1983, pp, 4-5188A/en,s Reg., p. 2189Song ofDermot andthe Earl. ed. OrenG.H., Oxford, 1982, pp. 67·91~H.G., Glendalough, Dublin, n.d,191A 1en,sRegister, ed, Charles MCNiell, Dublin, 1950, p. 21192ibid. p. 234193Mac S~ op. cit. p. 162194Gwynn, op. cit. p, 14645

Dublin, John Cumin, was in exile 1197-1206 195 ,Piro may have had more influencethan is thought. Mac Shamhrainhas in interesting theory that the stone relief above thePriest' House is a statement that puts the Abbot as the prime leader as the bishop andhooded cleric (prior of St. Saviour's?) kneel before him 196 . He may have been thesubject of the lines from the 2nd Vitae of St. Coemgen which bemoans the fact thatthere are more outsiders than native born erenachs and that they have more concernwith fine clothes than holiness197.By 1216 the Abbey does appear to have lost independent control ofits possessions asthe Archbishopric is now in the position to be making grants and by 1229 was receivinggrants of disafforestation from Henry ill198. Some of this land appears to have comevia the grant that was made between Richard Fitzstephen and Abbot Thomas (1172-6)as the former's heir, William Marshall is found granting coinage and pannage of thewoods ofSamaekevin to Holy Trinity and the Archbishop ofDublin in 1213-28 199 .In 1216-28 Henry of London, Archbishop of Dublin, granted the 'island' of HolySaviours to All Hallows, an Arrouasian foundation, so that they would be under thecontrol of one house as they were, apparently, not under strict rule2 00 . It appears atthis stage this abbey had overall control ofall foundations, though the 'great Church ofGlindelache' still had its own prior in the late 1250s and early 1260s 2 0 1 . From thisperiod the abbacy was a priorate subject to Holy Trinity202.195A/en'sReg. p. 11019~c Shamhrain, op. cit. p.163197 5immsK, Frontiers inthe Medieval Irish Church, Colony and Frontier. London, 1995, pp.196-7198Mac Shamhrain, op. cit. p. 165199A/en 's Reg. p. 54 ..2200ibid. p. 54-5Olibid 110202Mac Shamhrain, op. cit. P 16546

Settlement and EconomyWhile this period of assimilation of the civitas of Glendalough was going on theeconomy was developing. The Arrouasian investment is explored in detail by Longwho has explored their input into the rebuilding of St. Mary's, the Cathedral, and thePriest's House20 3. He concludesthat there was a major rebuilding phase spanningtheyears 1170-1220 concentrated in the core ecclesiastical Civitail 04 . Of particularinterest is the use ofDundry Limestonewhich is first recorded as being used in ChristChurch, Dublin, in 1181. While it may have come to Ireland via Dublin, Wicklow orArklow, the Bristol...Dublin route seems the most likely20S. Its use reflects thearchitectural transition from Romanesque to Gothic. This investment, using the mostmodem methods of building, is a useful counter to those who see the demise ofGlendalough as a result ofconquest and colonisation 206 .A recent rescue archaeological investigation by the OfficeofPublicWorks, prior to thebuilding ofa car park, uncovered the remainsofan iron smelting works close to HolyTrinityChurch207. This was vaguelydated to this period by the discoveryofSantoignepottery in the charcoal trenches, though it was a pity that radiocarbon dating was notalso utilised. Tree pollenvalues show a large drop around this time, among the speciesofbirch, oak, hazel and willow. There is an increasein charcoal and grass valueswhichalso impliesagricultural clearance.In 1225-6 Archbishop Henry was granted a weekly market at his vill at St. Kevin 208which presumably is Glendalough. Archbishop Fulk: granted the Priory and canons of. .the 'Great Church ofGlendalough' pasture in the mountains at 2d per beast and alsothe fallen timber by view of'his forester, The canon's men also had right ofpasture but203Long op. cit p. 60, 64-6, &. 734204ibid. p. 8220Sibid. p. 112206ibid. p. 82207Manning C., Excavations in Glendalough, J.K.A.S.•XVI, 1984, pp. 342-7208CDI, vol. 1, nos., 1351 &. 13S441

must pay for the wood 209 . This grant is insistent thatthe grant is made by grace ratherthan by right which implies some conflict.As mentioned above forestry was an important economic asset and a sourceof rivalrybetween the King and the Archbishops ofDublin. This dispute over Forest Law waspart of a wider dispute between King, Church and their respective subjects whichformed part of the Magna Carta charter of 1215 21 °.This conflict is reflected in thedispute between Archbishop Luke, who believed that the Church was exempt fromEnglish Forest law, and Thomas Fitzadam, custos, ofthe King's Forests in Ireland whowas maintaining the King's rights. When Fitzadam arrested a man for poaching andthen refused to hand him over to the Archbishop's bailiffshe was excommunicated. Heappealed to Henry ill but was sacked as the King wished to avoid further conflict. Thisis believed to be the background to the disafforestation grant of 1229 211 . Furthergrants of Forest lands and rights indicate that the Archbishopric was very keen tomaintain its privileges. The main forest lands were in Glendalough, Fertir and Coillach(in west Wicklow)212.Pilgrimages were probably still an important source of income but now with thepossible inclusion ofrelics of St. Lorcan. It was reported that 'French Calvinists', in1562, carried ofthe shrine, that held his canonised bones, and his own chalice whichwas melted down. 213CasdekeviDThe devoluti~nof these lands to the Archbishop of Dublin is undocumented butappears to have happened by 1216 when Archbishop Henry ofLondon is granted the209A/en '3 Rea p 142210-. 0" • '"Barlow op, CIt.pp. 428·9211Neeson E.,A Historyofl1'lshForestl"y, Dublin, 1991, pp. 40-2212ibid pp. 295-6213 Ronan M, MiscelJanja, JRSAJ. VoL lxxv, 1945, p. 257, quoting C.P. Meehan. oTooles ofFercullen, Dublin, 1869, p. 448

Manor of Swords as an aid to construct a castle at Castlekevin with the proviso that itrevert to the Crown ifnot made or maintained 214 . What is clear is that the Fertir estateis administered separately from the Abbey lands and the centre of administration isCastlekevin. Traditionally the motte and bailey castle is seen as a tool of conquestalong with cavalry and crossbows 215 until the introduction of the trebuchet, a siegeengine which worked on the tip-cat principle, at the end ofthe 12th century216. Thesemottes were widely used in some areas ofconquest and colonisation in Ireland 217 andoften used strategic pre-existing military sites such as 'platform raths,218.Castlekevin does not appear to fit into the general pattern as this area was neverconquered in the secular sense. The first reference to anything actually happening thereis in 1253 219 when an agreement was signed between Archbishop Fulk and the canonsof Dysert Kevin and as there is a reference to a castrum there in his reign(1230-1255)220 it must have been built sometime around this period. It is likely tohave been built as an administrative and legal centre for the manor with the basicpalisade rampart.The first and still the best survey of the motte and bailey is Oren 221 but furthercomments have been made by Simpson 222 , Grogan and Hillary223, Grogan andKilfeather224 and McNeill 225 . The site has never been properly surveyed and thereappears to be omissions and mis-interpetations. The first omission is the lack ofreference to the causeway from the northern e';1d of the bailey to the river which21~arlow op. cit. p. 161215Bartlett, op. cit. pp. 65-70216sarlow~op.cit.p.431217Bany T.B.~ The Archaeology ojMedievallreland, London, 1994, pp. 37-44218ibid. pp. 44-52190rpen G H Castrum Kevveni: Castlekevin, J.R.S.A.J., 1908~ P. 2022t>id ~ . .~ -J •221ibid. pp. 17-27.222Simpson L., op. cit. pp. 199-200 & 203-4223Grogan and Hillery, 0,. cit pp. 42-3224Groganand Kilfeather,op. cit p.176225McNeill T., CastlesinIreland London, 1997, p. 14049

appears to be the continuation ofthe road to Newcastle McKynegan and which comesfrom Glendalough. Below the road there is a small mound but its age and purpose isunknown. Simpson 226 describes the ditch going north from the motte as a leat, i.e. amill race. This is probably modern as it continues over the road and therefore must postdate it. It is unlikely that the water pressure was ever sufficient to run a mill at thisspot. McNeill calls the motte a strongly defended moated site2 27 but withoutconsidering the bailey. The two Archaeological surveys give adequate descriptionsthough add nothing new. The photograph in Orpen's article shows the destruction ofthe gate house, on the eastern side ofthe motte, in the 20th century and there may havebeen more as in the early 19th century there is a reference to foundations 228 . Map 8puts the castle in its local context.In the vicinity are medieval hedgerows to the west of the motte and on the old roadfrom Glendalough to Castlekevin 229 . The road is first mentioned in the sources, in1309,230 when Piers de Gaveston is given great credit for opening a pass between thetw0 231.What is intriguing about the site is what is not there, there is no church, burgage plotsor obvious settlement. This raises questions as to why it was built there rather than atan established settlements on the plateau. It appears to be because that Castlekevinonly took over the administration ofthe Fertir Estate but did not restructure it: thoughwe don't know what the original plan was. There was some colonisation as the jurorsof an inquisition, of 1257-63, had an ethnic breakdown of thirteen English surnames2268' Impson, op. en, . p. 199227~c~e~.op.cit.p.140228Topographical Directory ofIre/and, op. cit. p. 30229Identified using a variant ofHooper's rule (one species oftreelbusb. per 30 yardsequals 100 years- of age which appears to bean ecological coincidence in the SE England)whichby experience showsthat 24 species per 30 yards is post 17th centuIy and 5-7 species is medieval. Field workby author23~Ydol1y MedievalWick10w - ~A Land of War', Wick/ow, pp. 169-70231Probably overstated, the author cut back ten years of growthover lkm in eight hours (1990)50

~.",--I. . '_.:.l.r-._......._......_~_..-._........._~_.. ....._.................~-.......................~-......, ........~~......,, - ...!!-CASTI..fJ

'IIIRoad to Plateau,,-- --Map 8 Castle evin and EnvironsN--r6" = 1 mile\\\Modem Road,Road toNewcastIemckynegan,~__------_\- Medieval Hedgerows18th & I.9th Century Landscaping- _0f"' ......... ,-- - -- ...I.....,.Modem and Medieval I IBoundaries & Headlands-_._---- -_._- --\ , /'\ /',....... "-.... - -ModernRoad- - -I

and twelve Irish surnames as well as four clerics 232 . There does not appear to beassociated settlement in the valley whose only strategic value is its location on the roadbetween Glendalough and Newcastle McKynegan.The main significance ofthe castle was its judiciaryfunctions which are exemplified bythe inquisition of 1257-63 233 which shows that the Archbishopric had judicial controlthrough the Episcopal courts run by Seneschals and Archdeacons. This had the powerto take in lands belonging to homicides, powers of waiver, power to view corpsesindependently ofthe King's coroner, and the King's bailiffs were not allowed to servewarrants but had to hand them into the Archbishop's bailiff in St. Patricks. Thesepowers were the same as in all other manors 234 . Another court was held under theauspices of St. Thomas's Abbey in Killisky for the 'nativi' and their followers in themountain' that was independent from the lay cooo 235 . For legal purposes all jurorswould have been defined as English as they had access to Common Law. This situationreflects the growing standardisation of one Law and legal system compared to theearlier period when the AngevinKingdom allowed the differing legal systems to be inplace such as in Wales2 36 . It has been argued that it reflects the growing intensificationofLordship in the Angevin 10rdships237.It is difficult to say how this intensification worked in practise in Castlekevin orGlendalough. The inquisition, cited above, refers to the office ofseneschalhaving beenin existence since William Pita was Bishop of Glendalough and various officers arenamed: Elias Orold (recte. Harold?), Geoffrey de Elyne, Stephen de Sancto Albano,and Hugh de G1indelache. The latter is better known as Hugh Mapleton, who later232A/en'sReg. p. 110233ibid. 110-223~urphy M. The Archbishops and Administration ofDublin Diocese andProvince, Ph 0, TeO,1987,p.28S235Alen 'sReg. p. 12423~rame R, ColoniolIreland, Dublin, 1981, pp. 105·10237Davies RR, Domination and Conquest, Cambridge, 1990,pp. 105-751

ecame Archdeacon of Glendalough and was then promoted to the Bishopric ofOssory. This indicates that Glendalough and Castlekevin were integrated into thesystem ofChurch advancement and promotion.Castlekevin ManorThere is no information as to the organisation of the Estate as there are no extentswhich would have given an indication as to tenurial or service arrangements. Lyonargues that it had higher than normal offree tenants which is consistent with Manors inMarcher territories 238 . Their only tenurial obligations appears to have been thepayment of money rents. However it is not until later in the century that it becameMarcher land so it is perhaps due to other circumstances. The valuation ofthe Estatec.1272 was £l00I17/c;239 and the demesne lands £24 240 which made it the fifth highestheld by the Archbishopric and was within £5 ofthe Manors ofFinglas and Clondalkin,third and fourth respective1r41.Ofthose whose lands can be identified one belonged to a William Anglicus who heldLickeen and Moneystown for 2 marks, 16.5 acres with pasture of the mountains andwoods ofGlasdrey for beasts for him and his men, housbot and heyber, firewood andhis own swine in both forests 242 . He may have been the builder of the polygonalstructure at Moneystown2 43 . Other references are vague but the implication ofthe listsof feoffees and wax rents 244 under Castlekevin is that it administered Church landsoutside the Fertir estate, possibly paruchia which were integrated into the manor.Feoffees listed are from ArkIow, Killadreenan, etc. though many ofthe placenames are238Lyons M., ManorialAdmlnistratton and ManorialEconomy, c. 1200-c.1377, Ph D Thesis, 1984,TCD, vol. 2, pp. 197-8i39ibid.v01.2,P.3640ibid.vol. 1,p. lOS241ibid. vol. 2, p. 36242Alen 'sReg. p. 123243Priceop.cit. pp. 426-7244A/en 'sReg. 123-852

