114 K. Rastle, M. Brysbaert / Cognitive Psychology 53 (2006) 97–145orthographic and <strong>phonological</strong> pathways, a prime like ‘‘yuice’’ will activate its orthographictarget ‘‘USE’’ only via the <strong>phonological</strong> pathway. Further, at least <strong>in</strong> the DRC model, theprime ‘‘yuice’’ will actively <strong>in</strong>hibit the activation of the orthographic unit ‘‘USE.’’ Simulationsus<strong>in</strong>g these models have shown a pattern of per<strong>for</strong>mance consistent with this verbal account.For example, Coltheart and Rastle (1994) demonstrated that the activation of the orthographicunit COAT is <strong>in</strong>fluenced far more strongly by the visually similar stimulus ‘‘koat’’than by the visually dist<strong>in</strong>ct stimulus ‘‘kote’’. Similarly, Harm and Seidenberg (2004) demonstratedthat pseudohomophones which are visually similar to their base words (e.g., ‘‘nat’’)activate appropriate semantic features (e.g., <strong>in</strong>sect) along the orthography-semantics pathwayto a far greater degree than do pseudohomophones which are visually dissimilar to theirbase words (e.g., ‘‘nox’’). Thus, each of these models predicts <strong>phonological</strong> <strong>prim<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>effects</strong> tobe most evident <strong>in</strong> situations <strong>in</strong> which orthographic overlap between prime and target is high.Just as <strong>phonological</strong> primes and their targets can vary <strong>in</strong> the extent to which they <strong>in</strong>volveorthographic change, they also vary <strong>in</strong> terms of the position at which this change occurs (e.g.,klip–CLIP versus groe–GROW). While many theories (e.g., Frost, 1998; Harm &Seidenberg, 2004) predict that <strong>phonological</strong> cod<strong>in</strong>g occurs <strong>in</strong> parallel <strong>for</strong> all letters of the<strong>in</strong>put and would thus predict no <strong>in</strong>fluence of overlap position, some theories predict that thisfactor may have an <strong>in</strong>fluence on <strong>phonological</strong> <strong>prim<strong>in</strong>g</strong> (e.g., Berent & Perfetti, 1995; Coltheart& Rastle, 1994; Coltheart et al., 2001; Perry & Ziegler, 2002; Rastle & Coltheart,1999). In the DRC model (Coltheart et al., 2001), <strong>for</strong> example, nonlexical letter-to-soundconversion procedures operate serially, from left-to-right, across the <strong>in</strong>put str<strong>in</strong>g. Phonological<strong>prim<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>effects</strong> might there<strong>for</strong>e be most evident <strong>in</strong> situations <strong>in</strong> which the orthographicchange between primes and targets is early (e.g., klip–CLIP versus plip–CLIP), though thisprediction would need to be verified through simulation.In our experiments, we wished to ensure that the presence or absence of a masked <strong>phonological</strong><strong>prim<strong>in</strong>g</strong> effect did not rest <strong>in</strong>advertently on uncontrolled aspects of the degree andlocation of orthographic overlap between primes and targets (see e.g., Lukatela et al.,1998, who used only a s<strong>in</strong>gle type of orthographic change, e.g., klip–CLIP, <strong>in</strong> their <strong>in</strong>vestigation).We there<strong>for</strong>e took care <strong>in</strong> design<strong>in</strong>g the stimulus set used <strong>in</strong> Experiments 1 and 2to <strong>in</strong>clude prime–target pairs represent<strong>in</strong>g the full range of orthographic overlap and positionof that overlap. Given the humble effect sizes revealed <strong>in</strong> our meta-analysis, however,our purpose was not to test <strong>for</strong> differences across these types of overlap. For readers <strong>in</strong>terested<strong>in</strong> specific post hoc contrasts, we have <strong>in</strong>cluded complete item data <strong>for</strong> each experiment <strong>in</strong>Appendix A.4. Experiment 1For Experiment 1, we conducted a ‘‘typical’’ <strong>for</strong>ward-masked lexical decision experiment<strong>in</strong> which pseudohomophones primes always mapped onto a ‘‘YES’’ response. Giventhese circumstances, we expected an overall <strong>phonological</strong> <strong>prim<strong>in</strong>g</strong> effect of approximately10 ms, <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e with those studies reviewed <strong>in</strong> Table 4.4.1. Method4.1.1. ParticipantsParticipants were 42 students from Macquarie University. All participants werenative speakers of Australian or New Zealand <strong>English</strong>, and reported normal or
