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INSIDE:• For the record: Yushchenko’s response to Medvedev – page 3.• Commentary: Europe’s share in <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s malaise – page 5.• Ukrainian Medical Association meets in Vancouver – page 11.THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLYPublished by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit associationVol. LXXVII No.34 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009$1/$2 in <strong>Ukraine</strong>Ukrainian Independence DayChrystyna LapychakEighteen years ago, on August 24, 1991, this was the scene outside theUkrainian Parliament building as <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s independence was declared.This historic photo was taken from a window inside the Parliament buildingby Chrystyna Lapychak, who was assigned at the time to The UkrainianWeekly’s Kyiv Press Bureau.Yatsenyuk presidential campaign:Change, or politics as usual?by Zenon ZawadaKyiv Press BureauKYIV – What initially sparked hopesfor change is turning into politics asusual.As Arseniy Yatsenyuk’s campaignersignite scandals and post billboards claimingthe rather nerdy-looking 35-year-oldwill “save the country,” mounting evidencereveals his presidential campaignhas little potential to change much ofanything, observers said.His financers are the same old oligarchs,and his campaign advisers arerecycled from the campaigns of ViktorYanukovych and Leonid Kuchma, accordingto reports.Meanwhile in his bid to appeal to thebroadest electorate, Mr. Yatsenyuk isavoiding taking positions on key issues orproposing specific reforms or programshe would pursue as president.“He’s like generic beer, trying toappeal to the biggest amount of voters byhaving the least content and taste,” Kyivpolitical expert Ivan Lozowy said. “Butfrom the point of view of election technology,it’s probably the right way to go.”Indeed, Mr. Yatsenyuk has succeededin keeping his third-place position in thepresidential race.About 11 percent of voters said theywould vote for Mr. Yatsenyuk, and morethan 13 percent of those certain to vote onJanuary 17, 2010, said they will choosehim, according to a poll of 2,006 respondentsconducted between July 20 and 28by the Razumkov Center for Economicand Political Research in Kyiv.Meanwhile, 13.3 percent of respondentssaid they fully support Mr.Yatsenyuk’s current political activity,compared with 16.7 percent full supportfor opposition leader Viktor Yanukovych,12.7 percent for Prime Minister YuliaTymoshenko and 5.7 percent for PresidentViktor Yushchenko.A good part of Mr. Yatsenyuk’s successis based on being a new face amidst afield of candidates that largely repulsesUkrainian voters, who have seen them allbefore, experts said.“His platform comes down to: I’m abetter choice than these jerks you’re usedto, who you’re not happy with,” Mr.Lozowy said. “In this configuration, thelast thing he wants is to take a position onany issue. The bottom line is he doesn’twant to tackle these issues.”(Continued on page 9)On the 18th anniversary of independence<strong>Ukraine</strong> on the geopolitical sidelinesby Zenon ZawadaKyiv Press BureauKYIV – <strong>Ukraine</strong> is stuck in a gray bufferzone between two systems of collectivesecurity, in the view of Valeriy Chaly,the deputy director of Kyiv’s RazumkovCenter, and the nation’s permanent internalconflict has forced it to the geopoliticalsidelines with the threat that onlyglobal powers will decide its fate.Though the nation elected a firmly pro-NATO president in Viktor Yushchenko,<strong>Ukraine</strong> lost its chance at deeper Euro-Atlantic integration “because of the nonconsolidationof political elites and theinadequate understanding of nationalinterests and priority tasks,” Mr. Chalysaid.“We are practically locked in a zone,which in my view is a rather dangeroussituation for <strong>Ukraine</strong>,” Mr. Chaly notedduring a mid-July press conference hesaid was intended to raise awareness andspark discussion on <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s geopoliticalfuture. “Our definitive place and roleare undefined. It’s this transitional stateof a buffer transit zone which is threatening,in my view.”Mr. Chaly is among <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s foremostforeign policy experts, directinginternational programs for 12 years at theRazumkov Center for Economic andPolitical Research, a leading Kyiv thinktankfinanced by scores of internationalfunds and institutions.The Vinnytsia native served on theNational Security and Defense Councilbetween 1997 and 1999, and attends theannual Yalta European Strategy conference,where <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s elite gathers to discussthe nation’s future.<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s NATO entry isn’t relevant atthe moment, Mr. Chaly said, as theVerkhovna Rada lacks a critical majoritythat would cardinally change <strong>Ukraine</strong>’sforeign policy priorities and orientations.