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Der Fuehrer - Hitler's Rise to Power (1944) - Heiden

Der Fuehrer - Hitler's Rise to Power (1944) - Heiden

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HITLER VERSUS NATIONAL SOCIALISM 653day made it clear <strong>to</strong> a gathering of S.A. men in the city of Dortmundthat he meant <strong>to</strong> devote himself above all <strong>to</strong> the moral resurrection ofGermany; the thing, he said, was <strong>to</strong> educate people, not <strong>to</strong> standinstitutions on their heads. And education, he declared, faithful <strong>to</strong> hisold theory of propaganda, meant a spiritual driving of the masses, untilthey knew no will other than that of the leadership: 'The German peoplemust put itself a hundred per cent in the service of our idea. .. . We musteducate millions of men <strong>to</strong> fit in<strong>to</strong> our state. . . .'On July 14, the cabinet, which since March 23 had been making allthe laws without bothering the parliament or the President, issued adecree 'against the formation of new parties.' The first paragraph ran: 'InGermany the National Socialist German Workers' Party is the soleexisting political party.'The one-party system, which had been in power for years in Russia,Italy, China, and Turkey, had come <strong>to</strong> Germany. This system has beencalled dicta<strong>to</strong>rship, meaning despotism, but this does not express itsessential character. A despotism ignores the will of the people; but thesenew states of the armed intellectuals take the will of the people soseriously that they create it and shape it themselves— or so they think;Hitler called this 'education.' For this they use the methods which theyhave preserved from the democratic surroundings of their origins.Although all other parties have been destroyed, the concept of the partyhas remained; elections, parliaments, messages <strong>to</strong> the people, consent ofthe legislative body, plebiscites — continue <strong>to</strong> be the salient features ofpublic life, and have even acquired a higher solemnity. The outwardforms seem scarcely changed, and Machiavelli might well be pleased;for his disciples, by using the methods of democracy more adroitly andcynically than the democrats themselves, have fathomed the banal secretthat one can do what one wants with men, as soon as one brings them <strong>to</strong>want it themselves.But the course of his<strong>to</strong>ry reveals a higher secret. At the height of hisvic<strong>to</strong>ry, the vic<strong>to</strong>r retreated in many places, seemingly of his own freewill, changed his plans, disappointed his own followers, adapted himself<strong>to</strong> necessity. And the true secret of political vic<strong>to</strong>ry is contained in thisHegelian necessity: <strong>to</strong> know what one wants, and <strong>to</strong> want what thepeople want, but do not yet know.

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