'Map 7 Reform Settlement - C. 1270{above 300200 - 300below 200Legend• ••oAltitudes are given in metres2kmMotte & BaileyChurchSecular siteMoated sitet

obscure and even the great expert, Price2 45, was unable to identify them. Wax Rentscame to the manor from as far away as Lusk, Co. Dublin.From this period references to the Church settlements, see Map 8, on the plateau arefound of which the main ones are Villa Cythere, Villa Harpe, Derrylossary andDergory. The possible locations were analysed by Price2 46 but he was unable to cometo any finn conclusions with the exception of Derrylossary247. Following ArchbishopAlen he thought that Villa Cythere and Villa Harpe were the same place and possiblycould be identified as Knockatemple which means that Dergory was in Ashtown.However the identification of Dergory with Ashtown does not fit in with thedescription of it being adjacent to Glencapp248. It does appear as a chapel toDerrylossary in the 16th century249 as does Villa Harpe2 50. It may be that VillasCythere and Harpe should not be identified as the same place, the latter is described asin the land ofthe O'Byrnes in the 16th century which would place it east ofthe Vartryriver. The TownIand ofKnockraheen and its sub-denomination appears to have part ofthe Manor up to 1650 at least. Another possibility is that Villa Harpe is a variation ofCoolharbour. It may be that Cythere is east of the river and Harpe on the west, butotherwise adjacent. This confusion, on the basis of surviving sources is unlikely to beeasily resolved.Knockatemple was excavated in the mid last century and the finds included two coinsof Henry m (King of England 1216-72) and Alexander the n (King of Scotland1214-49)251 which indicates it was still used in the mid 13th century when it was245Price is the source of noteson placenames in Alen'sReg.246ibid. pp. 27&401247ibid. pp. 27-8248A/en 's Reg., p, 79249 White Newport B., Reportorium Viride, Analecta Hibemtca, no. 10, 1941, p. 204250A/en'sReg. p. 652S1Frazer W., On a bronzebell, sculpted headof stoneand otherantiquities found in the churchofKnockatemple, ~ Proc~ Series2,vol. 2, 1879-88, pp. 12-1453

leased by the Beating family from the Archbishopric c. 1228-44 252. Other finds includea stone head, portion of a glass patina, button core of mica schist, fragment of copperand wood (possibly part ofa book binding), bowl of a brass spoon, polished elongatedbead of bone or ivory, bronze clasp of fish hook shape with a bronze tongue, and abronze bell 12" high and 6" by 8" square. Also found were skeletons in distortedpositions and broken pottery253. The skeletons may not be contemporary as thegraveyard was used during the 1798 Rebellion and 1832 cholera epidemic 254.The description ofthe church stated that it was made up of undressed field stones andthe windows and doors appear to have been dressed with freestone. The use of theterm freestone in the 19th century often means Dundry limestone and the combinationofthe undressed stone and freestone is very similar to the rebuilding ofthe Cathedral atGlendalough in the early 13th century. In the Archaeological Inventory there is a noteto the discovery ofa chamfered stone from a pointed arch. It therefore appears that thischurch was rebuilt by the Archbishopric of Dublin in the Romanesque/GothicTransition architectural style to serve the Vartry plateau 255. It is also noted that thehead is carved from freestone and its style appears to be consistent with the 13thcentury.252A /en's Reg. pp. 69-70253Frazer op. cit. pp.12-14, some ofthe pottery is in RLA. museum254rimmonsM., Knockatemple Church, RDHFJ, no. 3, 1990, p. 21255} am indebted to Harry Long for his comments54

Glassnamullen was hived offfrom the Fertir Estate and became part ofthe deaneryofBray with Stagoniland Glencapp256. A subrectangular basin survives that could be thebase of cross or a font 257 . Simpson maps a destroyed medieval settlement site2 58 onCalary but without discussion and these may refer to rectangular foundations and adeserted settlement listed by the Archaeological Inventory259. It is probably from thistime that the name Ballyremon cameinto use2 60 .SummaryGlendalough and its estates in this period show aspects of continuity and change onfour different levels: Ownership, tenurial practices,estate management and judicialmanagement. There were major changes as control passed from the Civitas andregional Leinster rulers to the Archbishop of Dublin. Estate management changed interms of tenurial relationships though the ethnic Irish maintained a significantandpowerful presence. The introductionofthe Augustinian Canonsin the late 12th centuryprovided a focus ofcontinuity as the investment in buildings and iron works indicate.Major settlement changes do not appear in the Archaeological record and the relativeisolation of Castlekevin supports this. The main change appears to be in the practiceand management of Law as the evidence would suggest that Common Lawpredominatedand Brehon Law was superseded.Overallthe evidencesuggests that the transitionwas relatively smoothand the area wasa successful manor integratedinto the" Archbishopric ofDublin. This is in stark contrastto much of the rest of Ireland where there was a major power struggle between theGaelic Irish and the subjeets 261 ofthe Angevin Empire. The history ofthis incomplete25&rimmonsop. cit. p. 203257Grogan (1997), no. 8292S8Simpso~ op. cit. p. 192259Grogan & KiJfeather~ op. cit. DOS. 730-22~ce 0,. cit. pp. 304-'261Calledby modem historians Norman, Anglo-Norman, CambfOoo'Norman, Anglo-French,Anglo-FranksandEnglish. Between 1100-1300 they called themselves Norman, FrancotUJD,Angliconun, Engleysandfinally English. The Irish called them Saxon,Frank and lForeigner;.55

conquest, colonisation, intermarriage, alliance, acculturation and uneasy relationshipstends to overshadow the fact that some transitions were smoother with greater levelsof continuity. Much of this was abetted by the influences of Gregorian reform whichhad been introduced from the 1160s. However this started to change from 1270 asrebellion developed in the mountains.56

CHAPTER 4CONQUESTANDSECULMUSATIONPolitical BackgroundThe Gaelic Resurgence ofthe late 13th century is a matter ofongoing debate. It can beseen as the reaction of the Gaelic Irish Lords to an incomplete conquest or as a failureofthe Angevin Empire to assimilate the Irish into the kingdom by isolating them fromthe administration ofpower and by refusing them access to Common Law, though thisintensification ofLordship only dates from the mid 13th century. There were regionalconflicts ofinterests and accommodations between local magnates and Irish dynastieswhich created tensions locally and nationally. These hampered the attemptsof theKing's Administration ofDublinto govern the island as one Lordship and it did nothelp that the Angevin Kings were focused on their European power struggle with theCapetian monarchy. The result was the breakdown ofcentral Administration and Lawand the development ofregional powers. The most important ofthese ~egionalrulerswere Anglo-Hibernici based in the fertile lands south of Ulster and the dynasts ofUlster. On the peripheries local Gaelic dynasts gained varying levels of control overtheir lands and their polity was based on accommodation and conflict depending ontheir strategies of survival and advancement. There was no unified response by theGaelic Irish and each region responded to national and local factors in their ownway262. One such region wasthe Wicklow Mountains.In the 19th century there were two schools of history: the traditional English schoolthat based its ideology on the superiority of the British Empire and a new school ofIrish historians who argued that the Gaelic civilisation was a golden age until conquestby England. One of the exponents of the latter school was Rev. Christopher Meehanwho wrote extensively on Irish monastic orders and under the pseudonym, 'P.L.262n.e is a large literature on thissubjectofwhich theworksby Frame, Lydon, Duffyand SimmsforIreland and Duby, Davies andBartlettforthe rest of Europestand out, see bibliography.57

O'Toole' wrote about the Wicklow chieftains, particularly the O'Tooles 263 . Heprobably developed his ideas from his time when he was curate in Rathdrum in1834-5 264 . His work is a eulogy ofa clan who could do no wrong and whose only faultwas to trust the perfidious English. He argues that they were an independent smallkingdom who bravely survived until overcome by Cromwell in the mid 17th century.Naturally their Catholicism was exemplary especially during the Reformation andCounter Reformation. This is now recognised as hopelessly naive and not an accuratepicture of events. However he did have an accurate historical framework and heconducted plenty of research in primary sources in Dublin and London before theywere either published or destroyed in the Public Record Office fire of 1922.An echo of this argument can be found in Smyth's ambitious historical geography ofLeinster2 65 . He argues that the chieftains of the mountains were 'Lords of theWilderness,266 and lived, with the exception oftrade, an independent existence. This issupported by his beliefthat the Anglo-Norman impact has been over-estimated in themountains (exclusively settled by the Gaelic Irish over 600') and that the mountainswere so densely wooded and impenetrable to be impossible to the English to control.There is one error of fact in that he describes the area of north east Wicklow asunconquered 267 . As the discussion above has shown this area was primarily churchterritory that went through a process of change of ownership and this has to be seenwithin the context of church history rather than the secular conquest. There is alsosufficient evidence to indicate that it was not a wilderness though of course it mayappear like that to visitors, like Cretan in 1395, who had there own cultural biases.This is not to argue that there were not areas ofwild forest in existence, especially in263Meehan C.P., Historyofthe Clan0 'Toole and otherLeinstersepts, Dublin, 18902640'Brien C., The ByrnesofBaUymanus, Wicklow. p.322265Smyth A.P., Celtic Letnster. Dublin, 1982266ibid pp. 106-9267ibid p. 15058

Glenmalure, but the fact that descriptions come from such areas is because that waswhere the Irish had militarysuperiority.Frame in discussing this viewpoint in his study of the Mic Mhurchadha 268 says thatwhile it is a useful argument it can be taken too far because while there was conflictthere was also a good deal of co-operation. He argues that the Dublin Administration'caught the Irish leaders in a web of practical Lordship spun over and beyond theincreasingly fragmented law and government' 269. In general he sees the Irish incontinuos competition with the government, who responded by mounting regularmilitary expeditions ofvarying success and conducting endless diplomatic negotiations.These resulted in short term submissions, the handing over of hostages, payment offines, acceptance of bribes and gifts (the difference is not always clear). But alsobecause the Irish were also in competition with each other military alliances againstneighbours also featured.270. He argues that the Government response was a functionofthe geography ofthe Wicklow mountains which was certainly the case though onehas to be careful with such post-hoc reasoning. The clan ritual of continual cattleraiding was an outlet for youth full ofadrenaline and hormones and had the advantageof giving them the military training useful for the clan's security. The overall politicalcontext shows that the O'Tooles were surrounded by the O'Byrnes, Earls of Kildare,Earls of Ormond, Dublin Pale families, Dublin Administration, and Archbishopric ofDublin. Their strategies ofsurvival depended on the course ofthese relations and overtime their fortunes fluctuated. Death by violence was common result ofthis polity.RebellionIt is not the purpose of this study to chronicle the rebellions and expansion of theO'Byme and O'Toole chieftains but to provide a summary of the main features.268prame R, Twb Kings in Leinster, Colony andFrontierin MedievalIre/and, ed. Barty et. aI. op.cit. p. 172269ibid. p. 175270prame (1998), pp. 250..7259

Trouble began in 1270 when unnamed O'Byrnes and O'Tooles started raiding Churchand Crown properties in the county. The origins of this revolt is unclear. Pricesuspected that it was activities of Archbishop Fulk who attempted to regularise theEpiscopal ownership oflands up to his death in 1271 271. Another possible factor wasthe activities ofroyal officials who administered the temporalities ofthe Archbishopric(1271-9) after Fulk's deatIt272. Lydon also thought the weather may have hadsomething to do with it as there were heavy falls of snow reported in the Annals inearly 1270 273. The last is possible as the latter half ofthe 13th century is a time whenthe Medieval warm period is coming to an end withan increase of storms 274 andcontinental snowstorms. Famines were a factor from a slightly earlier period as they arereported in the Annals in the period 1222-27 as well as 1236 and 1261. There was anintensification of bad weather and resultant famines later on in 1281, 1287 and1294-6 275 which would have had the cumulative effect of making marginal landuneconomic to farm. Tenants under such pressures would have been more likely to beunruly especially ifthere was no control to keep them in check.O'Byrne2 76 argues that the loss ofstrong local control came after the death ofMeyler(Moriertagh) O'Toole by 1264 when the overlordship becomes unclear. On the basis ofproven links he argues that this family acted as secular overlords of the Episcopalmanors for much of the 13th century. At this period there are a number of O'Toolefamilies emerging but a caveat must be entered as it is also clear that the use of thesurname Ui Thuathail (descended from the Ui Muiredaig who were descended from theUi Dunlainge2 77) is becoming popular after the canonisation ofLorcan Ua Tuathail in1226.271Price op. cit pp. xlvili..ix272Lydon, op. cit. p. 158273 ib id.274 Lam b H.H. Climate. History andthe Modern World, London, 1982, p. 155275 CanVwell,op'cit. ' p.27276 0 'Byrne E. The O'Tooles: The Family ofCastlekevin, RDHFJ. No. 10, 1988, p, 14·17277 ibid . p. 1360

I Map 9 Politics and Conquest - 1300-1500I (After O'~yrne)IPale-Earls of Kildare_J:~-~---"""'------=7.~~" \/",/Il"\,\I""O'TooleChieftainsI 1270-1540iil\\UmailI-\I \\ \ Glenmalure\ 1\\ ) Late 12005 (\\\\? --- \.\", \.",'-I\,- "/ \" I\//{-,",\I",",\ McMurchada

O'Toole originsThere appear to have been three separate O'Toole septs active. The first whomO'Byrne designates the McLorcan O'Tooles were loyal officers and tenants of theArchbishopric in east and west Wicklow2 78 . These are likely to have been kin of St.Lorcan and may have come into prominence duringthe period when he was attemptingto reform the Church. The second are a group who are settled in Glenmalure(Glyndelory) who were early rebels but between 1292-1312 they disappear whencontrol ofthe valley passes into the hands ofMurchadh O'Byrne2 79 . The third groupwere settled in Imaal and their genealogy is covered by O'Byrne2 80 . It is possible thatthey were a military family who survived through the defeat ofDunlang Ua Tuathalandthe conquest oftheVi Muired.eag territory in Kildarein 1178 281 .Priee2 82 argued that the survivors of this defeat flocked to Glendalough where theywere given refuge in the lands of Glenmalure which was granted to the Priory oftheDesert of St. Kevin before 1180. O'Byrne283 further adds that MacFbaelains werebanished from the kingdom of Vi Faelain in 1170 and suggests that the mountains inthe period 1170·80s were swamped with refugees. There is unfortunately no evidenceofthis and the grant perhapsonly signifies the use ofcharters as the new administrativetool ofthe Roman Reform CburcJ1284.It is from the Imaal branch in West Wicklow that the O'Toole cbieftanship developedand they in tandem with the o'Byrnes2 85 gained control of much of the modern daycounty. Map 9 showstheconquestofthecounty by the two chieftanships.278ibid. pp. 14-6 &.Lydon, op.cit. 156-7279ibid p. 17280ibid. pp. 18.27281MacShamhrain, op. cit. p. 105282Price op. cit. pp.xl &.xliv2830 ,Byme, op.cit pp. 13-4284see app. 2 &,Bartlett op. cit.pp. 285-6285 0 ,Byrne E., The origins o/tlre Ut Bhroin ofCo. Wlcldow and their lordshipto 1435, unpublishedM. Phil Thesis, TCD~ 1996. pp.48-8661