“NATO is not ready, <strong>Ukraine</strong> is notready. And, unfortunately, politicizationis continuing and it’s possible that thisping-pong game with NATO will be asubject for the presidential campaign,” hesaid.While it’s often suggested that<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s leadership ought to opt for aneutral, non-aligned status between theNorth Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO) and the Russian Federation, foreignpolicy specialists know that’s not aviable option, he said.<strong>Ukraine</strong> is already failing to finance itsarmed forces according to legislative(Continued on page 10)Yulia Tymoshenko addresses UWC,promises funding for diaspora programsby Zenon ZawadaKyiv Press BureauLVIV – Prime Minister YuliaTymoshenko impressed the UkrainianWorld Congress (UWC) at its August 20annual meeting here not only with a supportiveaddress, but also with her decisionto lead the Cabinet of Ministers the priorevening in passing a resolution to restoregovernment financing for diaspora programs.The prime minister’s sudden embraceof the Ukrainian diaspora arrives before(Continued on page 9)Zenon ZawadaAt the Ukrainian World Congress annual meeting on August 20 at Lviv PolytechnicalUniversity (from left) are: <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, UWCPresident Eugene Czolij and UWC Vice-President Maria Shkambara.

2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34ANALYSISDocuments shed light on Soviets’suppression of Ukrainian Catholic Churchby Brian WhitmoreRadio Free Europe/Radio LibertyPatriarch Kirill’s recent high-profilevisit to <strong>Ukraine</strong> was interrupted by anunwanted visitor from the past: JosephStalin’s ghost.A five-decade-old letter from the SovietCommunist Party archives, made availableto RFE/RL’s Russian Service as PatriarchKirill was wrapping up his 10-day visit to<strong>Ukraine</strong>, illustrates the extent to which thepatriarch’s predecessors were involved inStalin’s efforts to wipe out the UkrainianGreek-Catholic Church in the 1940s.The letter, from then-Russian OrthodoxPatriarch Aleksy I to the head of the SovietCouncil on Religious Affairs, GeorgyKarpov, was dated December 7, 1945,when the Kremlin was consolidating controlover territories in heavily Catholicwestern <strong>Ukraine</strong> after World War II.Karpov was a colonel in the NKVD, a predecessorto the Soviet KGB.In the letter, Aleksy informs Karpov ofan “initiative group” that was being formedin Greek-Catholic dioceses in western<strong>Ukraine</strong> that would pressure clergy toagree to disband their Church and convertto Orthodoxy.“More than 800 priests have alreadyjoined the initiative group, and it is expectedthat by the New Year the entire clergywill have done so with the exception of asmall number of diehards,” Aleksy wrote.At the time of the letter, all of theUkrainian Greek-Catholic Church’s bishopshad been either imprisoned or exiled,making the clergy especially vulnerable topressure as Stalin sought to eradicate theVatican’s influence.“What strikes me most about that letteris that, within the context of the particularpower relationships that were in place,[Patriarch Aleksy I] really sounds like hewas trying to give a semblance of ecclesiasticalcredibility to what was otherwiseCorrectionIn “Film Clips: Kimjongilia, documentaryabout North Korean regime” (August9) by Thaya Salamacha, an editor’s correctionwas incorrectly rendered, changingthe word plight to flight, instead offight. The sentence should read: “As anAmerican of Ukrainian descent, and havinglived through a time when humanrights abuses in <strong>Ukraine</strong> were invisible tothe world, I am deeply moved by theNorth Koreans’ fight for freedom and forrecognition before the world of their painfulhistory.”clearly a blatant act of state intervention inChurch affairs,” said Andrii Krawchuk, theformer president of the University ofSudbury in Ontario, and the author of thebook “Christian Social Ethics in <strong>Ukraine</strong>.”In another letter, published in earlyAugust by the Austrian Catholic newsagency Kathpress, Nikita Khrushchev, thena member of the Soviet Politburo and ahigh-ranking official of the CommunistParty of the Ukrainian SSR, informedStalin of “work undertaken to dismemberthe [Ukrainian Greek-Catholic] Churchand transfer the... clergy to the OrthodoxChurch.” That letter was dated December17, 1945, just 10 days after Aleksy’s correspondence.The Rev. Ihor Yatsiv, press secretary forthe head of the Ukrainian Greek-CatholicChurch, Lubomyr Husar, told RFE/RL’sRussian Service that the documents shedimportant light on efforts by Soviet authoritiesto liquidate Catholicism in western<strong>Ukraine</strong>.“The most important thing this letterillustrates is that these initiative groupswere not established by the Greek-Catholicdioceses themselves, as had been previouslyclaimed, but rather that they wereinspired by the Soviet authorities,” theRev. Yatsiv notes.Echoes of the pastStalin allowed the Russian OrthodoxChurch, which had been suppressed followingthe 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, tooperate officially again from 1943 – albeitunder tight Soviet supervision – in aneffort to intensify patriotic support for theauthorities during World War II and after.