Iran: Cultural Values, Self images and Negotiation Behavior
Iran: Cultural Values, Self images and Negotiation Behavior Iran: Cultural Values, Self images and Negotiation Behavior
Iran: Cultural Values, Self-images and Negotiating BehaviorDissimulation, high-level disinformation and manipulation are widelyacceptable. Western diplomats and go-betweens have lamented the fact that Iranianinterlocutors were consistent in not maintaining their promises, and that oralstatements or promises are often employed by Iranians pro-forma, just to get aninterlocutor out of their hair, with no intention of carrying out what they have stated.The British Ambassador to Iran in the 1970s, Sir Dennis Wright, summarized hisdealings with Iranians as follows: “The Iranians are people who say the opposite ofwhat they think and do the opposite of what they say. That does not necessarily meanthat what they do does not conform to what they think.”Iranian negotiators tend to accept frequent crisis as part of the negotiation processand seem relatively unconcerned by the prospect that such tactics may endanger thepost-negotiation relationship. Insinuated threats, bluffing, and disinformation are allhighly acceptable. Accordingly, the Iranian negotiator may not only be not offendedby the use of these techniques by his foreign interlocutor, but may even hold agrudging admiration for the cleverness of his protagonist.In the light of the significance of Iranian nationalism in the Iranian mindset, it isnot surprising that Iranians have had a certain difficulty in accepting a fellow Iranianas a bona fide counterpart who speaks in the name of the adversary. Similarly,Iranians tend to look askance at other Muslims who represent the West and to viewemissaries of non-Caucasian origin (blacks, Asians) as less authentic representativesof the West.The ideological constraints of the present regime tend to create a preference for.The Iranian need for collective decision-making is especially evident in the treatmentof back channels. Even in high-level meetings, Iranian negotiators will hold talks inthe presence of an official interpreter or a clerical “commissar” as a silent witness.Iranian negotiators have been known to make extensive use of back channels and prenegotiations.In many cases, these channels seem to have been no more than amechanism for gathering operational intelligence prior to the actual negotiations.Often, though, these channels seem to be in competition with each other or torepresent different interest groups within the Iranian leadership, or different people inthe close vicinity of the highest leadership who want to be the ones to bring a “prize”to the leadership.A frequent negotiating ploy used by Iranians is to go off on a tangent into “virtualnegotiations” on new and unexpected issues, which become the focal point of thetalks. The non-Iranian side finds itself compelled to negotiate back to the originalissue, and then finds that it has paid for the return to status quo ante. This seems to bemeant to wear out the adversary and to learn his weaknesses before raising real issues,but it also may be a reflection of the “bazaar instinct” and the “love of the game,” ademonstration of rhetorical, emotional, and intellectual virtuosity in negotiation thatraises the status of the Iranian in the eyes of his colleagues and subordinates, andhence serves a social end, separate from the real goal of the negotiations.iv
AbstractIranian negotiation techniques are notoriously short-term focused. Very rarelywill Iranians offer a deal in which the quid pro quo from the other side will onlyemerge years later. Furthermore, the bazaar does not close its doors after a deal hasbeen made. The “price” of the “merchandise” proposed at the outset of negotiationshas very little to do with the real price that the Iranian believes he can get. Thehaggling may even go on after an agreement is struck. This stage of the “postnegotiations”may have to do with implementation of the agreement or even with a reopeningof issues previously agreed upon due to “changes in circumstances.”v
- Page 1: The Interdisciplinary Center Herzli
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- Page 9 and 10: TABLE OF CONTENTSINTRODUCTION .....
