Å olsko polje, letnik XX, Å¡tevilka 5-6, 2009: Vloga ... - PedagoÅ¡ki inÅ¡titut

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106 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6new sort of modernity. But insisting on a market economy, without the socialcohesion, which was shown in a World Bank’s study (Yordan, 2003), isnot and cannot be a guarantee of a self-sustaining peace. »As a result, thesuccess of the present peace building operation should not be solely gaugedby how much the economy grows, by how many bills are passed bythe legislature, or by how many pro-GFA supporters are elected to publicoffice (Yordan, 2003: 63). »Indeed, one of the major faults of the peaceprocess is that international diplomats are not accountable to Bosnia’scitizens and their policies often disregard the opinions of the country’spolitical leaders« (Yordan, 2003: 71).This lack of consideration for the BiH political subjects, while runninga policy that eventually has to result in a modern state, and legitimizingethno-nationalist leaders and their separatist politics while at thesame time pursuing the idea of a strong state of BiH are probably twolargest paradoxes of the OHR discourse which have subsequently createdtwo very opposing and confusing messages to BiH citizens. To imposelaws regulating civilian life without civic participation 4 , to create packetsof laws aimed at strengthening ‘jobs and justice’ without input of BiH politicians(Knaus and Martin, 2003: 1), to ignore the country’s historic commonalities,multiculturalism, memory and emancipatory potentials of thesocialist Yugoslav past in a monologic imposition of liberal-democraticBosnianhood from above without any plans of restoring the country’sgenuine and full sovereignty; these are acts of colonization. These actshave been justified by the lack of democracy in BiH and have also beenrecontextualized as necessary steps for democracy and Europeanization,which is a rather circular logic. Even the concept of democracy has beenan ideologically loaded one being upheld as »a universal aspiration...difficultto obtain outside the developed and mature democracies of the West«(Chandler, 2000: 17). They behaved as if BiH was a clean slate on whichliberal Western values were simply to be inscribed.An unprecedented amount of control resting with the HR has produceddiscursive relations of power and inequality between the participants and hasalso, as a result, affected their identities and social roles particularly when it comesto the noted lack of agency for BiH citizens and ‘progress from the above’(Knaus and Martin, 2003: 68). This apparent progress is »no longer measuredby free elections and constitutional frameworks, but on the basis of allegedcultural distinctions or ill-defined assessments of civil society...(which) has ledto an increasingly qualified acceptance of liberal democracy in states outside
THE VOICE OF AN AGENDA-SETTING AUTHORITY - CONTENT CHARACTERISTICS ...107the West...and the international regulatory bodies which are now overseeingthe political process in the new democracies« (Chandler, 2000: 4).The OHR’s mandate was strengthened in 1997 by the Bonn Peace ImplementationCouncil powers 5 , an ad hoc created body aiming to follow theimplementation of GFA. The Bonn Declaration gave the HR the power topropose and adopt legislation when conflict among politicians stalled thelegislative process, and to dismiss politicians who worked to prevent or delaythe implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords. Carlos Westendorp,the second High representative who originally campaigned for the expandedmandate, and his successors Petritsch and Ashdown, have rewritten orimposed over 100 laws, spanning economic, social, political, and judicialissues, and have removed over eighty individuals from public office 6 « (Yordan,2003: 61). Today, that number is over 150 individuals; only in June 2004,the HR Ashdown removed and conditionally removed around 60 individualsfrom their public positions. In May 1999, Westendorp said to Wall StreetJournal: »Yes, this disregards the principles of sovereignty, but so what? Thisis not the moment for post-colonial sensitivity...The problems of the regionwill only be solved when we have introduced a general respect for democracyand the rule of law« (Westendorp, 1999 in Chandler, 2000:201). In August<strong>2009</strong>, in their rehabilitation process, some 53 were repealed by the currentHigh Representative Valentin Inzko, as they were no longer seen to be athreat to peace implementation, institutional integrity or democracy.4. Delineating the OHR discourse: the scope and the truthThe discourse of the international community in BiH is vast and includestexts produced by other international organizations such as OSCE or UNIPTF, Dayton Agreement, press reports and public addresses to name buta few. After Dayton, which not only established international control overmilitary forces on the ground but also put into practice a new, post-ColdWar, international agenda for long-term peace-building. This new role forinternational institutions is increasingly described as democratization...amajor international experiment in political engineering in BiH. (Chandler,2000: 1-2). Although the role of the OHR was initially established to createlong term peace and democracy, the OHR’s discourse was pregnant withdiscursive formations that were to be reenacted well before they were dialogicallyarticulated, surpassing and exceeding the formal boundaries ofthe Dayton. This analysis seeks to outline elements of discursive constructionof democratization and transition in the country by identifying and
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Å olsko polje, letnik XX, Å¡tevilka 5-6, 2009: Vloga ... - PedagoÅ¡ki inÅ¡titut

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