“In Stalin’s regime the idea was to subsumeeverything into one centralized aegis,namely the Russian Orthodox Church,which itself was subject to strict controlsand even repression by the state,” the Rev.Moscow Patriarch’s visit to <strong>Ukraine</strong>by Pavel KordubanEurasia Daily MonitorRussian Orthodox Patriarch Kirill visited<strong>Ukraine</strong> from July 27 to August 5 inorder to suppress the pro-independencemood among the local clergy and morebroadly, to assert Russian religious andcultural domination. The patriarch madeit clear that he would oppose plans,backed by Ukrainian President ViktorYushchenko, to create a local OrthodoxChurch fully independent of Russia moreenergetically than his predecessor, AleksyII.Patriarch Kirill also allowed Party of(Continued on page 30)Regions of <strong>Ukraine</strong> leader ViktorYanukovych to use his visit to benefit hispresidential election campaign, whichindicates that Moscow will probably backhis bid as it did in 2004.During his visit Patriarch Kirill ostentatiouslyignored the rival OrthodoxChurch – Kyiv Patriarchate (UOC-KP),although UOC-KP Patriarch Filaret wantedto meet him. Adding insult to injury,the Russian patriarch acted as if the UOC-KP did not exist at all. Strictly speaking,this is the case from the point of view ofthe Moscow Church as Patriarch Filaretwas excommunicated after he split fromthe Moscow Church in 1992. The UOC-KP is still not officially recognized by therest of the Orthodox world.President Yushchenko supports theUOC-KP, viewing it as the basis forestablishing a single Ukrainian OrthodoxChurch independent from Moscow patriarchsand Russian cultural influences.This would perfectly fit his idealisticmodel of a monolingual and monocultural<strong>Ukraine</strong> distanced from Russia as muchas possible, which he has pursued sincehis election as president in 2004. Thisideal is impossible to achieve in the modernworld, and the same is probably trueof Mr. Yushchenko’s dream of a nationwideindependent Church.(Continued on page 30)Protest against Medvedev letterKYIV – Dozens of activists from theUkrainian People’s Party held a demonstrationin front of the Russian Embassyin Kyiv, RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Servicereported on August 14. They were protestingRussian President DmitryMedvedev’s August 11 letter to UkrainianPresident Viktor Yushchenko criticizingKyiv’s foreign policy towards Russia,which he called Mr. Yushchenko’s “anti-Russian course.” Protesters demandedthat Mr. Medvedev withdraw his statementand apologize to <strong>Ukraine</strong>. They alsowarned that similar protests would beheld in front of Russian Consulates inother Ukrainian cities if their demandsare ignored. (RFE/RL)Reaction to Medvedev’s accusationsKYIV – A newly released poll showedthat Ukrainians perceive RussianPresident Dmitry Medvedev’s recentaccusations about Kyiv’s anti-Russianbehavior in different ways, RFE/RL’sUkrainian Service reported on August 19.In Lviv and Kyiv people reacted negativelyto Mr. Medvedev’s accusations.But in the southern and eastern Ukrainiancities of Mykolayiv and Donetsk, respectively,respondents were not so critical ofMr. Medvedev’s charges against <strong>Ukraine</strong>.The findings were made by the RazumkovCenter, which on August 12-18 conducteda telephone poll of 3,040 residents ofKyiv, Lviv, Mykolayiv, Donetsk andSymferopol. Valeriy Chaly, the internationalprogram director at the RazumkovCenter, said the findings also show that asignificant part of the Ukrainian populationis not even aware of PresidentMedvedev’s open letter to his Ukrainiancounterpart, Viktor Yushchenko.However, Ukrainians in all cities perceivedMoscow’s decision to hold off ondispatching a new ambassador to <strong>Ukraine</strong>as an unfriendly act. (RFE/RL)Explosion rocks Donetsk plantKYIV – A powerful explosion thunderedon August 16 in the northern part ofDonetsk. According to the local Internetpublication Ostrov, a private pyrotechnicNEWSBRIEFSplant blew up. According to eyewitnesses,the explosion was so strong that windowswere broken in the nearby houses. TheEmergencies Ministry in the Donetskregion refrained from comments on thecause of the accident, but did report thatthere were no fatalities or injuries. Some100 tons of pyrotechnics were stored atthe facility, which is located in theYakovlivka settlement. (Ukrinform)Russia sees victory on NATO issueKYIV – The Russian Foreign AffairsMinistry considers it a victory of commonsense that Georgia’s and <strong>Ukraine</strong>’sNATO memberships are no longer on theinternational political agenda, said a highrankingRussian diplomat, according tonews reports released on August 15.