- Page 11 and 12: IntroductionIran holds a unique pla
- Page 13 and 14: IntroductionCharacter,” “Minds,
- Page 15 and 16: Self-Images and StereotypesNational
- Page 17 and 18: Self-Images and StereotypesPriests,
- Page 19 and 20: Self-Images and Stereotypesmythical
- Page 21 and 22: Self-Images and Stereotypespersonal
- Page 23 and 24: Self-Images and Stereotypescoalitio
- Page 25 and 26: Self-Images and Stereotypeswhen he
- Page 27 and 28: Self-Images and StereotypesChivalry
- Page 29 and 30: Self-Images and StereotypesBaqara w
- Page 31 and 32: Self-Images and StereotypesThe Shah
- Page 33 and 34: Self-Images and Stereotypesorder to
- Page 35 and 36: Self-Images and Stereotypes(connect
- Page 37 and 38: Communication and NegotiationOvervi
- Page 39 and 40: Communication and Negotiationor del
- Page 41 and 42: Speaking up, down and across status
- Page 43 and 44: Communication and Negotiationorigin
- Page 45 and 46: Communication and NegotiationAmbigu
- Page 47 and 48: Negotiating BehaviorThe Role of the
- Page 49 and 50: Communication and NegotiationPre-Ne
- Page 51 and 52: Communication and NegotiationIt was
- Page 53 and 54: Communication and NegotiationImplau
- Page 55 and 56: SummaryIranian negotiating culture
<strong>Iran</strong>: <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Values</strong>, <strong>Self</strong>-<strong>images</strong> <strong>and</strong> Negotiating <strong>Behavior</strong>Dissimulation, high-level disinformation <strong>and</strong> manipulation are widelyacceptable. Western diplomats <strong>and</strong> go-betweens have lamented the fact that <strong>Iran</strong>ianinterlocutors were consistent in not maintaining their promises, <strong>and</strong> that oralstatements or promises are often employed by <strong>Iran</strong>ians pro-forma, just to get aninterlocutor out of their hair, with no intention of carrying out what they have stated.The British Ambassador to <strong>Iran</strong> in the 1970s, Sir Dennis Wright, summarized hisdealings with <strong>Iran</strong>ians as follows: “The <strong>Iran</strong>ians are people who say the opposite ofwhat they think <strong>and</strong> do the opposite of what they say. That does not necessarily meanthat what they do does not conform to what they think.”<strong>Iran</strong>ian negotiators tend to accept frequent crisis as part of the negotiation process<strong>and</strong> seem relatively unconcerned by the prospect that such tactics may endanger thepost-negotiation relationship. Insinuated threats, bluffing, <strong>and</strong> disinformation are allhighly acceptable. Accordingly, the <strong>Iran</strong>ian negotiator may not only be not offendedby the use of these techniques by his foreign interlocutor, but may even hold agrudging admiration for the cleverness of his protagonist.In the light of the significance of <strong>Iran</strong>ian nationalism in the <strong>Iran</strong>ian mindset, it isnot surprising that <strong>Iran</strong>ians have had a certain difficulty in accepting a fellow <strong>Iran</strong>ianas a bona fide counterpart who speaks in the name of the adversary. Similarly,<strong>Iran</strong>ians tend to look askance at other Muslims who represent the West <strong>and</strong> to viewemissaries of non-Caucasian origin (blacks, Asians) as less authentic representativesof the West.The ideological constraints of the present regime tend to create a preference for.The <strong>Iran</strong>ian need for collective decision-making is especially evident in the treatmentof back channels. Even in high-level meetings, <strong>Iran</strong>ian negotiators will hold talks inthe presence of an official interpreter or a clerical “commissar” as a silent witness.<strong>Iran</strong>ian negotiators have been known to make extensive use of back channels <strong>and</strong> prenegotiations.In many cases, these channels seem to have been no more than amechanism for gathering operational intelligence prior to the actual negotiations.Often, though, these channels seem to be in competition with each other or torepresent different interest groups within the <strong>Iran</strong>ian leadership, or different people inthe close vicinity of the highest leadership who want to be the ones to bring a “prize”to the leadership.A frequent negotiating ploy used by <strong>Iran</strong>ians is to go off on a tangent into “virtualnegotiations” on new <strong>and</strong> unexpected issues, which become the focal point of thetalks. The non-<strong>Iran</strong>ian side finds itself compelled to negotiate back to the originalissue, <strong>and</strong> then finds that it has paid for the return to status quo ante. This seems to bemeant to wear out the adversary <strong>and</strong> to learn his weaknesses before raising real issues,but it also may be a reflection of the “bazaar instinct” <strong>and</strong> the “love of the game,” ademonstration of rhetorical, emotional, <strong>and</strong> intellectual virtuosity in negotiation thatraises the status of the <strong>Iran</strong>ian in the eyes of his colleagues <strong>and</strong> subordinates, <strong>and</strong>hence serves a social end, separate from the real goal of the negotiations.iv