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Der Fuehrer - Hitler's Rise to Power (1944) - Heiden

Der Fuehrer - Hitler's Rise to Power (1944) - Heiden

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FIRST TRIUMPH 343had filled his treasury; and Hugenberg, who owned Germany's greatestnewspaper and film organization, had for the moment been obliged <strong>to</strong>put this power at his disposal. For the first time since 1924, thethundering voice of the unknown was heard in the great political arena.Hitler had found a friend on whose back he could climb — whose head,by way of gratitude, he was later <strong>to</strong> trample. Hugenberg announced thealliance <strong>to</strong> the public, declaring that the Nationalist parties had unitedfor life and death; Hitler said dryly that the alliance was only temporary,and that later, 'in the free play of forces, the clearest and boldest Germanmovement would fight through <strong>to</strong> final vic<strong>to</strong>ry.' One of his sub-leaderscharacterized the alliance by saying that the Fuhrer would know how <strong>to</strong>hoodwink Hugenberg.Why had the plebiscite been a failure? Because the people had feltthat this was not the real issue. Young Plan, reparations, Treaty ofVersailles — these worries of yesterday began <strong>to</strong> be engulfed by themuch bigger monster, the world crisis. At first the vic<strong>to</strong>rs had tried <strong>to</strong>break Germany. When this failed <strong>to</strong> improve their own position theyhad then shared their own prosperity with Germany, but still under thefiction of vic<strong>to</strong>r and defeated. Now vic<strong>to</strong>r and defeated alike wereoverwhelmed by the greater common enemy, the depression. Abroad,many people still saw in the crisis nothing but an unfortunate accident.But many Germans saw in it a millennial event, the definite proof thatsomething was rotten in this kind of state and society. While the SocialDemocratic chancellor, Hermann Muller, carried <strong>to</strong> power by theelections of 1928, defended high wages and social insurances againstthe attacks of the employers, the anti-democratic forces grew everstronger. No particular foreign or domestic issue was responsible, thesimple fact was that democracy more and more seemed unable <strong>to</strong> 'work.'The strongest of these forces had been, up <strong>to</strong> 1929, the Stahlhelm(Steel Helmet), a union of former soldiers, well organized on semimilitarylines, practically an outgrowth of several of the former 'freecorps.' The Stahlhelm, boasting of a coup d'etat rather than actuallyplanning one, was confronted by a similar gigantic troop, consistingmostly of trade-union workers, the loyal Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold. These private armies marched

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