“Russia and NATO bear common responsibilityfor security on the Euro-Atlanticarea. The fact that the theme of these twocountries’ membership in NATO is nolonger on the political agenda is above alla victory of common sense,” RussianDeputy Foreign Affairs MinisterAlexander Grushko said in an interviewwith Interfax. “Everybody now has anotherchance to think about strengtheningcooperation on real security problemsrather than deal with the consequences ofpolitical projects that were inherited fromthe past,” Mr. Grushko said. (Interfax-<strong>Ukraine</strong>)Kyiv protests pollution of Sevastopol BayKYIV – <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Ministry of ForeignAffairs (MFA) sent a note of protest toRussia over the pollution of SevastopolBay by the Russian Black Sea Fleet, actingFirst Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs YuriiKostenko said on August 17. “FollowingRussian President Dmitry Medvedev’saddress, the Ukrainian Foreign AffairsMinistry has sent another note of protestover the pollution of the Sevastopol Baywaters,” he said. Mr. Kostenko said that anagreement between <strong>Ukraine</strong> and Russiaforesees that in such cases Russia shouldimmediately allow a Ukrainian environmentalservice to take a water sample,however, this had been ignored. He said(Continued on page 28)THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY FOUNDED 1933An English-language newspaper published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc.,a non-profit association, at 2200 Route 10, P.O. Box 280, Parsippany, NJ 07054.Yearly subscription rate: $55; for UNA members — $45.Periodicals postage paid at Parsippany, NJ 07054 and additional mailing offices.(ISSN — 0273-9348)The Weekly:UNA:Tel: (973) 292-9800; Fax: (973) 644-9510 Tel: (973) 292-9800; Fax: (973) 292-0900Postmaster, send address changes to:The Ukrainian WeeklyEditor-in-chief: Roma Hadzewycz2200 Route 10 Editors: Matthew DubasP.O. Box 280Zenon Zawada (Kyiv)Parsippany, NJ 07054The Ukrainian Weekly Archive: www.ukrweekly.com; e-mail: staff@ukrweekly.comThe Ukrainian Weekly, August 23, 2009, No. 34, Vol. LXXVIICopyright © 2009 The Ukrainian WeeklyADMINISTRATION OF THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY AND SVOBODAWalter Honcharyk, administrator(973) 292-9800, ext. 3041e-mail: ukradmin@att.netMaria Oscislawski, advertising manager(973) 292-9800, ext. 3040fax: (973) 644-9510Mariyka Pendzola, subscriptionse-mail: adukr@optonline.net(973) 292-9800, ext. 3042e-mail: ukrsubscr@att.net

4 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34NEWS ANALYSIS: Ukrainian-Russian diplomatic war intensifiesby Taras KuzioEurasia Daily MonitorOn August 10 President DmitryMedvedev accused President ViktorYushchenko of taking <strong>Ukraine</strong> on an “anti-Russian course” (www.blog.kremlin.ru,August 10). Moscow also recently engagedin tit-for-tat diplomatic expulsions (EurasiaDaily Monitor, July 31).The two Ukrainian diplomats expelledwere <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Consul General in St.Petersburg Natalia Prokopovych and OlehVoloshyn, a senior adviser to the Ukrainianambassador in Moscow. Russia claimedthat this was in response to the “unfriendlyactions of the Ukrainian authorities”toward two Russian diplomats. It regardedKyiv’s actions as an “openly anti-Russianstep that harms the development of relationsbetween Russia and <strong>Ukraine</strong>” (www.mid.ru, July 29).<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs(MFA) and National Security and DefenseCouncil (NSDC) both expressed their surpriseover the Russian response. “We arevery surprised at such a severe and unfortunatereaction by the Russian side,” the MFAstated (www.mfa.gov.ua, July 29). The MFAhad provided to its Russian counterparts adossier of documents outlining the undiplomaticactivities of the two expelled Russiandiplomats. “On the question of the Russianambassador’s adviser it was tied to his openlyanti-Ukrainian statements as well as theOdesa consul general and his de facto supportfor radical political forces” (www.mfa.gov.ua, July 29).The two expelled Ukrainian diplomatshad never been involved in undiplomaticactivities and were not warned at any stageby Moscow. The MFA claimed that the twoexpelled Russian diplomats breached theby Taras KuzioEurasia Daily MonitorIn line with implementing stricter securitypolicies in Sevastopol and Crimea, theSecurity Service of <strong>Ukraine</strong> (SBU) is adoptingtougher policies towards Russian intelligenceactivities in the peninsula. Thesefollow the August 2008 decrees restrictingthe movement of Russian Black Sea Fleetvessels in and out of Sevastopol withoutUkrainian consent.The SBU has officially given its Russianequivalent, the Federal Security Service(FSB), until December 13 to remove itselffrom <strong>Ukraine</strong>. SBU chief ValentynNalyvaichenko warned that if the FSB hasnot left by that date, “then they would bearcriminal responsibility,” adding “The criminalcode contains an article on ‘espionage.’”(www.pravda.com.ua, June 28).The FSB officers also operate in counterintelligencematters. Russia utilizes itsdomestic intelligence agency (the FSB) inits dealings with the CIS (Commonwealthof Independent States), because it is regardedas the “near abroad” (the ForeignIntelligence Service, or SVR is used in the“far abroad”). This is the equivalent of theFBI rather than the CIA operating in Centraland Latin America.Mr. Nalyvaichenko explained that he hadconsulted the Ukrainian Foreign AffairsMinistry before advising Moscow of thecancellation of the protocol permitting theFSB to operate in Sevastopol. NineteenFSB officers currently operate inSevastopol. Russian intelligence has alwaysbeen thought to support separatist, anti-NATO and anti-American groups and parties,even providing Black Sea Fleet personnelwho wear civilian clothes to participatein protests.Mr. Nalyvaichenko revealed that one1961 Vienna Convention on DiplomaticRelations and had intervened in <strong>Ukraine</strong>’sinternal affairs. Volodymyr Ohryzko, firstdeputy chair of the NSDC and former foreignaffairs minister, described the Russianresponse as a return to “the tried and testedreactionary Soviet mentality of the HomoSovieticus in responding to absolutely lawfulactions by [the Ukrainian] state”(Ukrayinska Pravda, July 30).On July 31 Ukrayinska Pravda was toldby unofficial sources that the two “socalleddiplomats,” as Mr. Ohryzkodescribed them, were involved in espionageand subversive activities. OdesaConsul General Oleksandr Grachevfinanced and sought to cooperate withlocal political leaders by drawing on fundsgenerated by illegal hard currency operationsundertaken through shadow economicstructures. This “illegal espionage activityin support of Russia’s political steps,”sought to recruit “agents of influence” toadvance Russian interests in <strong>Ukraine</strong>.One of these controlled political groupswas the Odesa-based Rodina Party, whosemembers were accused of the murder of aUkrainian nationalist in Odesa in April(EDM, June 16). Mr. Grachev was directlysubordinated to the Federal Security Service(known by its Russian acronym as FSB)leadership, who passed his reports directlyto Prime Minister Vladimir Putin(Ukrayinska Pravda, July 31). Mr. Grachev’sapartment, purchased with these illegallyearned funds, was located in the same buildingin Odesa as Rodina Party leader IgorMarkov’s office.Expelled Senior Adviser VladimirLysenko undertook “active espionage andsubversive activities in <strong>Ukraine</strong>,” the samesources told Ukrayinska Pravda (July 31).“Lysenko established unofficial contactsfactor behind the decision to terminate theright of the FSB to maintain its presence inSevastopol was that they did not restrictthemselves to the naval base. “Foreign specialservices operate in the city ofSevastopol. And this is against Ukrainianlaw,” he said (www.bbc.co.uk/ukrainian,June 18).One member of the Verkhovna Rada’sCommittee on National Security andDefense, Oleksander Skybinetskyi, said thatmost Ukrainian experts in security affairsare concerned that Russian intelligenceorchestrates various groups and protestmovements that are hostile to Ukrainiansovereignty. The SBU has instituted criminalcharges against separatists and broughtin political leaders for interrogation. Theleader of the Progressive Socialist Partyfaction in the Sevastopol City Council,Yevhen Dubovyk, was recently questionedafter he threatened radical steps to uniteSevastopol and Crimea with Russia(Ukrayinskyi Tyzhden, June 12).A second factor of concern to the SBU isthe possible recruitment of Ukrainian citizenswho comprise the majority of the20,000 workforce in the fleet and militaryindustrialenterprises that provide servicesto it. Financial inducements are hard toresist when pay in the fleet and its ancillaryindustries is twice that in other Russiannaval units and many times higher than theaverage pay in <strong>Ukraine</strong>.Why the FSB needs to be involved in thesecurity of the Black Sea Fleet is puzzling,since this would more normally be the taskof military intelligence. Ukrainian militaryintelligence operates in Sevastopol, and it isassumed by Kyiv that Russian militaryintelligence maintains a presence within thefleet.The ostensible reason the Black SeaFleet claims it needs Russian intelligencewith representatives of local organs of powerwith the aim of obtaining confidential informationon <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s position in negotiationsover the Black Sea Fleet” (UkrayinskaPravda, July 31).Mr. Lysenko also sought to recruit agentsof influence among the Crimean Tatar communitywith the aim of replacing the leadershipof the Mejlis (the Tatar’s unofficial parliament)with individuals of a more pro-Russian orientation. The Crimean Tatarshave long been pro-Ukrainian in their orientationand Mejlis leaders were elected to theVerkhovna Rada within Rukh (1998) andthe Our <strong>Ukraine</strong> bloc (2002, 2006, 2007).A third area – long suspected of Russiandiplomats – was their subversive activitieswith the FSB based in the Black Sea Fleet tosponsor “public protest actions.” When, forexample, NATO vessels arrived inSevastopol they organized protests in supportof the Russian navy. Anti-NATO andanti-American protests began in earnest inCrimea in summer 2005, immediately afterViktor Yushchenko was elected president.They were organized against <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s jointexercises within the framework of NATO’sPartnership for Peace (PfP). Moscow hadnot mobilized similar protests in Crimeaagainst these exercises in 1995-2004 underPresident Leonid Kuchma.Russian leaders, Crimean Communistsand Crimean Russian nationalists haverepeatedly warned that if <strong>Ukraine</strong> movedtoward NATO membership it would do sowithout Crimea. This threat of using separatismto undermine a country’s trans-Atlanticintegration was implemented in Georgia inAugust 2008. Crimea has never been regarded,unlike Abkhazia or South Ossetia, as afrozen conflict. Nevertheless, the Ukrainianauthorities are preparing for future conflictscenarios and, not coincidentally after theexpulsion of Russian diplomats, a largescale“anti-terrorist” exercise was held