84 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6F. Different reactions of politicians to Karadžić’s arrest;G. Karadžić’s biography;H. Protests against the Karadžić arrest;I. Death threats against the Serbian president, ministers, and journalistsfavouring Karadžić’s arrest.Overall, the expressed nostalgia infused the ways in which other themeswere represented, and it served as a kind of glue to connect the dominanttopics. Specifically, nostalgia here is put to use in a variety of ways.Firstly, the analysis has showed that the most prominent theme has beenKaradžić’s hidden life as a fugitive. 4 TS has focused on his life as DraganDabić, his new physical appearance, clothing, speech, psychological stateof mind, his alternative medicine interests, new love life, his shoppinghabits, his visiting of a »Crazy house« café, his writing for the alternativemedicine journal »Healthy life,« his Web page, public lectures on energetictherapy, and his Croatian holidays. In a way, Karadžić becomes a commercial-nationalistmedia product, a political commodity sold to audiences.The next most covered theme – also in quantitative terms – was devotedto a Serbian foreign policy towards the West, the European Union (the EU)and the International Community. Serbs have had a complex and traumaticrelationship with the West. The longevity of the wish to be European, Western,or, on the other hand, the desire to preserve Serbian authenticity inopposition to the West has been noted by many scholars (Popov, 2000). Forthe advocates of civil society, the West signifies the source of the politicaland economic reforms that Serbia should undergo. For others, it representsa neo-imperialist threat to the Serbian state and culture. In this model, theWest means either salvation or imperial domination. But for all who use it,»the West« remains a statement of future political intentions and a statementof national identity. Ironically, despite TS’s selective coverage of the arrest,it has represented the event as a point of departure for Serbia in its cooperationwith the West – for which Serbia should be rewarded with some concretesupport and investments from the EU. TS’s coverage further focusedon minor details of the arrest: the legal procedures, the political consequencesfor Serbia, and the reactions of Serbian elites and Karadžić’s family. TSemphasized the reactions of politicians to Karadžić’s arrest, especially therepresentatives of the EU, the USA, NATO, the UN, Republic Srbska, BH, Croatia,Monte Negro, Russia and the main Serbian political parties. Differentstatements from Karadžić’s close collaborators and »ordinary people« alikewere recorded, expressing emotional desire and nostalgia for Greater Ser-
JOURNALISTIC (RE)PRODUCTION OF HISTORY: TELEVIZED COVERAGE OF RADOVAN ...85bia. They similarly celebrated the fact that during the BH war Karadžić partlyrealized Serbian dreams for Greater Serbia.Moreover, the news reports speculated about how the trial in The Haguewill take place in detail, and envisioned a life in a prison cell in Scheveningenfor the once powerful and popular nationalist leader. The anticipatoryportrayals of Karadžić’s ignominious future is at the same time anostalgic one, insofar as nostalgia is often triggered by images of grandeurin ruin (Boym, 2001). The pathos of the ruin, in other words, takes shapeagainst the background of the splendour of the shadow of past glory castby the wreckage of the present. In our case, Karadžić as once-great leader indecline. The everyday protests, organized to support Karadžić, have playeda prominent role. The news programs also covered the death threats againstthe Serbian president, and some pro-European ministers, and journalists.Every day, TS repeated a short biography of Karadžić’s life.However, in order to recontextualize the analysis, it’s more importantto explore which chains of events were not represented (Fairclough, 2003).TS neglected to cover Karadžić’s war crimes although they are widely acknowledgedamong local and foreign scholars (e.g. Čolović, 2002; Popov,2000; MacDonald, 2002; Repe, 2008). The elision of history as a war criminalcan be seen as a distinctly nostalgic practice, since restorative nostalgiaclearly represents an idealized version of the past. When describing themain reasons for Karadžić’s arrest, TS did not cover the crime-against-humanitycharges of the Hague Tribunal against Karadžić. Instead, it focusedonly on the legal reasons for the arrest: »a significant step towards Serbia’sEU membership« (22 July 2008, TV News), »enormous pressures from theHague Tribunal and the EU« (24 July 2008, TV News) and »a Serbian ticketto finally enter European Union« (26 July 2008, TV News).The analyzed news items completely ignored, for example, the complextheme of Serbian responsibility for the delayed arrest of Karadžić.Many crucial questions were not addressed, such as, who actually knewabout Karadžić’s whereabouts, who was helping him, and why the arrestcame so late? Also, why does the current government refuse to offer accessto secret archives that could help to answer the above questions?Why has TS represented Karadžić’s arrest in such a thematically imbalancedway? TS adopted the same (nostalgic) nationalistic principles forthe construction of nationalistic discourses as in the past, i.e. refusal of acknowledgementafter the wars, a denial of responsibility and a repressionof memory (Broose, 2003; Milivojević, 2007; Milošević, 2008; Suša, 2005).Kammen’s description of nostalgia as »history without guilt« (1991: 6) is
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