96 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6Discussion and ConclusionIn this article, we attempted to explore how Karadžić’s arrest was representedby TS’s journalists. They still practice a so-called »nationalistic journalism«,which borrows its tactics from nationalistic ideology. Particularnostalgic sentiments were used, co-opted and appropriated by TS’s journalists,in order to achieve political goal of channelling specific interpretationsabout the past and present. In that sense Svetlana Boym’s insightthat nostalgia is the “romance with one’s own fantasy” (2001: xiii) is a veryaccurate description of the relationship between the nostalgic sentimentas employed by TS. We argue that TS’ journalists used restorative nostalgiain ways that served both commercial and state interests, consolidatingits place in an emerging synergy between government and market thatwe described, drawing on Žižek, as forming a military-poetic-media-entertainmentcomplex. In TS’s discourse, nostalgia for Greater Serbia waspresent amidst the evidence of crimes committed in its name. Moreover,Karadžić was portrayed as a leader who has at least partly realized Serbia’sexpansionist goals and made it possible for Serbs in BH to live together.TS’s journalists reproduced a specific type of nationalistic discourse– one which uses strategies of suppression of sensitive themes, includingcoverage of or reference to war crimes. Overall, TS glossed over contradictoryelements that could compromise the ideal vision of Great Serbia.Nostalgic nationalism, as expressed in TS coverage of Karadžić’s arrestrequires some kind of a disappointment in order to re-create the idealizednostalgic construction of the past community it hopes to achieve inthe future. This type of nostalgia functions as the search for continuity(Tannock, 1995). The renewed possibility of the future depends upon astrong narrative of return. TS’s narrative articulates unity in terms of loss,by invoking nostalgia for a romanticized notion of Serbian unity in thepast – a wholeness of community experience that has been eradicatedby unjust external forces. Karadžić was predominately represented in apositive light: on the one hand, as a hero and a strong politician, and onthe other, as a bio-energetic, a poet and a family man with a new identity.Any connections between Karadžić, the Serbs, and especially the currentgovernment with war crimes in BH were brushed aside. Thus, TS’s journalistsincorporated Karadžić’s arrest into the predominant nationalisticdiscourse. They recontextualized pre-existing discourses to reproducenationalism for a new, “pro-European” politics. They covered the “historicalarrest” of Radovan Karadžić without serious attempt to confront the
JOURNALISTIC (RE)PRODUCTION OF HISTORY: TELEVIZED COVERAGE OF RADOVAN ...97traumatic past and reconcile with it. In that, nostalgia employed by TS’sjournalists exploited popular culture with its entailed “banalities” of everydaylife.Notes[1] Serbian epics has always been a symbol of a national imagination (Čolović,2002). Nationalist discourse wants to establish that a nation has alwaysexisted and in doing so often articulates and reinterpretes already existingdiscourses and other available cultural material, to convey a particular senseof belonging (ibid.).[2] Greater Serbia generally and in this paper specifically refers to the specific ideawithin Serbian nationalism – whose goal it is to unite all Serbs and Serbianlands in one state. Greater Serbia generally and in this paper specifically refersto the specific idea within Serbian nationalism – whose goal it is to unite allSerbs and Serbian lands in one state (MacDonald, 2002).[3] Serbian nationalists name the Muslims in former Yugoslavia »the Turks«(Erjavec and Volčič, 2007). In this example, Bosniaks are called »the Turks«.[4] Also in quantity terms, the largest number of news programs (more than half)has been devoted to the secret life of Radovan Karadžić as Dragan Dabić.ReferencesBernstein, B. (1990). The Structure of Pedagogic Discourse. London: Routledge.Blumler, J. G. and Kavanagh, D. (1999). The third age of politicalcommunication: Influences and features. Political Communication, 16, 2, 209-230.Boym, S. (2001). The Future of Nastalgia. New York: Basic Books.Chouliaraki, L. and Fairclough, N. (1999). Discourse in Late Modernity. Edinburgh:Edinburgh University Press.Čolović, I. (2002). Politics of Identity in Serbia. New York: New York UniversityPress.Davis, F. (1979). Nostalgia, Identity and the Current Nostalgia Wave.Journal of Popular Culture, 11, 4, 414–24.De la Broose, R. (2003). Political propaganda and the plan to create a ‘State for allSerb. Reims: University of Reims.Erjavec, K. and Volčič, Z. (2007). The Kosovo battle. The Harvard InternationalJournal of Press/Politics, 12, 1, 67-86.Erjavec, K. and Volčič, Z. (<strong>2009</strong>). Rehabilitating Milošević. Social semiotics, 19, 2, 125-147.Fairclough, N. (1989). Language and power. London: Longman.Fairclough, N. (1995a). Critical discourse analysis. London: Longman.Fairclough, N. (1995b). Media discourse. London: Arnold.
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