Iran: Cultural Values, Self images and Negotiation Behavior

Iran: Cultural Values, Self-images and Negotiating Behaviortowards government as an exploiting enemy; a belief that nothing can change for thebetter. 42 As a field study, Gastil’s research leaves much to be desired; however, hisquestionnaire reflected a subject that was, and is, central to a common Iranianworldview.According to many observers, the Iranian is acculturated to expect the worse offate, and even worse of people who have achieved high office. 43 The game of life, inPersian eyes, has been likened to “a game of hazard, where incalculable chances,good and bad, emerge and disappear, like bubbles on the surface of the water. There isno meaning whatever in this play, but he who wants to incur the risk may try to avertthe evil and to seize the favorable opportunity.” 44 Many observers of Iranian historyand society have indicated the assumption of extreme uncertainty in the course ofhuman affairs: frequent changes of ruling powers or dynasties, reversal of fortunes ofelites, and the lack of certainty that a person’s wealth will be inherited by his childrenand grandchildren have been noted as primary elements of the Iranian psyche. 45 Theelement of chance is paramount, and the skill of the player is employed in order tomaximize the advantage from good throws of the dice, and to minimize the damageand future risk resulting from bad throws. In practice, he achieves these ends bycunning, shrewdness, positive opportunism, and willingness to engage in the game,i.e., to take well-calculated risks for gain. Vaqi’bini (realism) is a necessary conditionfor survival.Many observers over the centuries have even attributed Persian military failures tothe inherent mistrust and incapability for teamwork 46 engendered by the hyperindividualismof Persian generals. It has been claimed that even the Iranian criminalunderground is too individualist to voluntarily organize itself as a mafia or yakuza, orto perform sophisticated crimes such as bank robberies, which call for a high level oftrust and cooperation. 47 The belief in conspiracies also engenders a perennial mutualsuspicion regarding the true intentions of others.Acceptance of Conspiracy TheoriesMistrust is intimately linked to the Iranian proclivity towards acceptance ofconspiracy theories. 48 The interpretation of current events through the prism of thesetheories tends to create a focus on issues or facts that may seem totally irrelevant tothe uninitiated outsider. For the most part, these theories attribute the course ofcontemporary Iranian history to devious Machiavellian-type machinations of42 Raymonds D. Gastil, “Middle Class Impediments to Iranian Modernization,” Public OpinionQuarterly XXII.3 1958: 325-329.43 This is illustrated by the story of Mullah Nasseradin who had a dozen marbles and asked children ifthey want him to divide them among them. Upon receiving an affirmative reply, he asked whether theywant him to distribute them as God would or as man would. The children immediately preferred thedivine option, and the Mullah then gave two to one child and ten to the other…44 Haas 119. The Persian poet Omar Khayyam used the simile of polo, with the human being the poloball: Peter Avery & John Heath Stubbs (trans.), The Ruba’iyat of Omar Khayyam, (London: Penguin,1979): 92, quatrain 167.45 See Homa Katouzian, Iranian History and Politics – The Dialectics of State and Society, (London:Routlege Curzon, 2003): 23.46 Iranians have rarely excelled in team sports, and even use the English word team for that institution.47 Marvin Zonis, The Political Elite of Iran (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971): 214.48 Iranian proverbs and adages are full of admonitions such as “under the perfect plate, there is a brokenone” or “the half empty glass is actually full (of surprises)”.12