Castlekevin under siegeThe impact on Castlekevin and its manor was significant as the castle begins to befortified and the stone revetment probably dates from this period. ·0rpen286 believesthat walls were built round the foot ofthe mound. Thesegaps between the walls andmound slope were filled with earth possibly from the top ofthe mound and there werepossibly projecting towers at the angles. Since his survey more stone has disappearedand there has been deterioration of the fabric. Accounts for the rebuilding appear in1277 and 1309 and it was destroyed in 1308, possibly in 1311 and before 1339 andagain in 1343 287 . The fortification, rebuilding and manning was from the 1270s theresponsibility of Royal Officials and sponsored by the Archbishopric, for instance in1309 the Archbishop-elect gave£I00 asan aid.In 1277, £344 was spent on military wages, £154 on workmen's wages, and supplies ofbread, beer, wheat, oats, cows, hogs, iron, salt, nails, boards, canvas, ropes etc. cost afurther £348. In 1309 £50/13/9 was spent on overseers, masons, carpenters,quarrymen, transport oflime, the making ofa lime kiln, for the period 4th may to 23rdJune.The profitability ofthe Manor declined in the 1270s because ofthe disturbances and by1306 it had ceased to be self...sufficient in foOO 288 . The custodianofthe castle, ThomasChaddesworth, owed £609/9/1 for the years 1272-7 but was allowed it all for thepayment ofsecurity. In 1281 it produced nothing on account ofwar and in 1326 is noteven Iisted289. By the middle of the 14th century it passed in to the control of the0'Tooles.2860ren op. cit. pp. 21·2287bid pp. 21.2428ft.. . 9828~Lyons, op. Cit p.9Shnpson, op.cit.,p. 20962

Little other Archaeological remains can be dated to the period after the beginning ofthe 1300s. It appears that the Gaelic Irish utilised existing settlements and no TowerHouses, fairly common adjacent to the Wicldow mountains290, are found. There is onereported moated site (now destroyed) in Trooperstown-P! and is one ofsix recorded innorth east Wicklow.Simpson argues, that due to their relative lateness in thechronology, there are only a few because the settler colonists had been driven out bythe 14th century292.GlendalougbGlendalough appears to have faired no better and one of the few reference is to thepayment oftax in 1322. This was based on a valuation of53/4 and tithes of5/4. Regleswas valued at 5L and tithed at lOs.293 Around 1350 the civitas was taken over by theO'Byrnes and while presumably monastic functions continued they are completelyundocumented. The archaeology would suggest that Temple na Skellig was occupieduntil the late 14th-15th century until destroyed by landslides 294 so presumably otherbuildings were still in use. This can be supported by the reports in the Annals ofClonmacnois and Connaught, 1398, ofthe burning ofGlendalough, possibly in revengefor the defeat and death ofthe Earl ofMarch earlier in the year near Carlow 29S.Obscurity in 14th centuryThe period of 1300-1500 is a period ofobscurity for Glendalough and Castlekevin andthey appear rarely in documentation until the Tudor period. It is therefore difficult tosay how settlement was organised but presumably it was done through traditionalGaelic practises. The decline in weather and rebellion probably was conducive to the;:~arry T., op. cit. p. 187292~~pson op. cit. pp. 217-82931b1d. p. 216294..CD I, vol. ~, p. 241 ..LOng op. CIt. p, 15 srn 1.1 254295 Long,H., Three Settlements ofGaeJic Wicldow, 1169..1600, "'CAlOW, p.63

transition from grain to pastoral agriculture2 96 . Under the Irish the main denominationof land in Wicklow was the 'cowland' which unlike other parts of Ireland does notappear to have been subdivided by partible inheritance into smaller units 297 .The severe climatic deterioration ofthe 1315-17 has been called the Great EuropeanFamine2 98 and had a major impact on Ireland as the sources attest 299 but theconsequences are unknown in the mountains. Likewise the effects of Yersinia Pestisbetter known as the bubonic plagueor BlackDeath are unknownthough there was thecontemporary belief that the native Irish suffered less. It may be that they survivedbetter being more used to surviving on marginal land. Lyons argues that the impactvaried and that for instance in the Royal Manors ofDublin abandonment came later inthe 1260s. Areas such in Ulster recovered quickly whilein Connaughtthe situationwasmore volatile. She hypothesises that areas that were well settled than remoter regionsthough she acknowledges this is could be a function ofthe sources 3OO •Recurrence of plague is regularly reported in the Annals and the climate furtherworsened.This period was not as severe as in Europe when the Second EuropeanFaminestruck in 1433-930 1 and was the cause offurther abandonment ofland there. InIrelandthe evidence is ambiguous thoughit is worth noting that the 15th century was atime when the Gaelic Irish 'were investing in new monastic foundations, so notwithstanding the fact that land was going out of production and population hadplummeted there was considerable wealth creation among the elites. However theperiod does contain years, 1224-7, 1315-23, 1461-70 and 1487-98 when the 'miseryindex', defined by a combination ofa run'ofbad weather and plague, is high302. It must296' b'd 29 I I ,pp. 360-17McErlean,op. cit. 319-20298Jordan w.e., The GreatEuropean Famine, Princeton, 19.96, p. 8 , .29~yons M., Weather, Famine, Pestilence and Plague, Famtne. theIrish expenence. ed. CrawfordriM., Edinburgh, 1989, pp.62·330 ibid.pp. 44--630~Lamb H. H. Climate, PastpresentandFuture, London, 1977, p. 590Cantwell I. op. cit.p. 2964

e presumedthat lifein the marginal mountain lands was not secureand undocumentedsuffering a fact oflife.In the mountains we have no information though the indications are that land did goout ofproduction as tree values increased sharply especially ofbirch, hazel, willow andalder. Grass values stay low though charcoal values remain high. One aspect of thevalues shows that while oak increases sharply in decreases equally fast which impliesthat by the mid 16th century it was being utilised heavily which is supported by thesourcesdiscussedin the next chapter.SummaryTheloss ofCastlekevin and its lands to the O'Tooles canprobably be put down to thefactthat the Archbishops ofDublin did not have the recourses to controlthere territoryagainst sustained military aggression. Their resource base declined with the climaticdeterioration from the late 12th century and the impact of viruses and bacteria thateffected populations, livestock and crops. They depended on the Government tocontrol the mountains after 1265 but the latter were also victim to declining incomesdue to the same factors as wellas the lackof Royal investment of money and lordshipintothe country.The fragmentation of power led to a long term series of ad hoc solutions which wereexploited by Irish leaders such as the O'Tooles who were able to consolidate anddefend their conquest until about the 1450. The decline started with the rise of theEarls ofKildare65

CHAPTERSDECLINE, RESURGENCE AND EXTINCTIONPolitical declineFrom about 1450 the O'Tooles and O'Bymes start to decline in influence. This is dueto a numberoffactors. The Ui Dunlainge O'Byrnes expansionary drivelost momentumandtheir hegemonyunravelled withthe growthof competition between various groupswithin the family3°3. The rise of the Earls of Kildare itt this period is significant andtheyabsorbed the O'Toole chieftains, as military clients, and took over PowerscounJ04(including Glencapp)and Castlek:evin in the 1480s.Theannexationofthe latter took placein 1484 afterthe resignation ofthe Archbishopof Dublin, John Walton and Gerald ('The Great'), 8th Earl of Kildare, took over theManors ofBallymore and Castlekevin 30S . The take over of these manors gives rise tothe intriguing hypotheses that the Earls were attempting to encircle Dublin from thesouth and gain independent access to the sea throughBray or Newcastle. During theheight ofthe Earl's power no countermeasures were undertaken and it was not untilhis death in 1513 that the Archbishops of Dublin took the matter to court and theydecided in favour ofthe Archbishop in 1514. However thisdecision had no effectand itwas not until 1521 that they regained controloftheir manors. 306English Church ad Irish ChieftaiDsThis episode highlights the fact that the Archbishops ofDublin kept up their interestintheir lands and it may be they bad more input and control than the documentary303 Emmett O'Byme, pers, comm. Detailed discussion willbefounc:t in the histOJy ofthe~~O'~gh O'Bymes. eelConotO'Brien,Widdow, 1998 butpublished too latefor CODSlderation.~~ce L., Powersooort and theTerritorY ofFeradJen, JRSAL Vol. 53, 1953, pp. 117-32'Alen 'sReg. p. 262306LiberMunerum Publiconnn Hibemiae, London, 1828,VoL 2, partS, p. 3566

evidence would sugg~st. Another link is indicated with the appointment of a TheobaldO'Toole, whose parents were 'royal', to the Archdeaconary of Glendalough in1465 307 . This may indicate a change in the policy ofthe Archbishops as the previousfive archdeacons had been O'ByrnesIn 1473 the 'carbonate' was ordered to be abolished and the clerks, vassals, betagh(ascriptus) and others ofthe vill and whole lands of Glendalough were to be notifiedthat Tadeus Oskolly, clerk, was to be the new custodian. Another example ofcontinuing Dublin interest is when Glendalough when the O'Byrnes attempted tore-establish an independent bishopric ofGlendalough which culminated in Denis White,a Dominican Friar, holding the office for the period 1481-97 until it wassuppressed byRome under pressure from the ArchbishopsofDublin 308 . He was at this time 80 yearsold, broken down by age and illness and had begun to have a guilty conscience 309 .There are no other documented linksbetween the Dominican Order and the O'Byrnes.Little is known about the religious organisation among the O'Tooles except for acouple ofreferences, one ofwhich was the pardon oftwo chaplains of Castlekevin in1549 with Luke and Morgan O'Toole, with their horsemen and kern 310 . The other is anote in the second Irish Vitae of 81. Coemgen which stated that it was copied inCastlekevin in 1536. In the 15th centurypilgrims from the marches and enemy territorywere allowed to visit Dublin. 311 It is curious that the area, and Wicklow generally, hasso few references in the Papal Registers unlike parts of Ireland 312 where 'Romerunning' was common, maybe reflecting more control ofthe Dublin Archbishopric.307Calendar ofPapal Registers, Vol. 15, 1978, p. 342308Long (1994) op.cit p.255309A/en'sReg. pp. 253-4·310Irish Fiantsfor TlldorSovereigns, Edward VI, 00.354311Undocumented referenc;:e312Ca/ender ofPapa/Registers 1190·1603 & Simms op. cit. p, 190·767

Resurgence - The political backgroundThe weakness ofthe Leinster clans is indicated by Baron Finglass who wrote, in ISIS,that the 'Kavanaghs, Byrnes and Tooles were feeble in regard ofthe strength that theyhad in former times'and he suggests that the area be settled by freeholderEnglishmen. 313 This indicates that the ideology of completing the conquest was stillpart of Government policy but it was not until the fall of the Earls of Kildare inrebellion and their subsequent decline of power in the 1540s that the Tudor Kingsattempted to rule Ireland full-time directlythrough the office ofLord Deputy.Around this period the brothers Turlough and Art Og Mac Art O'Toole transferredtheir centre of power from Imaal to Powerscourt and entered government service inopposing the Fitzgerald rebellion until 1536. They benefited by unravelling the Kildareannexation of their traditional territories 314 . From this period they dealt directly withthe Dublin Administration and developed links with the Old English Pale families in Co.Dublin. This caused a split in the O'Toole clans between east and west with the latterremaining as clients ofthe Earls ofKildare. The first immediate effect ofthis was themurder ofTurlough by Turlough Mac Shane O'Toole, ofImaal, in 1542 315 .The first sign ofthis new relationshipwas the submissionofthe brothers to HenryVIII,after negotiations with St. Leger, in 1540. They surrendered their lands to the King andwere granted them under a number ofconditions, among which were that they had toobey Common Law, keep their castles in good order and roads free, not to keep kernor levy 'black rents'316; Turlough receiving Powerscourt and ~ Og Mac ArtCastlekevin. However as the lands of Castlekevin were held by the DublinArchbishopric St. Leger organised that they surrender these lands to the king first 317313Carew Papers, Vol. I, 1515, p. 6~~40'Byme (1998) op. cit p. 23Sibid.pp.23-4 .316Calendarofpatent and closerolls ofchanceryin Ireland, HenryVllI to 18thElizabeth. ed.Morrin 1., Dublin, 1861,pp. 80-1 . .317CalendarofInquisitions, Co. Dublin. ed, Griffith M., Dublin, 1994,Henry VIII 146/4068

