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Šolsko polje, letnik XX, številka 5-6, 2009: Vloga ... - Pedagoški inštitut

Šolsko polje, letnik XX, številka 5-6, 2009: Vloga ... - Pedagoški inštitut

Šolsko polje, letnik XX, številka 5-6, 2009: Vloga ... - Pedagoški inštitut

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106 ŠOLSKO POLJE LETNIK <strong>XX</strong> ŠTEVILKA 5/6new sort of modernity. But insisting on a market economy, without the socialcohesion, which was shown in a World Bank’s study (Yordan, 2003), isnot and cannot be a guarantee of a self-sustaining peace. »As a result, thesuccess of the present peace building operation should not be solely gaugedby how much the economy grows, by how many bills are passed bythe legislature, or by how many pro-GFA supporters are elected to publicoffice (Yordan, 2003: 63). »Indeed, one of the major faults of the peaceprocess is that international diplomats are not accountable to Bosnia’scitizens and their policies often disregard the opinions of the country’spolitical leaders« (Yordan, 2003: 71).This lack of consideration for the BiH political subjects, while runninga policy that eventually has to result in a modern state, and legitimizingethno-nationalist leaders and their separatist politics while at thesame time pursuing the idea of a strong state of BiH are probably twolargest paradoxes of the OHR discourse which have subsequently createdtwo very opposing and confusing messages to BiH citizens. To imposelaws regulating civilian life without civic participation 4 , to create packetsof laws aimed at strengthening ‘jobs and justice’ without input of BiH politicians(Knaus and Martin, 2003: 1), to ignore the country’s historic commonalities,multiculturalism, memory and emancipatory potentials of thesocialist Yugoslav past in a monologic imposition of liberal-democraticBosnianhood from above without any plans of restoring the country’sgenuine and full sovereignty; these are acts of colonization. These actshave been justified by the lack of democracy in BiH and have also beenrecontextualized as necessary steps for democracy and Europeanization,which is a rather circular logic. Even the concept of democracy has beenan ideologically loaded one being upheld as »a universal aspiration...difficultto obtain outside the developed and mature democracies of the West«(Chandler, 2000: 17). They behaved as if BiH was a clean slate on whichliberal Western values were simply to be inscribed.An unprecedented amount of control resting with the HR has produceddiscursive relations of power and inequality between the participants and hasalso, as a result, affected their identities and social roles particularly when it comesto the noted lack of agency for BiH citizens and ‘progress from the above’(Knaus and Martin, 2003: 68). This apparent progress is »no longer measuredby free elections and constitutional frameworks, but on the basis of allegedcultural distinctions or ill-defined assessments of civil society...(which) has ledto an increasingly qualified acceptance of liberal democracy in states outside

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