54 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6Three topoi are mentioned: topos of diversity, topos of history and toposof difference. Surprisingly, only the topos of history is listed and explainedin the list of topoi on p. 44: »Topos of History - because history teachesthat specific actions have specific consequences, one should perform oromit a specific action in a specific situation.« The absence of the othertwo should probably be accounted for with the following explanation onpages 42-43:»These topoi have so far been investigated in a number of studies onelection campaigns (Pelinka and Wodak, 2002), on parliamentary debates(Wodak and van Dijk, 2000), on policy papers (Reisigl and Wodak,2000), on ‘voices of migrants’ (Krzyzanowski and Wodak, 2008), onvisual argumentation in election posters and slogans (Richardson andWodak, forthcoming), and on media reporting (Baker et al., 2008).«But in the study »on visual argumentation in election posters and slogans«,for example, the(se) topoi are not discussed at all, they are presented as afixed list of names (of topoi), without any explanation of their functioning,while the authors (Richardson and Wodak) make occasional referenceto their names (not to the mechanism of their functioning), just asWodak does in the above example from The Discourse of Politics in Action.In argumentation theory, such an »approach« would be called fallacyof circular reasoning (petitio principii).Furthermore, topoi are characterised as (Wodak, <strong>2009</strong>: 43) being applied»to justify and legitimize positions by providing ‘common-places’,instead of substantial evidence«, or »some topoi are used as appeals tohuman rights, to democracy or to justice«, or »topoi are used to promotesuch typical ambiguities, which serve as quasi-argumentative shortcutslinking unclear moves in negotiations, decision-making and so forth.«How all these rather different characterisations are linked to the definitionof topos as a warrant connecting the argument with the conclusion is,once more, not explained, that is all the analysis we get (as far as topoi areconcerned).If, again, topos is to serve the purpose of connecting an argumentwith a conclusion (as respective works emphatically repeat), one wouldexpect at least a minimal reconstruction, but there is none. What we seecould be reconstructed as reffering to topoi or evoking them or simplymentioning them, which mostly serves the purpose of legitimating the(already existing) discourse and/or text analysis, but gives little analyticalor theorethical added value in terms of argumentation analysis.
TOPOI IN CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS55When I speak of reconstruction, what I have in mind is (at least) aminimal syllogistic or enthymematic structure of the following type (asan example, I am using one of the topics from The Discourse of Politics inAction (Wodak, <strong>2009</strong>: 132-142), namely the problem of EU enlargement):1) If a specific action costs too much money, one should perform actionsthat diminish the costs. (Topos connecting argument with conclusion) 62) EU enlargement costs too much money. (Argument)3) EU enlargment should be stopped/slowed down ... (Conclusion)A real case in point of such hunting for topoi is the analysis we find inKrzyzanowski (<strong>2009</strong>: 104). First he gives an example from one of his corpora,then he provides an analysis:Example:»As General de Gaulle said, ‘one’s geography cannot be changed andone can only change one’s geopolitics’. Two dictators, Hitler and Stalin,changed our geography. Yet, with help of democratic institutionsof the West and also thanks to a democratic rebirth in the East, wehave been changing our geopolitics on our own in the recent years.Our current endeavours to join NATO and the European Union, ourefforts to create new shapes of the regional politics, shall be seen ascrucial, yet only as fragments of construction of a new, just and solidbasedEuropean order (PS-13: 2).«Analysis:»The fact that it is the national and not any other form of history whichis eventually invoked in discourse constitutes an attempt typicalof the constructions of national identities and identifications. In turn,the topos of East and West emphasises another strictly national aspectof the first corpus in question. It includes a set of elements of pre-1989political language which very strongly emphasised the differencesthat existed between Europe’s East and West and which reinforcedthe devisions introduced by the post-Second World war geopoliticalorder. Accordingly, this topos seeks (!) a unique placement of Polandabove the devisions of East and West, and thus (heading back (!) into
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