and this ended any further Church interest in the Manor of Castlekevin. This grantbecamethe prototype offurther agreements between the King and Irish chieftains andare now known as surrender andregrant agreements. As part ofthe integration processBrian, ofPowerscourt, was made sheriffof CountyDublin 318 which he 'executed thesame right wen according to such knowledge he bad,319. Feach Mac Art Og, son ofArt Og MacArt, also served as a shet'iiP 20 .The political relationships between the Dublin administration and Irish (irrespective ofancient ethnic origin) in the 16th century fluctuated.Military strategies andconciliatory integration were both attempted but these policies were complicated byfactional competition in the English royal court. By the 1550s the polity in Irelandunder Lord Deputy Sidney was breaking down and he was forced to implement amilitary strategy. In Wicklow Jacques Wingfield was appointed to command theMarches of South Dublin in 1556 321 . This was unsuccessful and he was replaced byFrancis Agard in 1566 322 .Between 1566 and 1600the area was captained by him,until he died in 1577, and hisson-in-law, Henry Harrington 323 .These Captains owed their place through thepatronage systemand were oftenmoreloyal to faction than to the Lord Deputies. Theycarved out personal fiefdoms and theirmeddling in local politics and competitions withneighbouring captains added a layer of complexity to political relationships.324Harrington got control ofland all over Wicldow3 2S including a 31 year lease of CellaSaneti Salvatoris (Glendalough) from 158~26.None ofthis stopped the ritual raiding318Wicldow was within Dublin county until created a separate county in 160531~llis S., Tudor Ireland, London, 1985, p. 1693200 ,Byme (1998) op. cit. p. 24 .321Crawford J.,Anglicising the Govemment ofIreland. Dublin, 1993, p. 447322ibid. p. 441323ibid.p.165 -32~rady C., The Chie/Qovemors.~1994,pp. 275-8132SCaJendaro/lnquisitions, Gp. cit. James I 20/17326CaJendar ofAncientRecords 0/Dtlblin, eelGilbertJames, Vol.2, p. 22569

ofthe lowlandsofthe Pale andthe bereaucrats of the Dublin Council were equally busyinthe ritual ofissuingpardons.To the Nine yean WarWithin this political competition the Gabhal Ranelagh were developing a major powerbase in Glenmalure and they, under the leadership of Feach Mach Hugh O'Byrne,became a major threat to the security of Ireland especially when they developed linkswith the O'Neills and the O'Mooresin particular thoughtheir influence canbe found asfar away as Connaught. There are alsoindications that they had links with the Spanishmonarchy.There were strong marital links between these O'Bymes and O'Tooles. Feach MacHugh's mother was an O'Toole and his second wifewas Rose O'Toole ofCastlekevin.Two of her sisters, Katherine andOwny married two ofFeach's sons (by a previousmarriage), Redmond and Phelim. Their brother, Barnaby (1560-97), was politicallyneutraluntil about 1596when he joinedFeachin Glenmalure where he died offever in1597 327 ,In the Nine years war the Powerscourt and Castlekevin branches were allied to theO'Neills unlike the Imaal branch who were initially allied to the.Government until twoof them were summarily banged by Capt. Lee in Kildare while on there way to joinCapt. Montague in Kells in 1598. This caused major dispute, that was not resolved, inthe Dublin Council; Montague argued that this would be 'seen as a cause for revoltwhen they inclinable to her Majesty'328. Thisreflectsthe factions on both the Irish andEnglishsides and is a warning to the acceptance ofa direct relationship betweenethnicorigin and political orientation. Eventually the Wicklow clans were defeated but weremostlypardoned between 1601-3.3270~Byme (1998) op. cit. pp.25-6328Calendar ofState Papers. March 159870

Under PressureAfter 1600 the O'Tooles remained came underthreat fromthe 1603 Act to RegulariseTitles introduced by JamesL A newbreedofdiscoverers were ableto exploit technicalbreaches ofthe SurrenderandRegrant agreements in the courts andthus receive grantsof the lands themselves. Powerscourt 329 , Castlekevin and Imaal were granted toWingfield, John Wakefield and Chichester, respectively. Wakefield, about whomnothing further is known, received lands an overIreland andhe leased Castlekevin backto that family.In 1636 it was stated 330 that 'the castleof Castlekevin is, and for the spaceof (blank)yearslast past hath been, waste and in utter decay'. It has been assumed fromthis thatthe castle was therefore deserted. Thisis not correct as Alan Cooke, who visited it inthe same year, wrote that there was a 'fair civate' in the bawn of the castle. This hesaysis 20 foot high and 50 yards square, it probably had palisades as when he visited'they shut the gates against me'. He recommended that a manor house be built therebecauseofits strength 331 . The reason thatthe description ofthe castlebeing down waspublicised was because it was a breach of the surrender and regrant agreement whichalloweddiscoversto claim it in the court underthe above mentioned Act.The Castlekevin O'Tooleswere quietduring this period andwhile theywere occasionalrumblings, Wentworth hadthe county undercontrol. The Casdekevin leasecame underscrutiny and it was grantedto SirJohnCoke, Masterofthe Rolls in Dublin, in 1636 332 .However he wanted Wentworth to transport the O'Tooles to Connaught before hetook possession, but W~twortb refused to do so. This is the first 17th centuryreference to transportation to Connaught333 which may indicate developing ideas329 Inc1udednl....._ ,1.:_1.. was .a.i-tUd by SirWilliam Flowers posll660no ~~ ~ .3310ren OIl· cit. p. 2733 C~MSS, H.M.C vol. 12 app. 2, 1888,pp. 132-333~'P. IS7ibid.71

which were put into execution in the Cromwellian period. Coke appears to have playedby Civil Service rules and refused to use more adventurous methods 334 .ConfiscationUnder this continuos pressure there was little doubt which side the O'Tooles wouldtake in the 1641 Rebellion. They chose the Confederacy and after defeat, the mostimportant emigrated to France, others went to Wexford 335 and some minor membersappear to have become small farmers in Castlekevin and Ballinastoe3 36 .The only archaeological finds from this period are three copper cauldrons found in thevicinity of Castlekevin ofwhich two were found before 1838. The first was describedas an enormous Camp Kettle, big enough to hold a sheep, and standing on its tripodabout 5 feet from the ground which was broken up on excavation and the pieces soldfor £7. The second, which may have been used for brewing, was 'lately' in thecollection ofthe Dean of St. Patrick's Cathedral 337 . Around 1975 another was foundof similar dimensions to the first and has been lodged in the National Museum. It hadbeen repaired with a piece ofmetal with Irish script on it. 338AcculturationThere is an intrinsic bias in the Tudor and Early modem sources which can give apicture ofcontinuos conflict between the 0 'Tooles and the Dublin Government. Therewere however powerful forces ofacculturation at work among the O'Tooles. This canbe seen on the levels ofmarriage, wardship, leases and economic trade.334DictionaryofNational Biography, JohnCoke ...;3~eehan op. cit. genealogical chart,endpiece .36Cantwell I., unpublished research337D'alton John. The memoirs o/theArchbishops of'Dubltn, Dublin, 1838, I am indebted to martinTimmons for this infonnation38pers. COmDl. Joe Timmons72

The draft family tree 339 in appendix ~ shows marriages ofPhelim to a Mary Talbot ofBelgard and Garret to the daughter ofthe White Knight, both were ofthe Powerscourtline. Perhaps the most intriguing is the marriage ofFeach Mac Art Og (often known asLuke), ofCastIekevin, to Rice who was the daughter ofRev. Edward Basnett, Dean of81. Patrick's Cathedral, whose family lived in Deanrath. This marriage, before 1560, toa cleric ofthe developing Reformation Anglican Church is an indication that attitudeshad not yet hardened as they were to do later in the century. It shows that strategicmarriage alliances were not dominated by religious observance but by the continualdevelopment of spheres of influence. The fact that the Basnetts had extensive landinterests in the county, including the Franciscan Monastery of WickIow town 340 , isalso suggestive ofthe importance ofland interests. When Feach died in 1578, her claimto the widow's third was recognised in the courts 341 which indicates that the O'Tooleswere being integrated into Common Law and it was used by them as it suited them.However many of the marriage partners of the family are unknown, which suggeststhat many were being married under Brehon Law. This can be seen in the papersrelating to the dispute between Arthur O'Toole of Powerscourt and his unclePhelim 342 in the 15808.Wardship was an important part of the Government strategy of integrating the Irishinto English way of life. Two examples are Arthur of Powerscourt and Barnaby ofCastlekevin. Arthur spent much of his life fighting in Elizabeth's European Wars 343 .He became a Court pensioner and remained loyal, even ifhe 'did moche importune herMajesty'344. Barnaby was made a ward ofSir Henry Harrington in 1578 when he was18 years old and was sent to the Londo~ Royal Court 34S but it appears that he339Now supersededby 0' Byrne(1998) op. cit. pp. 13..273400,Byrne (1998) op. cit., p. 24341Ca/endar ofInquisitions, EIiz. 118n9342Smal1 metey, RDHFJ, No. 10, 1998, pp. 6-7343Meehan, op. cit. p. 293344A cts ofthe Privy Council. 1599, pp. 162..3345Irish Fiants o/Tudor Sovereigns. Eltz. no. 335673

succumbed to the Gaelic Dream when he joined Feach Mac Hugh O'Byme mGlenmalure around1596.Leases between the O'Tooles and south Dublin families can be found in the sourcesand were probably more common than is realised. Rents appear to have been a mix ofmoney, stock and services. One example is a 1560 mortgage to Edward Archbold ofGlasnamullen ofthese lands for 25 marks, 3 good Welsh kine, 3 calves and 3 garrons.He was to hold it for nine years after repayment at a yearly rent offour nobles and hispart ofO'Toole's swine, sheep and other such stock according to the 'custom of thecountry'346. The same source also shows that O'Tooles were living in Co. Dublin,presumably having migrated at an earlier period. A rental of Glencapp of the early1540s, when the Fitzgeralds apparently still had it, states that Patrike Archepoll (recte.Archbold) leased it for Id for every cow, he also had to provide one horse load ofwood every quarter for every house having a 'cahill'. At Michaelmas he paid a further4d for every cow, and per town, a mutton, one pork and a 'dim' gallon of butter.Finally there was a custom day to 'ripp, bind and draw,347.Glencapp is also interesting for a court case between Lucas O'Toole of Castlekevinand Phelim O'Toole ofPowerscourt, in 1595, as to which had the right of 'spending'(taxing) the place. However the freeholders argued that they were 'at thecommandment ofthe Lord Deputy' since Sir Edward Poyning's time and paid in wood,carriage and other duties: they won theircase.348There is little direct evidence of trade but it is likely that agricultural produce andtimber predominated. One 1603 reference refers to the sale ofbutter form the Marches346Calendar ofInquisitions, Eliz., 235/158347 Mac Nicaill G., Crown SurveyofLands, I54()"1. Dublin, 1992, p.348Ca/endarofPatentRolls, H.enry to Eltz., op.cit p. 32874

and O'Tooles country being sold in Butter Lane in Dublin 'in ould tyme,349. The leasesreferred to above show that livestock and timber were part ofthe economic links.The above discussion has focused on the Manor of Castlekevin as Glendalough, underthe control ofthe O'Byrnes is not well documented. There is evidence that both theArchbishops of Dublin and Dublin Corporation had interests there. During thedissolution of the Monasteries the lands of All Hallows were granted to the LordMayor and aldermen ofDublin in 1539 350 and this explains their involvement. In 1586they sent John Lerman and Nicholas Ford to explore their interests in the rectory andlands of Rathdrum, the lands and rectory of Sylva Sancty Salvatoris (St. Saviours,Glendalough), and rectory of Rathmakne. 351. In 1589 they leased St. Saviours,Rathdrum and Kyllaghe to Henry Harrington for xli sterling352. In 1602 St. Saviours isleased to Henry Stanihurst, arrears ofrent were to be levied at 5()oJO to him and 5()OJO tothe city indicating that the Nine Year War had taken its toll on the rentals 353. Thefollowing year it was re-let to Nicholas Keon, the King's Escheator, for £11 p.a, for 21years 354. In 1604 the Tithes of St. Saviours were let to Robert Caddell and he wasoffered a 5()oJO rebate if he let and set the lands. 355 Obviously the Corporation hadproblem leasing out their Wicklow holdings in the aftermath ofthe War. There are nofurther references to their interest and they may have made it over to the Church ofIreland Archbishopric ofDublin. Their own land interests is indicated by a lease theymade to Nicholas Walsh ofthe lands and heriditaments ofGlendalough in 1597 356. Thelease details are not given but it appears that there was some controversy over it assome ofthe Chapter refused to sign the lease when it was first discussed the previous349Ca/endar ofAncientRecords ofDub/in, op. cit. Voll~ p. 193350Gwynn andHadeock, op. cit. p. 172351Ca/endar ofAncient records ofDublin, op. cit. Vol 2, p. 203352ibid. p. 225353ibid p. 398354ibid.355ibid.p.423 .356The FirstChapter Act ofChrts: Church Cathedral, Dublin, 1574-1634, ed. Gillespie R Dublin1997, pp. 103-475

year. However it was agreed and confirmed by the Chapter ofSt. Patricks on the basisthat Walshwould not claim, by virtueofthe lease, that whichbelonged to the Church.SettlementThe first indication of settlement organisation appears in the middle 16th century. Aninquisition of 1541 357 givesthe following breakdown ofland use in acres, (map 10):Vill arable wood pasture3 S8 valueCastlekevin 60 20 200 26/8Tomriland 60 20 200 26/8Ganmonstown 60 20 200 26/8Leitrim 60 ( 20 ) 20/-Glasnamullen 60 ( 20 ) 20/-Tullaghgory 60 ( 20 ) 20/-Obviously the acreages are estimates but if the proportions are taken to be roughlyaccurate than the land use works out as 33% arable, 61% pasture and 6% woods. Thiscompares with Glendalough (not broken down into denominations) in 1538 359 whichhad 23% arable, 61% pasture and 28% wood and Imaal around 1603 360 which had21% arable, 56% pasture and 23% wood. It can be seen that arable acreage is higherthan is often presumed on the basis of cattle culture and agrees with NichoUsargument 361 . It appears that betweena fifth to a quarter ofland was for the growingofcereals. A water mill was to be found in Raheen in 1598 362 . Whether these figuresreflect a three field fallow systemis not clear as it is not stated whether the acreage ofthe arable landsis thetotal or theamountunder crops at the timeofthe inquisition.This list is repeated in 1578 without the acreage or values and with some minorchanges of placenames. These were Castlekevin, Tamralin, Gamnaston, Littrin,357Calendar ofInquisitions. op. cit Henryvm, 146/40358Described asmeadow, moorand pasture359ibid. Henry vm 133/62 ..3~eehan 01'. cit p. 561361Nicholls K., Gaelic and GaeltcisedIreland in the Middle Ages. Dublin, 1972, p. 116362CalendarofInquisitions. op. cit. £Hz. 235115876