inCrimea on August 3-7 organized by theAnti-Terrorist Center of the Security Serviceof <strong>Ukraine</strong> (known by its Ukrainian acronymas SBU).The SBU Alpha unit, units from theMinistry of Emergency Situations, InternalAffairs Ministry special forces and theUkrainian navy’s marines worked togetherwith the authorities during the planned exercises.The twofold aim of the exercises wasto ascertain the level of cooperation betweenthe Ukrainian security forces and the authoritiesin the event of a “state of emergency”or “undertaking anti-terrorist operations”(www.sbu.gov.ua, July 28). Both scenariosinvolved countering hypothetical threatsfrom “terrorists” (in this case, a euphemismfor separatists).Leaked information about Mr.Lysenko’s work with the FSB explainswhy the SBU last month demanded thewithdrawal of the FSB from the Black SeaFleet by December (EDM, July 14). Theostensible reason for the FSB being inSevastopol is to provide security for theBlack Sea Fleet. Judging from Ukrainiansources, this should be secondary to workingwith Russian diplomats in the fields ofespionage or subversion.However, it remains unclear if <strong>Ukraine</strong>’stougher line toward Russian espionage andsubversion is a product of the election campaignto increase Mr. Yushchenko’s nationalisticcredentials in western <strong>Ukraine</strong> orgrowing Russian intelligence activitiesagainst <strong>Ukraine</strong>, or a combination of both.The article above is reprinted fromEurasia Daily Monitor with permission fromits publisher, the Jamestown Foundation,www.jamestown.org.NEWS ANALYSIS: <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s SBU challenges Russia’s FSB in Crimeaunits is to safeguard the security of the fleeton foreign territory. The question is againstwhom? The SBU has offered to provide fullsecurity for the fleet. Mr. Nalyvaichenkorevealed that the SBU had established anew “powerful counter-intelligence unit inSymferopol, Sevastopol and other cities ofCrimea.” This unit would be ideally suitedto protect the fleet, he added (NezavisimayaGazeta, June 15). As soon as this unit wasestablished, Mr. Nalyvaichenko advised hisRussian counterparts that the FSB was nolonger required in Crimea.The SBU could deal with law and orderand terrorist issues. “We do not need assistanceor the physical presence of foreignsecret services,” Mr. Nalyvaichenko said(Nezavisimaya Gazeta, June 15). TheRussian reaction was predictably negativeand similar to President ViktorYushchenko’s August 2008 decrees. TheRussian Foreign Affairs Ministry reiteratedthat the FSB was in <strong>Ukraine</strong> based on earlieragreements in relation to the fleet; theycould only be removed through mutualagreement (www.pravda.com.ua, June 18).Anatoliy Tsyganok, the head of theRussian Center for Military Forecasting,believes that the FSB will ignore theUkrainian demand (www.pravda.com.ua,June 17). Kiril Frolov, a representative ofthe Institute for the CIS, warned of an“asymmetrical response” from Russia forthis “unfriendly Ukrainian act against theRussian state” (www.bbc.co.uk/ukrainian,June 18). It remains unclear how Russia canretaliate, since <strong>Ukraine</strong> has no military baseon its territory and the SBU only has a minimalpresence in its diplomatic representationswithin Russia.The old and technologically obsoletevessels in the fleet are not a threat to thefour NATO member-countries on the BlackSea. The only occasion they have been usedis in the August 2008 invasion of non-NATO member Georgia. NATO has longknown everything it needed to know aboutthe fleet. In December 1991, this authorfaxed to Ukrainian members of Parliament,after they had held a successful referendumon independence, copies of the pages pertainingto the Black Sea Fleet in theInternational Institute for Strategic Studies’Military Balance. Open source IISS publicationswere purchased by the SovietEmbassy, which then classified them as“confidential” and they were subsequentlyplaced in the restricted areas (“spetsfond”)of Soviet libraries.Sevastopol has been neglected by Kyivsince independence. The city has fewmemorials dedicated to Ukrainian history,but is full of Russian and Soviet symbolstying the twice “hero city” to Russia. Thecity’s youth is “educated exclusively onRussian history, Russian patriotism and loyaltyto Russian statehood.” The fleet playsan important role in this process, whichtranscends its military function, “especiallyin the areas of education, propaganda, informationand culture” (Ukrayinskyi Tyzhden,June 12).On June 12 Ukrayinskyi Tyzhden asked:“What about official Kyiv?” “Well, itundertakes a policy of non-interference inthe internal affairs of <strong>Ukraine</strong>.” Russianpolicies towards Sevastopol are conductedwithin the context of “great power politics.”Ukrainian policies, in contrast, are “the privateaffair of individual patrioticallyinclined persons who have become accustomedto disinterest from official Kyiv”(Ukrayinskyi Tyzhden, June 12).The article above is reprinted fromEurasia Daily Monitor with permissionfrom its publisher, the JamestownFoundation, www.jamestown.org.

