Iran: Cultural Values, Self images and Negotiation Behavior

Iran: Cultural Values, Self images and Negotiation Behavior Iran: Cultural Values, Self images and Negotiation Behavior

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Iran: Cultural Values, Self-images and Negotiating BehaviorIranian negotiators have also used the course of negotiation on one issue topromote a completely separate political agenda – domestic or foreign – without givingany clue to what lies behind the linkage. The convoluted nature of Iranian domesticpolitics lends itself to such mixing of domestic issues with external ones. In manycases Western negotiators realized post factum that they had read too much into anIranian insistence on an issue that seemed to be irrelevant, when they tried to discoverthe hidden relevance. The truth finally lay in personal political or even businessinterest of some Iranian within the loop. 153Post-NegotiationsThe bazaar does not close its doors after a deal has been made. 154 One of thecharacteristic traits of Iranian negotiation techniques is that the haggling goes on evenafter an agreement is struck. This stage of the “post-negotiations” may have to dowith implementation of the agreement or even with a re-opening of issues previouslyagreed upon due to “changes in circumstances.” A senior Western negotiator definedthis attitude as classic carpet dealing, and true to that metaphor related that at the endof each negotiation he always made sure he had five dollars left in his pocket for thesurprise. 155153 For example, Picco negotiated with the Iranian Ambassador in Damascus, Akhtari, on the hostageissue. At one point, Akhtari insisted that Picco visit Libya to talk with Qaddafi. He could not offer anyreasoning (a specific Libyan link with certain hostage holders) but continued to insist on the meeting.After an attempt to meet the Libyans, it became clear to the UN envoy that the trip had no relevancewhatsoever; it probably was a favor that Iran or Akhtari himself wanted to provide to the Libyans whowere then under UN sanctions.154 When negotiating over a rug in the bazaar, one may finally reach a price after much haggling. Thecarpet merchant will then offer more coffee and then, while preparing to pay, the customer will (if heknows how to behave in the bazaar) say “But the prayer rug (or something similar) goes with the carpetfor this price.” This story has been proposed by a few observers as the basic pattern of the Iranian“post-negotiations syndrome.”155 Giandomenico Picco, former U.N. emissary, personal interview.44

SummaryIranian negotiating culture is deeply rooted in the Iranian national psyche,linguistic conventions, cultural mores and habits, and religious conventions. The highvalue that Iranians place on cleverness and on their ability to outwit their counterparts,and the social and religious legitimacy of dissimulation guarantee that almost anyexchange with Iranians will be extremely opaque. Equally, the Iranian negotiator willrarely accept a Westerner at face value; culturally ingrained mistrust, a general beliefin conspiracies, and the specific suspicion towards the West will most likely makehim believe that what seems like frankness and a candid approach on the part of hisinterlocutor is but clever deception. The hostility of the present regime in Iran to theWest accentuates this tendency.Iranians negotiators have frequently used blatant threats – many of them empty –as staple instruments in the course of negotiations, though they have also proven to besusceptible to use of threats by others. Cases of effective negotiations with Iranianshave shown that more has been achieved by taking advantage of inherent Iranian fearsand weaknesses and wielding a credible “big stick,” thus bringing into play Iranianpragmatism and the Shiite principle of the predominance of public interest. Once it isclear to the Iranians that only compromise can avert a serious threat, the compromisewill become a legitimate choice. Ambiguity in threats may not achieve this end sincethe Iranian side may assume that the other side is using tactics similar to its own.An analysis of the Iranian tendency towards mistrust and conspiracy theoriessuggests that arguments in the course of negotiations should be based on clear shorttermincentives and threats, and not on incremental long-term confidence building.Progress will not be made through discussions of the rights and wrongs of each side'sview of the issues. Iranian political dynamics will not allow a concession on the basisof the justice of a position. Negotiations must achieve an acceptance by the Iranianside of the brute facts, rather than an understanding of the merits of the other side.Only if it is clear beyond any shadow of doubt that the maslahat (interest) of theregime is at stake will this mechanism come into play. Despite the Iranian tendency touse back channels to transmit such messages, it seems that Iranians have frequentlyseen back channels and secret negotiations as giving the other side an advantage.Western negotiators have an inclination to try to nail down budding understandingsin writing in order to preclude retraction of the understandings. Since the Iranianleadership has total authority, a Western negotiator can demand immediate decisionsand compliance, taking into account the Iranian disposition towards post-negotiations.Written agreements have more or less the same status as oral ones; they are subject toreview when the circumstances that prompted them have changed.45

<strong>Iran</strong>: <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Values</strong>, <strong>Self</strong>-<strong>images</strong> <strong>and</strong> Negotiating <strong>Behavior</strong><strong>Iran</strong>ian negotiators have also used the course of negotiation on one issue topromote a completely separate political agenda – domestic or foreign – without givingany clue to what lies behind the linkage. The convoluted nature of <strong>Iran</strong>ian domesticpolitics lends itself to such mixing of domestic issues with external ones. In manycases Western negotiators realized post factum that they had read too much into an<strong>Iran</strong>ian insistence on an issue that seemed to be irrelevant, when they tried to discoverthe hidden relevance. The truth finally lay in personal political or even businessinterest of some <strong>Iran</strong>ian within the loop. 153Post-<strong>Negotiation</strong>sThe bazaar does not close its doors after a deal has been made. 154 One of thecharacteristic traits of <strong>Iran</strong>ian negotiation techniques is that the haggling goes on evenafter an agreement is struck. This stage of the “post-negotiations” may have to dowith implementation of the agreement or even with a re-opening of issues previouslyagreed upon due to “changes in circumstances.” A senior Western negotiator definedthis attitude as classic carpet dealing, <strong>and</strong> true to that metaphor related that at the endof each negotiation he always made sure he had five dollars left in his pocket for thesurprise. 155153 For example, Picco negotiated with the <strong>Iran</strong>ian Ambassador in Damascus, Akhtari, on the hostageissue. At one point, Akhtari insisted that Picco visit Libya to talk with Qaddafi. He could not offer anyreasoning (a specific Libyan link with certain hostage holders) but continued to insist on the meeting.After an attempt to meet the Libyans, it became clear to the UN envoy that the trip had no relevancewhatsoever; it probably was a favor that <strong>Iran</strong> or Akhtari himself wanted to provide to the Libyans whowere then under UN sanctions.154 When negotiating over a rug in the bazaar, one may finally reach a price after much haggling. Thecarpet merchant will then offer more coffee <strong>and</strong> then, while preparing to pay, the customer will (if heknows how to behave in the bazaar) say “But the prayer rug (or something similar) goes with the carpetfor this price.” This story has been proposed by a few observers as the basic pattern of the <strong>Iran</strong>ian“post-negotiations syndrome.”155 Gi<strong>and</strong>omenico Picco, former U.N. emissary, personal interview.44

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