1550-1650above300 fN,: .'"-:: ' 'c· 200 - 300~~;:below 200Altitudes are givenin metres2kmVilIsVillageMillWoodland(Castlekevin)

Whigmanstown, Glasmollin and Tollaghghowry forvwhich the O'Tooles were liable forknight service and £3/6/8 per annum. Whigmanstown appears then to be a new ville.Price tentatively identifies ,it as Tramonawigna in the Clohoge Valley near the SallyGap363. It is more likely that it was on the Vartryplateau, perhapsbetweenthe modernRoundwood and Glasnamullen. Ganmonstown's location is unknown, it only appearsin the 16th century. It may be the 'old village' that is recorded in Baltinanima in1739 364 .The first list of placenames as, presumably farms, comes in 1598 365 , map 11, andmentions the following:Castlekevin, Myngles (Moneystown), Cowlecremock (inTrooperstown 366 ), Littlefertir (?), Bolenenalghe (?), Tomerane (Tomriland),Knockrabin (Knockraheen), Twodarragh (Tomdarragh), Ballencorbeg (Ballincorbeg),Colenebur (Coolharbour3 67 ,now in Roundwood), Rabin (Raheen), Ballananym(Baltinanima), Ashtown (same), Letrim (Leitrim, now Roundwood), Molenemeg(Mullinaveigue), Ballynistoy (Ballinastoe), Glassnivolin (GlasnamuJIen), Bolenehema(Boleyhorrigan, now in Ballinastoe), Luggelagh(Luggela, now in BalIinast0e3 68 ).These land divisions appears to be the basic one and these names, with many spellingvariations, pass on into the modem period and became the backbone ofthe OrdnanceSurveytownland stnIcture. The age ofthem is difficult to ascertainand there has to bea fundamental question as to whether the names and boundaries remained the sameover the medieval period. It is possiblethat the majority ofboundaries may have beenstable as they follow topographical features such as ridges and streams. However theeconomic size ofa farm is what matters and giventhe changing climate and developingagricultural technologythere maywellhave been fluctuations in farm sizes.363Price, op. cit p. 51364ibid p. 28365Calendar o/lnquisitions. op.cit. BHz. 235/11'366pnceOIl. cit. p. 23367ibid.p. 42. He believes that there was a traveller's sheher here in medieval times368nere was an amalgamation of the denominations ofBaUinastoe and Luggela c. 165077

Map 11 TownIand structure 1600-1650above 300200 - 300below 200Altitudes are given in metres2kmTownland Code1 Castlekevin 2 Muine 3 Cowlecremok? 4 Littlefertir?5 Bolenenalghe? 6 Tomriland 7 Knockraheen 8 Tomdarragh9 Ballinacor 10 Coolharbour 11 Rabeen 12 Baltinanima13 Ashtown 14 Leitrim 15 Mullinaveigue 16 Ballinastoe17 Glasnamullen 18 Loggela 19 Boleyharrigan

By 1636 there is a well utilised landscape. Cooke in describing the area had one plan inmind; whichis when Coke gets his grant he want to rent it out and plantit with settlers.He describesthe area as wholesome and drywith a coachway to Dublin. He valuestheland income (lO~OOO acres of fit land) from com and grazing at £500 per annumalthough Luke Toole never made £200. The setting ofa town is part ofhis plan and herecommends that it be put betweenTomriland and Tomdarragh as the most convenientto Dublinand Castlekevin.Fishingwas also part ofeconomy ofCastlekevin and salmon are specifically mentionedin 1636. There was competition from the Lord Esmondin Arklowwho bad set a weir.This may not have been legal as Cooke says that he causeda 'Presentment to be madeunto myself, as beingJudge ofthe Vice Admiralty ofLeinster; and whatsoever powerthe law hath shall be put into execution to make this weir be pulled down'. Thecompetitionfor rights between the New English was rough and readyandLaw was justanother tool.WoodlandThe figures for landunder woodland are also interesting. The Castlekevin Manor withonly 5% is an indication that wild woodland was long gone. 28% in G1endalough maybe as much to do with mountain ecologyas to woodland management. In 1636 AlanCooke, in a letter to John Coke3 69 , makes the distinction between wood. and timbersayingthat CastJekevin, Tomriland, Tomdarragh, Ballincor and Leitrim had good woodbut no timber. This appears to indicate woodland management, Castlekevin, he says,has 'very fineyoung oaks'. Anotherblockofwoodland aroundBaltinanima, Carrickroeand Balilasm had 'a very good wood'. Brirne O'Toole writing to his father in Londontwo days later says that Mr. Cooke was very angry to see the woods of Baltinanimaspoiled until it was explained to himthat it was done inMr. Bamewall'stime.369,.._...... Mss .~ . op. CIt. pp.78

The Down Surveylists woodlands in the countyand the following places are given 370 :Place Description acreageKildalough Arable and woody pasture 1,680Killafin do. 297Castlekevin do. 685Tonrriland do. 790Leitrim do. 626Ballincorbeg do. 137Clonbreen wood 141Baltinanima plantation c.I03The pollen diagram for this period shows a dramatic fall in trees values. This isexplained not only by the woodland exploitation of the previous century, particularlyoak whose values fall before the others, but also reflects the woodland wipe-out thattook place in the county during the late 17th and very early 18th century37l. Pine,birch, oak, elm, ash, hazel, yew and holly all fen prey to the demands of the charcoalmakers. Charcoalburning platformscan be found in Glendalough372 and there was aniron smelting works in the Manor of Knockrath erected in 1677 at a place calledFurnace 373 .SummaryThe O'Tooles though ofGaelic originwere on thefrontiers oftwo competing cultures.They chose their strategy on the pragmatic basis ofsurvival and development throughGaelic, Old English, New 'English factional and economic networks. In the late 16thcentury they were becoming anglicised and gentrified as they became integrated intothe Pale. This strategy probably would have succeeded but for the greater politicalagendas around them as they evolved over the previous two centuries.Their37~elly-Quinn M., The evolution offorestly in County Wick10w fromPrehistory to ~ present,Wick/ow, p. 830371pp. 829-32372Long (1996) op.cit pp. 24-26373Price op. cit. p. 2379

integration into English and European politics had a high price and they ultimatelybecame one ofhistory's losers.The proximity to the Pale linked them economically and culturally to the modernisinginfluences of agriculture and economic trade and by the 1650s the agriculture wasprobably as sophisticated as any in the more traditional Old English areas. This is not tominimise the importance of the cattle culture which was still ecologically the mostsuitable for the mountain lands. It however appears that the later 17th centuryplantation, with the exception ofthe foundation ofvillages, had little immediateimpacton the landscape.80

EPILOGUEOwnershipOwnership changes from 1650 are difficult to trace exactly. Castlekevin appears first tohave gone to a Ld. (Lord) Conway374and not a Lt. Conway which is sometimes statedin literature, A Lord Conway was in correspondence with Sir John Coke at this periodbut there are no references to a Lieutenant Conway being active in Ireland. In theRestoration period these ended up with the Temple family but it is unclear whetherthey were granted to John Temple, Master of the Rolls in Dublin, or his son William.William Temple spent most ofhis time as a diplomat in Flanders but was in Ireland fora couple ofyears, and received lands, around 16803 75 . The answer may be in the 1669restoration oflands to John Temple by Charles n 376 . The first surviving lease is fromWilliam Temple to James Farrell for the lands of Ballinastoe in 1682 377 . All 18thcentury deeds give William address as Farnham in Sussex which he bought around1680.The lands of Moneystown, now that part of Derrylossary Parish in the Barony ofNewcastle, were granted to the Bacon family. They also resided in Farnham and wererelated by marriage to the Temples 378 and the Chamneys379, the latter being associatedwith the exploitation of the Shillelagh oak woods. Glendalough came under the solecontrol ofthe Church ofIreland Archbishopric but it is not clear how they gained theinterest ofDublin Corporation.374Books ofSurvey and Distribution, Co. Wicklow. National archives, MIF2/3375DictionaryofNationalBiography, JohnandWilliam T~le ..7~. 5393, National LibraryofIre1a1ld, currentlY~~ restoration377HayesManuscriptSOIlI'Cesfor the historyofIrish Civil,sation, Names Indcx, Temple378Calendar of the TemplePapers, Sussex Record Office379x.elly Quinn, op. cit p. 83081

SettlementThe Hearth Money Rolls of 1669 380 gives the first list of householders. Thebreakdown ofsurnames shows that ofthe 253 names about 40 (16%) were of planterEnglish origin and were mostlyconcentrated in the new villages. Very few old Normannames are to be found and the exceptions probably are due to migration rather than13th century colonisation. An unexpected entry is of a Turlough Byrne listed asConstablein Glendalough.The main villages founded were at Annamoe, Roundwood, Laragh and Moneystown.Annamoe, 12 households ofEnglish surnames, was the most importantprobably due toits strategic siting but declined thereafter. A Robert Meldrum was minting copperpenniesthere in the 1660s 381 .There were two houses with three hearthsin Annamoe and Moneystown, occupied byEnglish. The seven two hearthed houses were divided into four English (Cronybyrne,Annamoe, Drummin and Roundwood) and three Irish (Ballinastoe 382 , Mullinaveigueand Tomriland). Of the one hearthed houses the vast majority were of Irish, if notWicklow, origin. The one exceptionis a cluster ofsurnames in the Avonmorevalley inthe townlands of Clohoge and Carrigeenshinnagh which has a cluster of Bradys,Reillys, Sheridan, Teevane and Crowleyandwho probably are from South Ulster. Theymay have been granted lands for military service under the O'Byrnes or refugees fromearlierUlster wars and plantation.By 1700 the area had become integratedinto the Englishmodeloflandlord and tenant.Village markets and a more intensive agriculture were being introduced, the wolfwasextinct, and the modern period may be saidto have begun.38~ational Archives, researchbased on unpublished data base and article Derrylossary, (RDHFJ no.3 1990, pp. 31-4 by the author)381Seaby Catalogue ofCoinsofIreland. London, 1970382A La~ce Toole, descended from theCast1ekevin lineage?82

CONCLUSIONSThe main aim of this study was to write a regional study of Glendalough and theVartry. This has proved to be a fascinating area of study as society and settlementwere explored, the themes identified, and its complex uniqueness through periods ofintegration and conflict identified. These are summarised on a temporal and thematicbasis.In terms of its early environmental history it appears to be typical of a mountaintopography and even though the arrival of man is late the cycles of clearance,abandonment and long fallow follows the patterns found elsewhere on the Europe.Liam Price in his watershed study ofthe pre-historic period of 1934 argued as thateastern WicklowMassif was neveras extensively settledas the westernside. This hasbeen born out in more recent surveys by Stout and Grogan et. al.. These latterconclusions were reached on the basis of recent archaeological surveys. This studyagrees with the general argument but adds the caveat that the Vartry Plateau andGlendalough do not necessarily fit the pattern and there are variations within thelocality. The pollen core shows that the area was settled earlier than previouslythought, though it might not have left the richness of material culture as foundelsewhere.By the early Christian Period the area appears to have been well settled and may have, been seen the activities ofearly Christians, such as Mo Luan, beforethearrival ofSt.Coemgenand foundation ofthe Monastery. While the early history ofGlendalough isobscure it became one of the premier Ecclesiastical Civitas of its day. Its holdingswere extensive and the Abbey held three estates, one of which is examined in thestudy. The distribution ofthe ratbs in this estate indicate that an ecclesiastical estate82

can be organised differently to a secular Tuath or to lands leased by an ecclesiasticalfoundation to lay clients.The economic power of Glendalough and its estates would have been significantlyboosted by the integration into the Vtking maritime economy and this can be seen inthe extensiverebuilding that took placearound the 10th-11th centuries.It is often incorrectlyarguedthat Wicklow was neverconquered by the subjects oftheAngevin Empire in the late 12th century. Conquest was not an issue as these werepredominantly churchlandswhich moreover wereunderthe controlofone ofthe mostimportant reform clerics of Ireland, St. Lorcan Ua Tuathail, who had a Europeanreputation. The issue was who should controland develop the reform after his deathand naturally the choice fell on curialist clerics appointed by the Angevin kings forreasonsthat bad as muchto do with their secular agendas as wellas the desire to keepgood relations with the Papacy.The mediators of reform in the locality were the Augustinian Canons for the period1160-1260 and they provided the investment for the development of industry andmodernisation ofthe church and its buildings. The administration estate system wasre-organised with the church lands being allocated to new tenants. Even though thisallocation was often under pressure many ofthese lands found there way back into thechurch by way of grant or bequest. In Castlekevin the lack of the classical manorialsettlement of Motte, church, burgesses, and nucleated settlement indicates that thenew order had no significant impact on the overall settlement structure. The maineffect was that the judicial system was completely in the handsofthe Archbishop andwas organisedthrough themanorial court complete with seneschal. Over allit appearsthat the transition was smooth notwithstanding the occasional grumbling from thetraditionalists.83

The first conquest ofthe countycamein the late 13thand early 14thcenturywhen theO'Tooles ofImaal gain control, thoughthey lost Glendalough to the O'Bymes around1250. Relations between these Gaelic Chiefs and Dublin was a complicated dance ofintrigue, war, hostage taking and diplomacy but the actualimpact on the settlement ofthe area is obscure. This state of affairs changed with the rise of the Earls of Kildarewho conquered the north eastern mountain lands in the 1480s. When they fell frompower around 1540, the O'Toole Chieftains transferred to Powerscourt and a newpolitybegan.The evidence indicates that there was a close relationship between the O'Tooles, thePale families and the DublinCouncil. Processes of anglicisation and gentrification weretransformingthis Gaelicfamily though many oftheir traditions remained strong. Most,however, were to die by violence. Marriage is an area where theylived in both worldsas they chose brides from both Gaelic and English families and religion was not a bar.They however fell prey to the aggrandisement of the New English and to a Europeanpower struggle that was out of their control and they finally disappeared after 1650.They are ofinterest due to the fact they were on a cultural frontier and the processesof acculturation indicate that the division into two separate nations is not an accurateinterpretation ofhistory in this Period.The settlement at this period is nucleated on a hierarchical basis with vills controlledmostly by the O'Tooles and their family. Agriculture was mixed and though cattlepredominated cereal production was important. The evidence indicates that thelandscapewas w~ll developed. There was not muchwoodland and what survived wasmanaged. These last woodlands disapeared during the intense exploitation of thesecond half ofthe 17th century. Glendalough probably followed the same pattern butthe documentation is not as extensive.84