K. Rastle, M. Brysbaert / Cognitive Psychology 53 (2006) 97–145 115corrected-to-normal vision. Participants received either course credit or payment of $10Australian dollars (approximately $4 US dollars) <strong>for</strong> their participation.4.1.2. Stimuli and apparatusOne hundred and twelve pseudohomophone primes, each compris<strong>in</strong>g three phonemes,were selected from the ARC Nonword Database (Rastle, Harr<strong>in</strong>gton, & Coltheart, 2002).Phonologically identical <strong>English</strong> word targets were derived from these pseudohomophoneprimes by chang<strong>in</strong>g one, two or all three of the graphemes <strong>in</strong> the pseudohomophone. Forexample, the target RAISE was derived by chang<strong>in</strong>g all three of the graphemes <strong>in</strong> thepseudohomophone WRAZE (WR fi R, A.E fi AI.E, and Z fi S), whereas the targetFARM was derived by chang<strong>in</strong>g only one of the graphemes <strong>in</strong> the pseudohomophonePHARM (PH fi F). Sixteen <strong>English</strong> word targets were derived by chang<strong>in</strong>g all three graphemeswith<strong>in</strong> the pseudohomophone prime; 48 <strong>English</strong> word targets were derived bychang<strong>in</strong>g two graphemes with<strong>in</strong> the pseudohomophone prime; and 48 <strong>English</strong> word targetswere derived by chang<strong>in</strong>g one grapheme with<strong>in</strong> the pseudohomophone prime.With<strong>in</strong> the sets of prime–target pairs derived by a one- or two-grapheme change, wefurther varied the position at which the graphemic change was made. With<strong>in</strong> the prime–target pairs derived by a two-grapheme change, the graphemic similarity structure betweenprime and target could be ‘different-different-same’ (e.g., koan–CONE), ‘different-samedifferent’(e.g., writch–RICH), or ‘same-different-different’ (e.g., beize–BAYS), with 16prime–target pairs fall<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to each similarity-structure type. With<strong>in</strong> the prime–target pairsderived by a one-grapheme change, the graphemic similarity structure could be ‘differentsame-same’(e.g., pharm–FARM), ‘same-different-same’ (e.g., nurve–NERVE), or‘same-same-different’ (e.g., skee–SKI), with 16 prime–target pairs fall<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to each similarity-structuretype.Graphemic controls were generated <strong>for</strong> each prime–target pair. All shared letters <strong>in</strong>shared positions by primes and targets were preserved <strong>in</strong> graphemic controls (e.g., the pairgroe–GROW shares the GRO component, and this is preserved <strong>in</strong> the graphemic control,groy). Other letters shared by primes and targets, but not <strong>in</strong> shared positions, were also<strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> controls (e.g., pharm/gharm–FARM) except <strong>in</strong> very rare cases <strong>in</strong> which thiswas impossible (<strong>in</strong> such <strong>in</strong>stances, we compensated <strong>for</strong> this on another item of the same type).Whenever possible, shared onsets, nuclei, and codae between <strong>phonological</strong> primes and targetswere preserved <strong>in</strong> graphemic controls. Graphemic controls and pseudohomophoneprimes always conta<strong>in</strong>ed the same number of letters. All stimuli are listed <strong>in</strong> Appendix A.Triplets from each of the seven similarity-structure types were divided <strong>in</strong>to two equallists <strong>for</strong> counterbalanc<strong>in</strong>g purposes. Each subject saw each target, participated <strong>in</strong> both levelsof the <strong>prim<strong>in</strong>g</strong> variable (related and unrelated), but saw each target only once. An unrelatedcontrol condition (present <strong>in</strong> many of the studies reviewed <strong>in</strong> Table 4) does not reveal<strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation with respect to the issue of <strong>phonological</strong> <strong>prim<strong>in</strong>g</strong>; as such, it was not <strong>in</strong>cluded<strong>in</strong> the present experiments s<strong>in</strong>ce it would have reduced the number of useful observationsper participant.One hundred and twelve nonword targets, each with three phonemes and with similarorthographic characteristics to the word targets, were selected from the ARC NonwordDatabase (Rastle et al., 2002). Nonword targets had a similar number of letters to wordtargets (words: mean 4.25 letters, range 3–6; nonwords: mean 4.22 letters, range 3–6,t(222) < 1), as well as similar neighborhood properties (words: mean 8.39 neighbors, range0–21; nonwords: 8.29 neighbors, range 0–20, t(222) < 1).
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