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The Girl-Child and Government Service Provision.pdf - Tanzania ...

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ole models. Other educational barriers include schoolcalendars that conflict with girls’ domestic or market responsibilities<strong>and</strong> curricula <strong>and</strong> instructional strategies notrelevant to girls’ learning needs.Economic trends <strong>and</strong>reforms in <strong>Tanzania</strong>During the colonial era in <strong>Tanzania</strong> the British <strong>and</strong> Germangovernments concentrated their activities on maintaininglaw <strong>and</strong> order <strong>and</strong> providing necessary services such astransportation infrastructure <strong>and</strong> urban water systems<strong>and</strong> electricity. Social services such as health <strong>and</strong> educationwere shared between the government <strong>and</strong> missionaries.After independence in 1961, the national governmentinherited the colonial pattern of organisation <strong>and</strong>structure.In 1967 the government passed a basic statement of<strong>Tanzania</strong>’s long-term development objectives: the ArushaDeclaration. This declaration provided a developmentpolicy that revolved around socialism, rural development,self-reliance <strong>and</strong> economic growth. An immediate resultof the Arusha Declaration was nationalisation of the strategicactivities of the economy. In rural areas programmewas put in place to make it easier <strong>and</strong> more convenient forgovernment to provide social services such as health <strong>and</strong>education to the people.Although <strong>Tanzania</strong> experienced reasonable macro-economicperformance until the mid-1970s, 1 unfavourable externalconditions wiped out the previous economic achievements<strong>and</strong> led to the crisis of the early 1980s. <strong>The</strong> crisis manifesteditself in rising inflation – reaching a historically highfigure of 36 per cent in 1984 – <strong>and</strong> a balance-of-paymentscrisis. It is generally agreed that the economic crisis wascaused mainly by trade decline, a fourfold rise in oil prices,a rise in food-grain prices, the war with Ug<strong>and</strong>a, the breakup of the East African Community <strong>and</strong> the severe droughtsof 1973–74 <strong>and</strong> 1981–82 (Maliyamkono <strong>and</strong> Bagachwa1990; Sepehri 1992).It was during this period that the <strong>Tanzania</strong>n governmentstarted negotiations with the IMF <strong>and</strong> the World Bankwhich led to the adoption of a series of structural adjustment<strong>and</strong> economic recovery programmes in the 1980s(Messkoub 1995).In 1982 the government adopted a three-year structuraladjustment programme (SAP), prepared with the cooperationof the World Bank <strong>and</strong> based on the advice of the<strong>Tanzania</strong>n Advisory Group. This SAP was an exclusivelynational effort; it had no World Bank or IMF financial support.At first the SAP did not result in any significantchanges in <strong>Tanzania</strong>’s economic performance because thegovernment was reluctant to implement the policy measures.It was not until fiscal year 1984–85 that <strong>Tanzania</strong>launched its first significant reform aimed at liberalising theeconomy.In 1987 the government adopted a three-year economicrecoveryprogramme. During the course of the programme,<strong>Tanzania</strong> obtained an 18-month st<strong>and</strong>by arrangementwith the IMF in August 1986 <strong>and</strong> a MultisectorRehabilitation Credit from the International DevelopmentAgency <strong>and</strong> donor governments in November 1986. Furthermore,<strong>Tanzania</strong> became eligible for the rescheduling ofloans in the Paris Club, including the postponement <strong>and</strong>cancellation of existing principal <strong>and</strong> interest in October1986. Finally, in July 1987, under the SAP, the IMF approveda US$67.9 million special drawing rights loan in support ofthe economic-recovery programme.In 1996 the IMF approved a three-year credit under theEnhanced Structural Adjustment Programme to support<strong>Tanzania</strong>’s economic-recovery programme for 1996/97–1998/99. <strong>The</strong> new programme emphasised fiscal performance<strong>and</strong> structural reforms, namely,• building administrative capacity for improving developmentmanagement;• maintaining a stable fiscal stance <strong>and</strong> using public resourcesmore efficiently;• promoting the private sector by deregulating investment<strong>and</strong> divesting parastatals;• providing greater support for primary education <strong>and</strong>basic health care;• supporting the development of basic infrastructure,especially to give impetus to rural agricultural development;<strong>and</strong>• restructuring the financial sector to respond to theneeds of the private sector.<strong>The</strong> SAPs of the 1980s have not been without costs, bothin terms of non-growth economic indicators <strong>and</strong> the burdenthat these programmes have imposed on the population.In general, “adjustment policies affected the poor inthree broad ways: first they affect their incomes, eitherthrough changes in wages <strong>and</strong> employment, or through<strong>The</strong> <strong>Girl</strong>-<strong>Child</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Government</strong> <strong>Service</strong> <strong>Provision</strong> 35

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