Over the period there are various pieces ofmis-information that needed to be tackledand exposed for the propaganda that they were. The first is the assertion in the Vitaeof St. Coemgen that Glendalough was a disert with the implication that it wasuninhabited before the arrival of the saint. The second was that it was a speculemlocurom, a waste inhabited by robbers and thieves, that was promulgated by FelixO'Ruadhan in 1216 and the third was that the Castlekevin was waste and utter decayin 1636. The research has shown that these are inaccurate and they follow the patternof the 'New Order' criticising the 'Old' for the purposes of degenerating them andgaining control oflands and power. It represents the familiar pattern ofthe utilisationof cultural and political propaganda for conquest and domination. Howeverpropaganda, especially by the perceived winners, is not history and the reality is morecomplex..Over the long term as the political power ofthe various elites waxed and waned dailyagricultural life continued. Overall the evidence is that agriculture was well organisedand developed, within the context of the reigning agricultural technology, frompre-historic times. Factors that influenced the structures of agriculture and land usewere various. The most important were the introduction of new technologies andmarkets; changes in the organisation ofsociety from family to individual (mediated bychurch or secular landlords); and Climate change. These are reflected in the landscapeas artefacts though many ofthem, such as field boundaries, are not recoverable exceptby intensive landscape surveys and the various archaeologicalsciences.The temporal scope of this study was ambitious and did not allow for the intensiveexamination ofanyone period. Further research is certainly required to do justice tothis regional study. The areas recommended are: A proper landscape study withsample excavations based on non-intrusive archaeological techniques and Pollenanalysis from any suitable sites in the Vartry plateau using radiocarbon and tephra85

dating methods. There is a verygrowing selection of literature on the area, from suchauthors as have been quoted in the study, however there are further contexts to beexplored. These are Glendalough in its local and national context; the AugustinianCanons and Archbishopric of Dublin and their impact; The Gaelic Conquest and theirsubsequent history to the Plantation. To make sense of what was happening this typeofstudy has to be meshedwith the political narrative for a complete picture.It is hoped that the study over this time frame gives a picture ofGlendalough and theVartry with some of the cultural and settlement continuities through the variousagricultural, cultural and political changes as they developed on the island or weretransmitted fromEurope. Oneobjective was the identification of common themes thathighlight the uniqueness of this area that has attracted, and continues to attract, amultiplicity ofpeoples over many thousands ofyears. Ifthis studyis found to be usefulby the future researchers ofGlendalough and the Vartry than it will have fuJfil1ed itspurpose.86

APPENDIXlPOLLEN RESEARCH IN GLENDALOUGHIn 1985 Javier MaIdanotook a pollensample ofc.17 metresfrom the western end ofthe Lower lake in Glendalough and analysed the lithology, pollen and charcoal andradiocarbon dated four samples from the earlier deposits as partof furtherinvestigationinto the transition betweenthe end ofthe Midlandian glaciation, throughthe Younger Dryas, into the Holocene. Thiswork is still incomplete as a parallel coretaken in 1987 is part ofthe projectbut the results are not yet available. The purpose ofthis core is to determine stomata density on leaves as a guide to C02 levels in theatmospherebut willinclude radiocarbon data.The pollen analysis was conducted on the complete core which made it suitable foranalysisofanthropogenicfactors or thehumaninftuence on the enviromnent. The firsttwo diagrams are the result ofthis work. In the dating ofthe complete core a notionaldate of5000 BP was taken for the Elm decline. For the purpose ofthis dissertationasamplewas sent for dating at c. 4.25 metres. The choiceofthis level was determinedby two factors. The first was that above four metres the deposits have a highproportion of peat which would be largely secondary deposition and thus any dateaccrued would be fraught with problems of interpretation. Secondly this level is aperiod of clearance and it was interesting to see where it fitted into the pattern ofdevelopment within the valley.Due to financial constrains only one sample was obtained. Ideally three would havegiven a better balance as this would have madeit easier to identify rogue dates due tosecondary deposition. It would have been useful to get dates for the first Neolithicimpact, as noted by the increase ofcharcoal, and the introduction ofcereals. Researchin Queen's University is developing the possibility ofextracting tephra samples fromlacustrine cores which would help to give dates in the medieval and early modern86

periods. However this would have. to be treated with caution as there would beproblems of interpretation due to the vagaries of deposition in a lake environment aswell as the known problems ofturbidity.The date received was 385BC, see enclosed report, which indicated a clearance phaseassociated with the Iron Age. A second date of 1650 was added to the diagram asthedramatic fall in tree pollen is diagnostic of woodland destruction associated withcharcoal production for iron smelting. 1650, as a date, is not accurate as this is right inthe middle ofthe Crommwellian War but was chosen as a reasonable average betweenthe heavy exploitation ofwoodland prior to 1650 and the above mentioned woodlanddestruction. The incorporation ofthese dates gave the third diagram which was usedas an environmental guide.There are many known problems in pollen analysis in lacustrine and peat environmentsand these are well covered in the literature.One problem is the question ofregionality. A rough guide is that anyone sample will cover 20 sq. km. Within amountain environment this is likely to be distorted for topographical reasons. Anotherfactor here is the fact that the prevailing wind direction is west to east with atunnelling effect being prevalent. This may over-represent west Wicklow at theexpense ofEast Wicklow which may be important as the west had earlier and moreintense development in the pre-historic period. The pattern of wind direction, afterexiting the mouth ofthe valley, is northwards which may under-represent the plateau.This is not thought to be a major factor in cereal pollen which, due to its relativeweight, does not travel far.In general the analysis is an average of the environment. Within a mountaintopography this average encompasses a number ofdifferent ecologies from rivervalleyto mountain top which for Glendalough represents an altitude difference of around50Om.87

Notwithstanding the problems ofinterpretation the use of pollen analysis in this studyhas been a major benefit as it has provided additional and complementary data for thestudy ofsettlement in the area.Further research is being carried out in the Wicklow Massif though mostly from anenvironmental point ofview. Complementary cores could be taken from the lacustrinesediments at the mouth ofthe Inchivore river as this has seen less human interference.The one advantage and disadvantage here is that bog oak. would provide sample datesbut could provide problemsin sample collection.A core in peat could be taken in the Vartry plateau ifa suitable site could be found.The Sally Gap is an alternative but may, because of its location may provide more ofan average between east and west Wicklow which provides more interpretativeproblemsI would like to thank Iavier Maldano for allowing me access to his work and to Dr.Frazer Mitchel who organised the sample, the dating and who generously redrew thediagrams and advised on approach and sources88

G/endofough,Co . Wic!\fowPollen Percentage Diagram. Selected TaxaE uooi:If)2 ~

Glendalough, Co. Wicl\lowPoll en Perc entage Diagram. Sel ected Ta xao,CDIIIE '- >->-~ ~ en ~('fj0s: '. 'c, 'lJ '-~)c, c:n '.("''''CJ -

"Glendalough, Lower LakePercentage Pollen, Selected Taxar---------------------------- Trees and shrubsE ~~c:>~flJc,..c-\...,fl;Q. Q)Q) 01 s~~0

CALIBRATION OF RADIOCARBOAGE TO CALE DAR YEARS(Variables:estimated C13/C12=-25:lab mult.=l)Laboratory Number:._rConventional radiocarbon age*:Beta-1220612310 ± 60 BPCalibrated results: cal BC 485 to 465 and(2 sigma, 95% probability) cal BC 425 to 200• C13/C12 ratio estimatedIntercept data:Intercept of radiocarbon agewith calibration curve: cal BC 3851 sigma calibrated results:(68% probability)cal BC 400 to 3652310 ± C.() BPORGANIC SEDIMENT2500a: 2400eQI0'toc:0.0~tou 0=a to0:2300220 02100 -+---r----r----.---,---,---,.-L....l-r--.I..-l,..~-___r-...,...-_+-_+_-_._____i800 700 600 500 400 300cal BCReferences:Pretoria Calibration Curve for Short Lived SamplesVogel. J C . Fuls, A., Visser. E. and Becker. B.. 1993. Radiocarbon 35(1). p 73-86A SimplifiedApproach to Calibrating C14 DatesTalma. A. S. and Vogel. J c. 1993. Radiocarbon 35(2),p317-322Calibration -1993Stuiver, M , Long. A.• Kra, R. S. andDevine. J M . 1993, Radiocarbon 35(1)Beta Analytic Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory4985 s. W. 74th Court, Miami, Florida 33155 . Tel: (305)667-5167 . Fax: (305)663-0964 . E-mail: beta@radiocarbon.com200100

APPENDIX 2GREGORIAN REFORM AND IRELANDEurope in the High Middle Ages, 1050-1250, went through fundamental cultural,political, religious and settlement changes. Ireland, on the geographical peripheryofthemainland, was deeplyinfluenced as these changesrippled out from the core. In generalEurope went through a period of political intensification as the Roman Church wasasserting its independence and laying down new standards of conformity. In tandemthere was an expansion of internal and external settlement with the conquering andcolonisation oflands outside thecore areas ofFrance, Germanyand Italy.Politically Ireland went through a major phase ofpower struggles as the concept andideology ofHigh Kingship supplanted the fragmented regional polity with an evolvingmonarchy]. From the beginning ofthe 11tb century the Reform movement started tomake inroads into the entrenched traditional Irishclmrch.In one ofthese struggles DiannaitMac Murcbada, King ofLeinster, was exiled and hisemployment of mercenaries, under Robert Fitzstepben (also known as Strongbow),was to have a fundamental influence on thecourse ofIrish history when most ofthecountry came under the overlordship ofthe Hemy II, king ofthe Angevin Empire, in1172. It is now accepted that Henry n came to Ireland, not as a conqueror, but toestablish his overlordsbip over his Barons as to anow them independence could havecreated an extra security rlsk2. It was convenient for him to be in Ireland on royalbusiness as the papal legates were arriving in Normandy to investigate the murder ofThomas Becket. It bas been arguedthat his Irish 'Crusade' was the price he paid forthe forbearance of Pope Alexander m 3 during this period. It was certainly to his210~C ronu.n, . . op. at. . p. 272Barlow t OIl. cit. p. 33S3ibid p. 303 &: Watt, up. cit. pp. 37-889

advantage to be able to return to the papal legates with the acceptance of the IrishChurch and his sponsorship of the Synod of Cashel, 1171-2. With the underlyingcauses ofhis struggleswith the papacyconcluded Hemy II received papal confirmationofhis overlordship over Ireland".In recent years there has been a revision ofIrish historythat has been led by historianswho have shown that the period 1170-1250 was a time ofpolitical integration into theAngevin Empire on the European model. However most of this writing hasconcentrated on secular history and developments within the church have not receivedthe same attention. With the exception ofseveralessaysthe main source is still WattS,unlike the period before 1200 which is weD served by church historians. The Reformmovement had the most influence on the study area in terms of society and settlementand therefore the backgroundis important.The Gregorian reforms had a significant effect on Church-State relationships in theHigh Middle Ages. The main aim of these was to develop an independent Churchhierarchy which until then was in the hand of the king through the practice of layinvestitures, This long drawn out process ultimately led to the Primacy of the See ofRome7 though on a local level it was recognised that an etente between Church andState was the best method ofachieving the agendas ofboth. England provides a goodexample when during the reigns of Henry n and John issues that sometimes led tobloodshed and papal interdict were usually sorted out through negotiation andcompromise.f The close working together ofKings and Archbishops can be deceptiveand within an Irish context the divided loyalty of the clergy between the King andRome'', is not often recognised. This can lead to statements by historians, such as4Urid. pp. 335~ .SWattJ.A., The Churchand "two the Nationsin Medieval Ireland. Cambri~ge, 1970. ~tcher, op. cit. pp. 441-27 Bartle tt, R, The making ofEJu'ope, Londdn, 1995,pp. 243-44-8earlow, op. cit. pp.29()..308, 402·7&416-19 .,%twpby M., BalaRcing the concerns ofCbmch and State: The ArchbIshops ofDublin, 1181-1228,90