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 5COMMENTARY: Europe’s share in the Ukrainian malaiseby Andreas UmlandMuch can be heard from Western visitorsto <strong>Ukraine</strong> or observers analyzing thepost-Soviet region that Kyiv politics todayis a “mess.” Hardly anybody (least of all,Ukrainians themselves) will disagree.Even lowbrow citizens of the EuropeanUnion may come up with an opinion oncurrent Ukrainian affairs, and criticize theensuing political chaos in Kyiv.Sometimes, Western ignorance mixeswith European arrogance to re-producestereotypes about <strong>Ukraine</strong> eerily similarto the way in which former KGB officersin Moscow would like to portray Europe’slargest new democracy.Worse, what mostly remains unmentionedin Western European assessmentsof current Ukrainian affairs is that theforemost Western organization dealingwith <strong>Ukraine</strong>, the European Union, bearsresponsibility for the current political disarrayin Kyiv. Most analysts would readilyagree that the EU perspective played aconsiderable role in, or even was a necessaryprecondition for, the quick stabilizationand democratization of post-communistCentral Europe. Many political scientistswould admit that, in Western Europetoo, peace, stability and affluence duringthe last 60 years have been closely linkedto European integration.However, few EU politicians andbureaucrats are prepared to state in publicwhat would seem to logically follow fromthese observations concerning theUkrainian case. If EU prospects and membershiphad a clearly beneficial effect fromTallinn to Dublin, then the absence of aEuropean perspective for a manifestlyEuropean country means also the absenceof that effect in the case of <strong>Ukraine</strong>.The post-war notion of “Europe” isintimately linked to the economic, socialand political dynamism of increasing pancontinentalcooperation. When we say“European” today we often mean the EUand the largely positive repercussionswhich the integration process had and hason securing economic, political and socialprogress across borders.Dr Andreas Umland is a lecturer incontemporary East European history atThe Catholic University of Eichstaett-Ingolstadt in Upper Bavaria general editorof the book series “Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society” and co-editorof the German-Russian journal“Forum for the Ideas and History ofContemporary Eastern Europe.” Thisarticle appeared, in Russian andUkrainian, first in Zerkalo nedeli/Dzerkalo Tyzhnia, and, in English, on the“Open Democracy” website. Dr. Umlandsubmitted it on August 13 for publicationin The Ukrainian Weekly.In the light of these historically recentachievements, some, however, forgetabout the state of Europe in general, andof some European countries in particular,before integration. Much of pre-warEuropean history was, by contemporarystandards, far “messier” than Ukrainianpolitics. Remember the League ofNations, the Weimar Republic or theSpanish Civil War?Enlightened Eastern European intellectualstoo might admit that, without theprospect of EU membership, their countriescould today look more like Belarus orGeorgia rather than Portugal or Ireland.Both Western and Eastern European politicalelites and governmental apparatusesneeded a road map toward a better andcommon future. Only when European integration,whether after World War II or theCold War, provided such a vision was itthat politicians, bureaucrats and intellectualsof many EU member-states got theiract together, and made their countries morepolitically and economically successful..If one admits the relevance of the prospectof, preparation for and eventualattainment of EU membership for theinternal development of many Europeanstates, one should also acknowledge theeffects that an explicit denial of such avision has on <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s elites. Kyiv findsitself left in the “old Europe” of the prewarperiod.Unlike politicians in most otherEuropean countries, <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s leadersstill have to navigate through a world ofcompeting nation-states, shifting internationalalliances, introverted politicalcamps, and harsh zero-sum games wherethe win of one national or internationalactor is the loss of the other. That is howdomestic and European politics functionedacross Europe before (and eventuallyresulted in) the two world wars. Eastof the EU’s current borders these incentivestructures are still largely intact andled to, among numerous other negativerepercussions, the recent wars in theBalkans and Caucasus.Most Ukrainians themselves would bethe first to admit that <strong>Ukraine</strong> today is notready for EU membership or even forcandidacy status.However, many pro-EuropeanUkrainians find it difficult to understandEU policies and rhetoric concerning theseissues: Why, on the one hand, is Turkey anofficial candidate for EU membership, andRomania or Bulgaria already full members,when <strong>Ukraine</strong>, on the other hand, isnot even provided with the tentative prospectof a future candidacy? Is Turkey moreEuropean, and are Romania or Bulgariareally that much higher developed than<strong>Ukraine</strong>? Didn’t the Orange Revolutionand two subsequent parliamentary elections– all approved by the OrganizationRFE/RL celebrates 55 years of news broadcasts to <strong>Ukraine</strong>PRAGUE – On Sunday, August 16,RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service, known locallyas Radio Svoboda, marked 55 years ofbroadcasting uncensored news and informationto the people of <strong>Ukraine</strong>.In 1954, when the station started broadcastingto what was then known as theUkrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, peoplecaught listening to Radio Svoboda’s messagesof freedom and democracy were subjectto arrest. Nearly half a century later, in2002, Radio Svoboda hosted <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s firstever presidential debate.