78 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6ethnic cleansing, establishing concentration camps, destroying property,and massacring numerous sectors of the civilian population (97,207 civiliandeaths) (Population losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina 92-95, 2007).In his many public speeches Karadžić vigorously advocated the creationof a homogeneous Greater Serbia »by violence«, while he often skilfullyrelated to specific historical events where Serbs had been positioned as »betrayedvictims«. He used nostalgic practices, such as a constant focus on Serbian»old-centuries« warrior identity, as crucial mechanisms through whichthe very idea of »Serbianness« was reified. Karadžić was also well known forpublicly celebrating the crimes against the Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats,claiming these were committed in the name of Greater Serbia (MacDonald,2002). For example, on 15 October 1995 in RS parliament, Karadžić publiclystated that he does not regret the »radical mission« in Srebrenica anddefined the massacre as the »defence against the Turks« (Repe, 2008: 45). 5On December 14 1995, the Dayton Peace Agreement brought an end tothe Bosnian war and divided BH into two entities: the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (with 51% of the territory) in which mostly Bosnian Muslimsand Bosnian Croats live, and Republic Srpska (with 49% of the territory)populated almost exclusively by the Bosnian Serbs. Ironically, as many pointout, the Agreement legalized Karadžić’s politics and his Serbian enclave,Republic Srpska (Repe, 2008). Today, this political entity is almost ethnicallypure, and functions as a state within a state, having its own parallel politicalinstitutions (Verdery and Burawoy, 1999). Karadžić succeeded where otherSerbian politicians had failed (i.e. Milošević) – he has, de facto, enlarged theterritory of Serbia while creating a Serbian state in BH. In that way he has atleast partially, realized the myth of Greater Serbia (Repe, 2008).During the arrest of Karadžić, the political situation in Serbia was tenseand deeply divided. For example, on July 29 2008 the demonstrations againstKaradžić’s arrest were organized by all nationalistic oppositional politicalparties, including the Serb Radical Party. The crowd of roughly 15,000members screamed and chanted his name, while singing »Karadžić is a heroof all heroes.« On Facebook, his advocates created various groups such as»Free Radovan Karadžić«, and »Freedom for Radovan Karadžić« to mobilizesupport. At the same time, death threats against the Serbian president BorislavTadić were waged, framing him as a Serbian traitor and Serb hater.
JOURNALISTIC (RE)PRODUCTION OF HISTORY: TELEVIZED COVERAGE OF RADOVAN ...79Theoretical backgroundCollective NostalgiaNostalgia has been often understood through medical metaphors. Stewart(1993) characterizes nostalgia as a social disease, and Boym (2001) sees nostalgiaas »the incurable modern condition« (xiv). The world nostalgia envisionsis different from what would be created only from collection of memories.Nostalgia can be experienced in private as well as in public spaces.According to Davis (1979: 122–123), private nostalgia is fuelled by particular,even intimate, personal memories of an individual; collective nostalgiarelies on collective/public images, symbols, and signs available tomany within the same historical and socio-cultural context. Collective nostalgiais available to larger communities (e.g. ethnic groups, nations) andis often used in order to forge a collective sense. As such, public nostalgiadwells in the content of the group’s history, and exploits the group’s culturalsymbols. In this sense it becomes possible that different symbols helpto trigger the nostalgic and nationalistic sentiment. For example, the Chetniks’(Serbian Serb nationalist guerrillas who fought against Nazi occupiersand Tito's partisans during the 2nd World War) iconography, frequentlydisplayed during public events, provoked nostalgia for Greater Serbia.Boym conceptualizes nostalgia into »reflective« versus »restorative«one. She defines »reflective« one as a more critical one, since it calls thetruth into doubt. In writing about nostalgia after the collapse of the SovietUnion, Boym argues that restorative nostalgia »attempts a transhistoricalreconstruction of the lost home,« while reflective nostalgia »thrives in algia,the longing itself, and delays the homecoming – wistfully, ironically,desperately« (xviii). Moreover, restorative nostalgia »does not think of itselfas nostalgia, but rather as truth and tradition,« while reflective nostalgia »rests on the ambivalences of human longing and belonging and does notshy away from the contradictions of modernity« (xviii). On one hand, areflective mode of nostalgia provides both a complicated emotional stateand a complex relation to history. Reflective nostalgia is based on culturalmemory, but it is concerned with individual and historical time. In thisway, reflective nostalgia allows for the endorsement of a specific identitynarrative characterized by personal memories of the collective history. Onthe other hand, restorative nostalgia occupies the sphere of those concernedwith reconstruction of the past in the sense of the restoration of originsand tradition (Boym, 2001: XV). In their extreme forms, the advocatesof restorative nostalgia are engaged in the »anti-modern myth-making of
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