DuflY, who saysthat Archbishopric was an instrument ofRoyalpolicylO. This is overlysimplistic and does not recognise the complex relationships in playas from the Romanpoint ofview the monarchy was an instrument ofPapal policy. As Frame has noted, inhis discussion of nomademature and identity, 'We should not deny medieval mancomplex layers ofidentityand the ability to live with inconsistencies that we take forgranted in ourselves'11. How then more complex is the identity ofchurchman loyal toChurch and State. This is not to say that the agendas ofconquest and conversion didnotcoincide and from the point of view ofthe conquered it amounted to much thesamething especially amongthenon-Christian populations. Thispattern can be seeninthe Frankish drive to theEast in the 8th century12 and continues to the present day.However once the aimofconquest andcolonisation wascomplete there wascontinuoscompetition over theirrespective rights. The lessonappears to be that one needs to becautious in allowing politicalhistorians to set the histiograpbic agendaAnother major focus of reform was the imposition of uniform rites and clericalcelibacy. Ireland was often criticised by such reformers for 'barbaric' habits and thishas been taken as an indication that the Irish Churchwas in a state of 'near chaos'13.However it is important to note that such propaganda was found all over Europe. InNormandy, for instance, the monastic clergy ofFecamp and St. Evroul were criticisedby reformers for being married with families and for drinking cider. Fletcher 14 notesthat it was such low profileclericswho were the main pastoral agents ofevangelisationof the Norse inhabitants and that this pattern was much the same all over Europe.Reformers, with their idealistic standards, denied the worth and value of the basicstructure oftraditionalchurchadministration. It was not until the mid 12th century thatColonyand Frontierin MedievalIre/and, eel. Barty T., et. aI.London, 1995, pp. 41-2l~ S., lre/mrdin theMiddleAges,Dublin, 1997, p.l07IIFnune R, Jre1tJndandBrlttlin. 1/10-1450, I.on«km, 1998, p. 149~;Fletcher cp. cit pp. 193-227I W~ op. cit. p. 24netcher,o,. cit. pp. 389-9191

eformers such as LanfrancofPavia and Anselm ofBec (or ofAosta) restructured thechurches and monasteriesin Nonnandyand EnglandIS.Bitel l 6 has pointed out that the propaganda of the reform movement is a poorindication ofthe state ofthe Irish Churchwho she sees as well organised and capableofholding their own in the changing political climate. There is also an assumption thatreformers were against theIrish Church when in fact they were only criticising currentpractise. It is evident the new monastic orders in charge ofreform had a deep respectfor the Early Irish church leaders who had founded many important monasteries afterthe collapse ofthe Roman Empire. This respect can be seen in the works of GiraldusCambrensis. For instance he called St Coemgen a 'Great Confessor of the Faith,distinguishedfor his lifeand sanctity'17. It may be argued that he stated that Irish saintswere more vindictive 18 but Perhaps he was reactingto the miracles that his countrymenhad suffered from for sacrilegious activities 19 .Giraldus is often criticised for his negative comments about the Irish such as his tales ofsexual misconduct with animals in Wicklow2°. This is seen as part of the typicalcolonial degeneration of conquered people and while there is some truth to thisargument this is also a commonmotifofuman-rural ritualgood-humouredinsults. Thisis as common now as then, though these days sheepare the supposed 'object ofdesire'which indicates the changefrom cattle to sheepin the modernpastoral economy.Religious condemnationwas not unanimous in England. William ofCanterbury, writingin the late 12th century about a certain Theobald who had been wounded in the Irishwars, said that ' ...it served him right, or so those thought who saw no reason for the15Barlow, op. cit. pp. 103-416aitelL., The Isle o/the Saints, Cork, 1995. pp.235-6 .17 Geraldus CambrenSis, TopographicQ HibemicQ, ed. O'Mea!a 1J.,~ 1982, p. 7718ibid. p. 9119ibid. pp. 88-9020ibid. pp.l1S-692

disquieting of a neighbouring nation, who, however uncivilised and barbarous were• 7remarkable and noteworthy practisers of the Clnistian religion,21. Davies has pointedout that the refonning excuses put out by the invaders have a guilty post-hoc feel tothem and are an attempt to mask greed with noble crusading endeavour 22 .One of the main channels of early reform was through the Archbishop of Dublin,Lorean Ua Tuathail, who was ejected in 1162. Notwithstanding the politicalbackground of his appointment 23 his main focus was the reform of the Irish Churchwhich consisted of the development of dioceses and parishes on the Roman modelwhich had been the focus ofthe reform councils of the 12th century24 and the reformof the monastic orders under Augustinian Canons and Cistercians. He is associatedwith many Augustinian foundations ofthe Arrouasian observance and in Dublin manyfoundations, such as Christ Church, and the Priory of All Hallows assumed theArrouasian ruIe2 5 . It is believed that in fact native reformers were completely in tunewith European Church policy26. It was these Augustinian Canons that provide theframework ofcontinuity in areaoutside the field ofconquest.Lorcan Ua Tuathail played in important mediating role between Dublin and DiannaitMac Murchada during the siege ofDublin in 1170 and was Robert Fitzstephen's uncleby marriage. He was appointed papal legate in 117C)27 and mediated between RuaidriUa Conchobar. High King ofIreland, and Henry II during the Treaty of Windsor. Hisdiplomatic career continued until he died on one such mission in the Arrouasianmonastery ofEu in Normandy in 1180.21 0,C . . . .rol~ op. crt.p. Xl • • .22 0 avies, op. cit pp. 109.11 (his title, Domination andConquest, reflects one histiographic agenda)23Mac Shambrain, op.cit pp. 1.54·9i 4Wa tt, 0)). cit.1JP.12-722-?ng, op. cit. p. 40-Murphy op. cit. p. 4727G~ A., TheIrish Churchin the 11thand12thcemurtes,Dublin,. 1992, p. 13593

His canonisation is an excellent example ofthe integration ofIrish reformclericsin theEurope. The Arrouasian canons at Eu immediately promoted their monastery as apilgrimage centre and theOffice dedicated to him and composed on his canonisation in1226 survived until 1758 28 • They organised petitions from the leading clerics of theday including the Archbishops ofRouen. One ofthe more interesting petitions camefrom John Cumin 29 , Archbishop ofDublin and Lorcan's successor, while he was inexile in Normandy. His nineyear exile was due to his conflict with the Justiciar, Barnode Valognen, over lands in Co. Dublin30. His links with this order, who were also thecanons of Christ Church, is significant. His successor was Henry ofLondon who isseen as the epitome of a 'curialist bishop' and in the pocket of the king31. Murphyargues that while this is true where Royal and Church agendas coincided 32 he, after1216 when Henry ill succeeded John (who bad appointed him), followed a moreindependent line. His church policy is especially seen in his offer to Innocentill oftheKingdom ofEngland and Lordship ofIreland as papal fiefs, This was accepted for atribute of1,000 marksofwhich 300 were for Ireland 33 •The charters ofconfirmation to the Abbey and Bishopric of Glendalough are seen asattempts by the Irish church struggting to preserve their status and lands3 4 . This maybe correct though it may over-interpret their significance. Charters were a recentintroduction into Ireland and their use may reflect the modernisation using this newadministrative tool which is what could be expected in a refonn church when formalchanceries were .being organised 3S . These charters therefore can be seen as theintegration of the Irish Church into the Roman administration rather than localinitiatives.28 Ronan M St 1 .--...tw..... Archbishopof Dublin, J.E.R., 5th series, vol. 28~ p.47529 .~ ~-~ibid. vol. 27, 1926, p. 3493~mphy op. cit. p. 45~~Barlow~ op. cit, p. 413Murphy 0,. cit p. 5633Barlow 01'. cit p. 4173'!MacShamhrain, cp. cit. pp. 161-23Ssart1eu, 01'. cit. pp.285-694

In the long term however the integration failed as ethnic divisions, reflected in thesecular world,took hold in the church administration in Ireland which becameincreasingly divided. Dioceses became either Irish or English and came under thecontrol ofthe local magnate or dynast. The main function ofRome was for arbitrationwho appeared to recognise the divided church. One effect ofthis was the survival ofancient practises such as hereditary control of church lands and vernacular religion.There was nothing specifically Irish in the survival of folk belief and these could befound all over Europe such as Brittany and Catalonia 36 . In one sense reform is alwaysin conflict with vernacular religion 3 ? whose diversity reflects local cultural traditionsIn the modem day local ritual can be found allover the recently christianised world andis now accepted practise. This diversity is not the privilege ofradical reformers but partofthe fabric ofthe Church 38 .It raises the fundamental question. What makes a Christian? This is reviewed byFletcher3 9 by considering conversion and conquest, comparing articulate ideology andinarticulate practise, and by analysing reform, but he comes to no real conclusion as theexperience and reaction to conversion varied widely over space and time.Fernandez-Almesto and Wilson considering the ideology and impact ofreform say that,at its best, it is a spiritual movement that re-invents the Church but at its worst itbecomes a cynical exercise ofcontrol where religion becomes a substitute for spiritualexperience40. Much of their work explores the conflict of uniform practise andindividual experience which is reflected in the conflict between universal uniformityversus the individual conscience which results in the splitting of religions into minorand marginal sects.36pletcher, op. cit. pp. 510-137Fernan.dez-Almesto F. &.WilSOIl"D., Reformation. Londo~ 1996, p. 1738ibid. p, 21, quoting Carl lung3%letcher Gp. cit. 508-2240 . . ta.49Gp. CIt. pp. XI IX.95

In conclusion the history ofthe Church is not solely the history of religion but alsoreligious practise and experience. These undefinables impact on human behaviour inways that are beyond academics grounded in intellectual traditions. To ignore them isto miss part of the totality of how life bas been organised on an individual andcollective level.96

Powerscourt lineTurlought Ir----~ I I nBrian Cogaidh sl, 1581 Felim sl. 1592 Turlough s1. 1542 Samuel Redmond Art Eliz1(m 1]Mary Talbot, Belgardm 2] Eliz, dau ofHugb McShane O'Byrne& widow ofBrianMcCabirMcCartKavanagh ob 1578)1---~ l--J--lArthur viv 1615 Garret st. 1582Turlough Diarmaid Dau.(m dau. WhiteKnight) (m. MurrougbMcRedmond O'Byme)ITurlough st. 1616(m Saivedau ofDonalSpanachClonmullen Castle)

Castlekevin LineArtOge----------1----- 1Lle ob 6/4/1578(m Rice, dau ofEdwardBasnett,Deanratb, Dean ofSt. Patrick)BLyob 11/III597 FL .r DorOUgh Jse(m Honor ni Moree viv 1636 (mMargaret Byrne)(Aedh 81. 15231)I 1OWneyKatherinerem Roger Masterson)ILuke sl. 1652 (born 1577..89)r­(ArtICahirIMargery?)Barnaby ob. 1691Notes: Rose, daughter ofLuke manied FeachMcHughO'Byrne. Her sisters OwneyandKatherine married PhelimMcHughandRedmond McFeagh, sons ofFeachMcHughO'Byme. Fanny Archbold and a Boya (O'Choy?) are also related, the latter havingCathir(McEdath?) by a son ofTurlough, Burghley'snotes are somewhat difficult to interpret here.{Genealogical Sources: O'Cleirigh genealogies no. 1745-7; Mac Shamhrain, Church andPolity, Maynooth, 1996, p. 156; C. P. Meehan, Clan 0 'Toole, Dublin 1890, frontispiece;Calendar of State Papers of Ireland; Calendar of Carew Papers; Dublin Inquisitions,(Margaret Griffith, Dublin 1994); IrishFiants for Tudor Sovereigns; Coke Mss., (HistoricalManuscripts Commission); Wtlliamson and Burgbley's pedigrees c. 1615, (Carew Papers,Lambeth Library, Ms. 626, p. 168, NLI mlf pos. 1704); Conway Papers addenda (StatePapers of Ireland, Eliz I .. Geo ill, 63/213, p. 203, NLI m1f pos, 3125); Public Record

Office, London, Burghley's marginal notes in State Papers of Ireland, O'Toole petitions,1581 63/92 (pp.207-13) and 1591 63/158 (p. 72); Kenneth Nicholls, Kavanagh Pedigrees,Irish Genealogist, 1911, vol. 5, no. 4, p. 445. I am indebted to Emmett O'Byrne and BrianDonovan who advised me on 16th century marriages with O'Byrnes and McMuIToughKavanaghs}

Inquisition at Castle Keuyn. 1257-63APPENDIX 4SELECTED DOCUMENTSN~es ofthe~o~sworn at Castlekevin to tell the troth upon the articles exposed to them: Thomas,Prior ofSt. Saviour s ofGlendalough, (blank.) prior of the great church at Glindelache Donoho Priorde.R~ by Glindelache, Sir William Anglicus, Gilbert de Bevso,Richard de Lailes, Thomas Lanes,Wilham Doggett, John de Horseye, Richard de Cesterbam (or Chesterham), Elias Othothel, SimonOthothel, Molawelyne McDuille, Thomas Chapman, Richard Mihaue, Philip Miave, John Wllens,John .Lukere, Robert Lukere, Rubtus Oclonir (or Oclouir), Richard the clerk, John Cmmpe, MoIkaleOmaille, Padyne Regane, Adam Hille, Aleuanne Obiguanne (1), Molleuch Orothegane, Malia'Omolegane.Sworn and questioned they say that no one waived by the king or the Lord Edward was receivedwithin the an:bbishop's tenement. H anypersons waived in the Archbishop's court werereceived andfound in the tenement they are detained, andthey are delivered by the archbishop's bailitIs. In thetime of William Pirron, bishop of Glindelacb, it happened that Elias BoIbatus and Bmbarbatus,Englishmen, were all waived for stealing nagsand cows and for killing Caym Otonyn's daughter,whom they killed, and they returned afterwardsto thepeaceofthe said William bishop ofGlindelac'for their monies whichthey gave him before Richard NOde, then seneschal. Gerardson ofMaurice,an Englislunan, was waived in Bishop William's tenement and in the king's court in King John'stime, and by the judge of said court he returnedto the peace of the Lord W. for his money, which hegave him before MeiJer, son ofHemy, thenjusticiary. Donohoe Magillemeholmoc slew Richard sonof Gilbert an Englishman and the said bishop W. took redemption thereof in the said seneschal'stime.In Archbishop Henry's time Doneiult McDeneuilt and Convye Mac DeneuiJt killed Walter son ofHugh Lawless, and Englishman, and were waived in the archbishop's court for that offence, and theyreturned afterwards to the Archbishop's peace for their monies, which they paid him before EliasDrolde,then seneschal.In Archbishop Luke's time, Walter Garnan, an Englishman, was waived for theft and afterwardsreturned to the archbishop's peace before Geo.tTrey de Eleyne, then seneschal. In David the cleIk'sland in Likin and Myneglas robbers were often received, and one WaIter, David's brother, was intheir company; Richard de C3rricke and his following lay in wait for those robbers, ldlled them andbeheaded them, and brought their headsto thecastle;but Walter, David's brother, escaped along witha woman (cum una), tIed and waswaived, and afterwards he returned to Archbishop Luke's peaceforhis money, which he gave to him in the time of the said seneschal;andfor that offence, David's landremained in the archbishop's hand as his escheat. These were EngJ.isbmen, and the king did not sethis hand to that land, and the archbishop gave it afterwardsto William English (AngJicus), whonowholds it. William Carricke, an Englishman, was waived for theft, and afterwards he returned toarchbishop L's peacefor his money which he have him in said seneschal's time. Elias Mihave waswaived for theft andreturnedto archbishop L's peace, utsupra.Questionedalso whether the archbishop's b8ili:ffs always made view without the king's coroner, ofpersons killed, whether dead or drowned and made inquests andburied the ~ they say yes. InArchbishop Luke's time Walter Wylens, an Englishman, was drowned at lnuerche1le, and as inquesthaving being held asusualthearchbishop's bailiffs buriedhim. Stephan de Sancto Albanobeing thenseneschal and Elias Othoel serjeant of the countIy. Richard son ofRalph, Pe11etar by (sur)name, anEnglishman was drowned at cestrieronin; inquest being held as above, he was buried. AnEnglishwoman, by name Couilda, was killedin a .sandpit (in quodrasforamine ~l1anis), beca~,agreat quantity of earth fell on her, and inqueSt being held as above, she wasburied; and the king scoroners nevermade viewofthepersons killed, whetherdead or drowned.Questioned also if any bailiff of the king was accustomed to make summons or attachment in thearchbishop's tenement, they say no; only at St Sepleclmre~ where an attorney of the an:hb~p isdeputed to receivefroin the king's bailiffs, in~the~ofthose to be~ or ~hedbefore the judges. It happened once, in ArchbishoP Lukes bIDe, that one of the king s serjeants,101

