92 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6Table I. Inclusion of social actors into »we«-groupActor(s) of »we«-group FrequencySerbia 221(Radovan) Karadžić 202Serbian nation 98Serbian government 69Serbian citizens 219. We, the Serbs, have now proven that we respect the international law.Serbian enemies cannot comprehend that the Serbs are successful infulfilling the international requirements. (23 July 2006, TV News)10. We have successfully proven to the International Community that theSerbian nation now meets all the criteria. The processes of modernizationand Europeanization will follow. (22 July 2008, TV News)11. Our strategy is to adopt a process of Europeanization and to preserveSerbian territorial integrity, including Kosovo as a part of Serbia.Our nation will defend Kosovo and will never allow Albanians to stealfrom us this Serbian cradle. (29 July 2006, TV News)12. Velimir Ilić: Despite following the international orders and despitepaying our dues, the EU and the Hague Tribunal treat Serbia unfairly,and this will also happen in the case of Karadžić. Do not have yourhopes up. /…/ Tribunal is destroying Serbia. (30 July 2006, TV News)Similarly, the »them« group was coded in a particular way. As Table II showsthe words »Serbian enemies« were frequently used in order to constructan unspecified and anonymous group of »them«. Van Leeuwen(1996: 51) defines this act as an »indetermination.« In this case, it servesthe purpose of inclusion of different social actors into a group of »Serbianenemies« and, consequently, the construction of a positive »we« group. Inthese binary oppositions, Serbia appears as a »stronger«, »better«, »morevictorious«, »more successful«, i.e. a superior nation. It’s clear here hownostalgia mobilizes unity, registers disappointment with the present byframing »Others« and positing alternative worlds that can exclude.The »them« and the »Hague Tribunal« are constructed as the big »Other«and are both positioned as the main threats to the Serbian identity. They areboth framed as destroyers of the Serbs. Additionally, the Kosovo Albanianscontinue to be the Serbian Other: they are represented as thieves, waiting to»steal« »the cradle of Serbia« (see example 11). They continue to be framedas eternal Serbian enemies (Popov, 2000) and the representation of Kosovo
JOURNALISTIC (RE)PRODUCTION OF HISTORY: TELEVIZED COVERAGE OF RADOVAN ...93as the »cradle of Serbia« continues to remain at the heart of the Serbian nationalisticimaginary (Erjavec and Volčič, <strong>2009</strong>; Popov, 2000).The Hague Tribunal becomes a Serbian »new« Other (see example12) not only because of demands to arrest Karadžić and other military leaders,such as Mladić and Hadžić, but also because Milošević died there.Table II. Inclusion of social actors into »them«- groupActor(s) of “them”-group FrequencySerbian enemies 77The Hague Tribunal 88Kosovo Albanians 63The European Union 59International Community 20The International community and the EU become relatively newly anddifferently represented social actors. In the coverage, the internationalcommunity means different international organizations, such as UN,NATO, The Hague Tribunal and the European Union. International communityand the EU in particular are depicted as not understanding theSerbs and as continuously blackmailing Serbia (for example, Karadžić isnot enough – now Mladić and Hadžić are wanted, too). For the EU, a metaphor»Fortress Europe« is used, pointing to the restrictive laws, policiesand practices resulting in the exclusion of non-citizens.However, this representation is not exclusively negative, since Serbiawants to, at least on the surface, fulfil these requirements and offer full cooperationwith the Hague Tribunal (Torov, 2008). The construction of Serbia’ssuperior status in relation to the International community and the EU is moreimplicit than it is in relation to the other actors, but is visible in TS’s statementsof expectation – Serbia deserves to be rewarded by the EU (see examples 13).13. The arrest of Karadžić means the fulfilment of all EU requirements; it meansa ticket to enter the EU. They demanded that from us… and we fulfilled theobligations, since they told us we cannot even start a negotiation process./.../ we gave them Karadžić, but now they want Mladić! The pressure fromthe EU is even stronger now. /.../ However, Serbia needs to be rewarded forKaradžić’s arrest. (23 July 2008, »Radovan Karadžić – Myth and Reality«)Interestingly, the former Serbian enemies, Bosniaks, formerly one of thecrucial social actors belonging to »them« group during the 1990s wars,were largely ignored during Karadžić’s arrest (see, for example, Erjavecand Volčič, 2007; MacDonald, 2002; Popov, 2000). Despite the fact that TScites three different politicians from BH about Karadžić’s arrest, Bosni-
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