90 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/65. Only his nephew knew about Radovan Karadžić’s life as Dragan Dabić.Dragan Karadžić: We usually talked in female voices, using femalepronunciation, in order to deceive possible eavesdroppers. (23 July2008, TV news)TS’s coverage of Karadžić’s political life in the Republic Srpska during the1990s also focused strictly on Karadžić only – as if he had acted in isolation,disconnected from other social actors and isolated from the historicaland political situation. The aim here is to represent Karadžić as a strong,skilled leader, a Serbian »warrior,« contributing to the idea of Greater Serbia,while at the same time establishing a sense of distance from the crimesfor which he had been held responsible (see example 6).6. Aleks Buha: … It was only Karadžić who knew exactly what was going onin BH at the time. And he should be credited for helping to create a Serbianstate in BH. (July 23 2008, »Radovan Karadžić – Myth and Reality«)The employment of the abstraction/personalization principle servedto relativize Karadžić’s crimes, and to position Serbs in a positive light.Furthermore, it represented Karadžić’s arrest as the ticket that will allowSerbia to enter the EU.(D) AdditionsWhat was added in the TS’s representation of the events about Karadžić’sarrest? And were there different explanations/legitimizations and evaluationsof the arrest? TS journalists have, through their selection of interviewers,nostalgically evaluated the war in BH as a victory, in which »theSerbs have finally achieved Serbian territory in Bosnia« or as »partly fulfilleddreams of Greater Serbia.« For example:7. Milan from Čačak claims: This was a big victory for the Serbs. Karadžićmade our dreams real! Honour to him! The only problem stillahead of us… is that the Serbs in Bosnia are limited only to the territoryof Republik Srpska. But at least we have that. I say this in a loud andproud way! I am proud of this. People are scared to say this, but I amnot... (24 July 2008, TV News)But on the other hand, journalists evaluated Karadžić’s arrest as a crucial obligationthat needs to be fulfilled, in order to receive rewards from the EU:
JOURNALISTIC (RE)PRODUCTION OF HISTORY: TELEVIZED COVERAGE OF RADOVAN ...918. Zoran Pavlović declared: European Union plays politics of negotiations.They have to reward us for this arrest – for example, they have toformally cancel visas for Serbian citizens, they have to accept Serbiainto the EU candidature, and have to provide access to the EU financialsources, such as different funds. Serbia needs to advance towardsjoining the EU. (July 22 2008, »Radovan Karadžić – Myth and Reality«)This arrest should also »help to improve the image of Serbia within the InternationalCommunity« (24 July 2008, TV News). Thus, the representationof Karadžić’s arrest was used to brand Serbia on the international map– to convey a message that Serbia »is creating a spiritual link with Europeand is coming to share the common European value system. It is now amodern, civilized state, eager to join EU« (23 July 2008, TV News).The representation of social actorsThe ways in which main actors are represented serves chiefly as an affirmationof the ideology. Our analysis of social actors shows that TS usedthe binary oppositions: »we« versus »them.« Many scholars dealing withSerbian media propaganda show how, during the 1990s, the discourse ofdifference was a crucial element in nationalistic media discourse (e.g. Dela Broose, 2003; Milivojević, 1996). The »production of Serbian enemies«was taking place during the end of the 1980s, whereby a whole spectrumof various enemies within and outside the Serbian borders was produced,from the very specific to the ethereally abstract, from the individual to thecollective, from both the past and the present.We counted all actors (n= 41) who were represented in the coverage asa »we« group. Specifically, in Table I, we introduce those actors, who appearedat least 20 times in all 78 news items (since some actors were rarelymentioned). A common characteristic here is that all the »we« social actorswere positively represented, and were – except Karadžić – »collectivized«(Van Leeuwen, 1996: 50). This was accomplished not only through the useof the first person plural »we« (see example 9), but also through terms like»Serbia/Serbian nation« (see example 10), and »our nation« (see example12). The »we« group discourse strategy attempts to assure that the positiveimage of Serbia/Serb prevails as homogeneous and consensual.
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