76 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6poems full of nostalgic sentiments for Greater Serbia. 2 In his own poetry,the butchery he had led against »the Turks«– Bosnian Muslims – wasopenly expressed. 3 As Čolović (2002) points out, »exile, destruction, death,and return to a forsaken homeland« as well as »hatred« are themes thatcommonly feature in his works and actions. The titles of his poems areillustrative here: Goodbye, Assassins, A Man Made of Ashes, and War Boots.Čolović (2002: 34) calls Karadžić’s poetry »war-propaganda folklore« thattransfers »conflicts from the sphere of politics, economy and history intothe extrapolated sphere of myth.« The role of poets in the war of the 1990sin the former Yugoslavia has led Slavoj Žižek to famously declare that»instead of the military-industrial complex, we in post-Yugoslavia had themilitary-poetic complex personified in the twin figures of Ratko Mladićand Radovan Karadžić« (Žižek, 2008: 17). This article explores the waysin which TS’s journalists covered Karadžić’s arrest, arguing that it complementedthe aestheticization of politics enacted by his poetry. In thisregard, we might supplement Žižek’s account by noting the way in whichthe forms of forgetting, idealization, and nostalgia that characterized nationalistpoetry were reproduced for mass audiences by the electronicmedia, creating a military-poetic-media-entertainment complex.The first part of this paper introduces some historical frameworks andtheoretical investigations. We briefly deal with Boym’s »reflective« and »restorative«definitions of nostalgia – she distinguishes between two narrativesof nostalgia that frame feelings of dislocation differently, since they both tryto understand how we relate to a collective home (41). In the second part,we present a study which uncovers how TS’s journalists exploit and furtherincorporate a particular social event (in our case, Karadžić’s arrest) into nationalisticand a »restorative nostalgic« discourse. The research is based on criticaldiscourse analysis (the analysis of recontextualization and the analysisof representation of social actors) (Fairclough, 1992; Van Leeuwen, 1996;Wodak, 1996, 2006). We argue that TS, while covering Karadžić’s arrest, constructeda nationalistic discourse that invoked nostalgia for the prospect ofthe creation of Greater Serbia. Any connections between Karadžić, the Serbs,and especially the current government with war crimes in BH were brushedaside. This nostalgia for Greater Serbia, we argue, exemplifies a political paradoxin Serbia: at the same time that information on the historical atrocities ofthe former Yugoslav regimes and of Serbia’s role in these atrocities was beingmade available to the Serbian public, nostalgia for selected cultural aspects ofthe Serbian past is growing as well. The conclusions offer some observationsdirected towards answering how to refine theories of memory, nostalgia, and
JOURNALISTIC (RE)PRODUCTION OF HISTORY: TELEVIZED COVERAGE OF RADOVAN ...77journalistic/media culture in ways that might help to challenge the manipulationof popular discourses by those who seek to exacerbate the forms ofnationalism, racism, and historical hatred that have divided the region.The historical- political backgroundIn 1986, the Serbian Academy of Science and Art prepared a Memorandum– a long list of Serbian grievances against their position within the Yugoslavfederation – which articulated the need for a collective mobilization of theSerbs throughout Yugoslavia. Slobodan Milošević, a Serbian president from1990-2000, reproduced historical and scientific data for the construction ofthe ideology of Greater Serbia. Its crucial vision was the idea that all ethnicSerbs need to live in the same state (MacDonald, 2002).In BH Milošević’s vision of Greater Serbia was literally carried out byKaradžić. It was in 1990 that Karadžić, at the time working at Sarajevo cityhospital as a psychiatrist, helped to set up the nationalistic Serbian DemocraticParty (SDS). SDS was formed in response to the rise of Croatiannationalistic parties in BH, and dedicated to achieve the goal of GreaterSerbia – to ethnically cleanse different areas of the country of any non-Serbs. BH’s first free, multi-party elections in November 1990 were wonby three dominant nationalist parties and they all immediately engagedin endless quarrels over what course the country should follow. In 1991,when Bosnian parliament held a session on the referendum for Bosnianindependence, Karadžić famously declared:If the Republic of Bosnia votes for independence the Serb paramilitarieswill make the Muslim people disappear, because the Muslims cannotdefend themselves if there is war (in Williams and Scharf, 2002: 43).Less than two years later, Radovan Karadžić declared the creation of an independentSerbian Republic of BH (later renamed Republika Srpska) withits capital in Pale, a suburb of Sarajevo. He pronounced himself as the headof the state. Karadžić’s political party, openly supported by Milošević, mobilizedand organized the Bosnian Serbs in fighting against Bosnian Muslims(Bosniaks) and Croats in BH. The war in BH escalated in April 1992,when Bosnian Serbs started to besiege Sarajevo for 43 months, shellingBosniak forces, and also terrorizing the civilian population with a relentlessbombardments and sniper fire (MacDonald, 2002). Karadžić soughtto eradicate any non-Serbs living in the city. Bosnian Serb forces – assistedby paramilitaries from Serbia proper – committed war crimes, including
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