He~ by~ came to Bohenir to Richard de Carricke~s houseto serve a~ on the pert ofthe king.~ Luke had~passed on him at one, aDd the said II, was accmdinglyremoved from his~ and he hadto give satisfaction to thearchbishop besides in the time: whenGeoffrey de Mariscowasjusticiary.'Questioned whether the predecessor of Alchbisbop F.~ who then was~ always had a dud offelony and ho~theysay yes; and that aU his pn:decessors.bishopsandarchbishops, alwaysbadsucha duel.~ouedwhetherany fugitiveto the chmch was watebed by !be archbishop~s tenants and deliveredby his o~ by the ~'s ballitIs, they say not by the king's bailiffs, but always by the archbishop's.Pt:ret Drido~ (Ori~) woundedan Englishman, andfor that be put himselfin the church ofKilmoholmoc m the tune ofArchbishop Luke, by whose tenants he was watched andbefore whosebailiffs he abjured his tenement, Master Hugh de GIindeIache, afterwards Bishop of Ossory, beingthen senescbal William the Maton tled to the church ofDergory because he hadwounded his mateRoger, and he was delivered as above. The like often happened, andthe king's bailiffs never put aband to it.Questioned ifthe predecessors ofArchbishop F., who now is, pleadedan pleas except the four pleasofthe crown, they sayyes, and that all his~ bishopsandarchbishops, alwaysby their ownbailiffs pleadedall pleas except thefour pleas ofthe crown.Questioned if the archbishop's bailiffs immediately took into his hand as his escbeat the IaDds ofhomicides and felons or thieves, 1bey sayyes, aDd tile king or anyone in his placenever set hands tothem, as appearsabove.Source: Alen's Register, pp. 110-2Names ofFeoffPcd; by deed in the tenement orr_IeKeyyge, 1256-66Sir Wtlliam. English (Anglicus) bas to him and his heirs the land of Lakyn and Muneglas withappurtenances for 2 marks; 16.5a. withpasture ofthe m.oontains andwoods ofGIasdrey for beastsofhim and his men dwelling in that land, ~housbot' and ~beyber' for him and them, firewood and hisown swine in both forests, 255. a year; all the land that Dirimpimus me~ chap. held, 3mks; custodyofthe landsTheobald Butler (pi1lcema) held in parts ofArcIo with aD appurtenances(saving advowsons'ofchurchesto thearchbishop) 2 mks a year.Richard English has for life the landofKiladreny with appwtenana:s, which Jobo Laules held, and disposal ofit for 12 years at his deathand ~husbot' and ~heybe:r' in the wood ofBalliloranth by viewofboth foresters, 1005a yearand halfamark increment. John Doget basto him and his heirs 2 carucates of Kiltorech with appurteDaJJces(saving advowsons andtithingoftithes), 4 mksa year;what he bas in Ballidunly andLismorothbas 3camcates with appurtenances (saving as above), 16/8 a year; in Kerichery 2 carucates (saving asabove), 4 Inks, The abbotandmonksofSt. Mary~s nearDublinhave in freealmsfor everthe landofRostulli which William OScolly held. Richard le Arth bas to him and his heirs 2 carucates inClentoly Emanekan, which He between Henry de Tauelagh~s land and Scooagh and go on to theGreat Water, with a pasture of the woods of.Monone(?) to bim and his ~ whllst however thepasture (c:onupt), 205. a year (saving as before). Yw Patrikhas to him and his heirs 2 carucates inDelaster and Clonbo in the said tenement, recentor(?) tne1I'IlJ7(J (in thewood)ofLeytron and 20s. inAJdas near those 2 carucates on thesouthwith a pasture for beasts ofhim for andhis men dwellingin said lands,. both in the mountain andin the archbishoP's forest and 'hys' and ~he in!en' andwithpannage, lOs. a year and 4Od. ofincremeDt. Theabbot andthe convent of 81. Thomas near Dublinhave inpetpetuaI alms all the land of KiIIwisk with the villeins (1UJtivJ) and their following there inthe mountain at the time of tbeir concession, 'aud tbat tbcy have a court for their own men anddisputes whichbelong to the Jaycourt, and that the bailiffs do not molest the said canons nor causethem to be molested'. William deBetinges has for lifefive score 13a. in Carbouth for Ss. a yearand200 (als 205) of inaement; S eamcates in BaIlinIocber, BaU,dergoJy, Ballyonmocbay, Ballyoseranwith appurtenances and 'husbot' and ~heybot' ~ firewood by flew of the~ 3 ~. (Inmargin: Five caJlJC8tes oflaudin StagoniI and Lislogan are held by the AJ:chbishop of DubJin for13/4 of yearly rent as of his manor of Castelke' as in the White Book fo. 17)(1n margin: DeJasterseems a chapel formerly underVilla Cetbit" [Hatpstown])Source: Alen's Reg.pp. 123-4LetterofAlan Cook; to John O*c 8 AIIP' 1636102

I went to view.the lands of the Vartty, where I stayed all last week, and I observed every parcelthereof, for which I wasbeholden to Sir~Winkfield,whois your newneighbour. The names ofall the towns areasfollowing: Castldc:evin, the town where the Castle doth stand. This hath a goodlywood but no great .timber, but very fine young oaks. TomoIaIl, a pretty wood but DO timber,Tondarragh and BaIincor, a very goodlywood but DO timber. Rabin,. a very small vi.Uage, no wood,Balto~ Canick1'O and Bolelin, the largest town in the Vartries, a very good wood, by whichmnneth the great river. Leitrim joins the river of the Vartties, a very pretty wood but no timber.MolenbigeandBo~ a town hath no wood. Bahinto,where Mr. M'asterson doth dwell; he is friendto Mr. Toole's mother, he hath this and the above town. This town bath no wood. GJasmolin, joiningto theManor ofPowerscourt, no wood. All thewholelandsverydry, andvery wholesome air (it is allcoach way). It is all in length six miles and in breadth a mile of good lands, it is all entire withinitself Castlekevin is the fittest place to build a Manor bouse, because of its strength; the Bawne isvery good,verynear 20 foot high; anthecastleis down, andthebounds are nearlySO yards square. Afine small river nmning at the back ofthe castle, halfa mile from the same, nmneth the great river,which did affotd a (blank) of salmon,. which did come out of the sea to ~ but the Lord ofEsmond hath set a weir upon theriver. I havecaused a Presentment to be made unto myself: as beingJudge of the VICe Admiralty of Leinster; and whatsoever power the law hath sba11 be put intoexecution to make the weir bepulled down.. Between TomoJan and Tondanaghis thebest place to setthe village (facilities for timber and lime (from Dublin) enumerated). There is a very fair civatewithin the Bawneofthe~ which will serve to dwellin until the town be built, and very seaue.Let me give you thisencomagementtop.because I sbaD beable to plant it had you twice as muchland, and with most able tenants ofgoodworth and quality. Casdekerin will be a fit placefor a manofgood fashion to 1Min, which mustdefendthe tenants until theybe fully settled, which being builtI will take, giving as much as anyone forthe same. I will presumethere will be 10,.000 acres of landwhich will be fit for com or grazingboth winter and summer, which cannot yield less than £500 perannum, although Luke Toole nevermade £200 per annum. I wouldwish that your grants were passedandthe land smveyed. The furthest part of your land is but 14 miles from Dublin, and the next 8miles.WhenI came to the Castle theyshut the gates against lilt; but in theend, after they made a great cry,they used me veJY kindly. When I had confereuce with theeldest sonofthesaid Toole, who is a veJYmodest gentl~ he seemed to bevery well contentedto part ofthe land.He amicd me into a roomwherehe showed me 16 more cbiIdrenofthe said Toole, aD of which he affirmed, must beg, unlessyour Honour weregraciousunto them in seeing them provided for elsewbere. I cannot leam. that anyonehath interest in any part of the Janel but his mother,. in the two towns of Moleubige andBahinto,which is herjointure. Mr.Luke Toole's eldestson requested me to send these inclosedunto his father,oneunsealed, by which I presumebe adviseth his father to makeyour favour. I beseechyou get me areference on mypetition.Source: CokeMss.lIMe, vol. 12, app. 2, pp.132-3BrimeTooleto Me Luke Toole ig I myIog 10 A"1I1fil1636Much respected father I know my brother Barnabywrites to unto you ofMr. Cooke's c::oming to viewthe Fmderye, but ifthe matter goes to the worstI hope in God you can agree with 8ecreIary Coke,whoI understand bad thelandpassedunto.RobertDowting denied the keyoftile trunk was left withhim.He did not useyou well in not sending theEarlofAntrim's letter, whowasgivenunto him threeor four weeks ago. You arenot to blame mefor your nag. formybrother~~ sufferBO! meto handle him. Alan Cookewas mightilydispleased when he saw the wids of Baltimanyso spoiled,until my brother andI followed him to PowersaJurt, andthere,.~ part ofhis.~ by tellinghim that most part oftile wid was destroyed in Mr. BamewaI1 s time. My mother IS m goodhealthand so is all the children, your mother and all your friends. 1 go daily to comfort my mother,accordingtv your diredioo to me. Your daughter, my wife, remembers her duty unto you. My loveand serving unto Sir DonagbSource: ibid.p. 133103

APPENDIX 5PLACENAMES AND INTERPRETATIONThe main source ofpJacenames in County Wicklow is the well known and regarded'Placenames of Co. WickJow' by Liam Price land this study bas used this work:extensively.Periods of cultural change create new settlement situations which effect the use ofplacenames with settlement inertia representing continuity and change represented bythe new order. Topographical features tend to survive better in placenames than thosethat represent settlement.There are a number ofperiods that are represented in the place names ofthe studyarea. Topographical placenames from the late Iron Age appear to survive for somemountains ~ valley systems and these are discussed in the text. The second phaserepresents the impact of Christianity which provided ecclesiastical names offoundations and lands. The thirdphase comes in the early 13th century with theimpactof Reform associated with the Angevin Lordship. These new leaders and colonistswould have written in Latin and spoken either French, Anglo-Saxon or some earlyversion of English. By and large they appear to have used the existing placenamesthough their phonetic variations give major problem ofinterpretation. Their sole inputappears to have been the introduction of the word Park and the prefixes Castle andVille. The last period to be considered is the late Tudor and Early modem whichappears to havegenerally used existing plaeenames thoughsomeofthe Vill names arelate 16th century creations.IJ>ubliD, 1945-67104

In the Study area the main element of names is topographical with the names ofdescriptive features such as Druim for ridge, Lugfor hollow, Cnoc for hill, Gleann forGlen pre-dominating. Those names that describe vegetation such as Doire for Oak,Fuinnseog for ash, Moin for bog, Tom for scrub often represent previous landscapes.The most important of settlement names belong to ecclesiastic foundations in theGlendalough region and can date from the 6-7th centuriesand show the continuityoftradition2.In dealing with settlement names from the 11th century onwards the meaning of theterm Baile is matter ofongoingdebate. Pricelistsfour different possibilities:1) A piece ofland held by family groups as used in 12tbc. ecclesiastic charters2) Individualland holdings, post 11703) A farmstead, frequently described by its situation. This appears to have developedfrom the 13th century onwards with the Latin and English cognates of the prefix Vtlland suffix town. The sense is of nucleated farm hierarchical settlement which thendeveloped into the modem meaning ofvillage.4) Town, but not found inWicklowFurther complicating the issue, especially in a mountain area, is the similar Buaile forsummer pastures used for seasonal transhumance. Other possibilities are Bealach forpass or road, associated with mountain and wooded lands; Bothlach for place ofbuts;and Balla for wall 3 .Difficulties in interpretation are to be found in other instances i.e.. Tom or Tuaim,bushy place or mound and Coill, Coli, Cui! or Cui for wood, hazel, comer and backpart (hill) respectively are typical for the area. Nouns and adjectives beginning withvowels providea different challenge.2ibid. p. 2-83ibid. pp. 495-6105

Place name evidence is thus fraught with difficulties as the ones that have survivedhave been through linguistic transmutation at a number of different periods. Loss ofmemory and traditions corrupt original meanings; so that the 14th and 1Sth centuryGaelic conquest and the effortsofwellmeaning 19th century antiquarians (whichfeedsback into the locality4) add layers ofcomplexity. Whetherit is possibleto identifY thestratification ofplace names through identifYing the dates of addition and deletion ofprefixes and suffixes 5 is unclear.Further study into originsand stratification maygiveinsights into Church settlement ofthe 7th-13th centuries, especially in the delineation ofthe 13th century transition frommonastic estate to episcopalmanor. The later 16thand 17thcenturiesmayalso help inthe transition from Gaelicsettlement throughPlantation intothe modem period.-.o._.-.l fi di . traditionsfor the4 ibid P 43 Glendat"..."h onides ofthe 19thcenturY were IQIUWWOiV. or storttng., u~0"" • ~~te it orthemasmanytravellers attestentertainment of visitors whodid notalwaysow·_- .Dubl.ft 1994 I am indebted5 F1anaganDeirdre &. Laurence,Common Ele*!'lS of In~Plocenames. UD, ,to Mark Hennessyfor this refereDCe anddiscusstoJl oltbe issues106

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