“When communism fell, many thoughtour mission was over, but for our journalists,it was just the beginning,” said RadioSvoboda Director Irena Chalupa. “In thisperiod of democratic transition, we are now<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s most popular and trusted internationalnews source.”Radio Svoboda has received many messagesof congratulations from leading U.S.policy-makers, members of theBroadcasting Board of Governors and aformer RFE/RL president.“During the period of Soviet domination,your service was a lifeline toUkrainians struggling for their basichuman rights and freedom. Since the restorationof <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s independence, theUkrainian Service has continued to provideobjective, quality broadcasting as<strong>Ukraine</strong> consolidates democracy,” wroteSen. Benjamin Cardin (D-Md.), chairman,U.S. Helsinki Commission.Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, former U.S.national security advisor, wrote: “Bykeeping open for so many years theThe EU commitsa mistake of historicaldimensionsdenying Kyiv amembershipperspective.for Security and Cooperation in Europe(OSCE), the Council of Europe and theEU – show the adherence of Ukrainians todemocratic rules and values? Hasn’t<strong>Ukraine</strong> been more successful than otherpost-communist countries in averting interethnicstrife and in integrating nationalminorities? Didn’t the elites and populationof <strong>Ukraine</strong> show restraint when tensionswere building up between conflictingpolitical camps in Kyiv, or as a result ofprovocative Russian behavior in Crimea?Of course, there are also recent developmentsin <strong>Ukraine</strong> that point in theopposite direction. They include continuinggovernmental corruption, increasingpolitical stalemate, stagnating publicadministration reform, and halting industrialrestructuring.However, with every passing yearsince the Orange Revolution, one asksoneself more and more: Are the varioussetbacks in <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s recent political andeconomic transition the reasons for, orrather a result of, the EU’s continuingunwillingness to offer a European perspectivefor Kyiv? May it be that onecause for <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s frustrating domesticconflicts and halting economic transformationis the indeterminacy of the country’sforeign orientation? Could it be thatthe EU’s demonstrative scepticism withregard to <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s ability to integrateinto Europe is becoming a self-fulfillingprophecy? Aren’t the leaders of the EUthemselves, to some degree, becomingresponsible for <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s continuing failureto meet “European standards”?As a result of EU introvertedness, Kyivis left in a geopolitical nowhere land.Lacking a credible long-term vision of itsown, <strong>Ukraine</strong> becomes the unofficial battlefieldin a political proxy war betweenpro-Western and pro-Russian governmentaland non-governmental organizationsfighting for the future of this key, yetunconsolidated European country.Without the disciplining effect that acredible EU membership perspective provides,there is no commonly acceptedyardstick against which the elite’s behaviorcould be measured.Ukrainian politicians, bureaucrats andintellectuals lack a focal point in the conductof their domestic and internationalbehavior. They are left to guess what theWest’s and Russia’s “real” intentions withregard to <strong>Ukraine</strong> are, and how theyshould behave in order to secure economicdevelopment and political independence,for their country.The stabilization of <strong>Ukraine</strong> is not onlyin the interests of the citizens of thisyoung democracy, but should be also akey political concern for Brussels, Parisand Berlin. An economically weakened,politically divided and socially crisis-riddenUkrainian state could destabilize andexhibit disintegrative tendencies.<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s population could polarizealong linguistic lines with theUkrainophone west and center put againstthe Russophone south and east. Such adevelopment, in turn, could serve as apretext for Russian intervention – withgrave repercussions not only for EasternEuropean politics, but also Russian-Western relations.In a worst-case scenario, the entirepost-Cold War European security structurecould be called into question.The EU membership perspective constitutesa key instrument for the West toinfluence Ukrainian domestic affairs. Theprospect of future European integrationwould reconfigure political discourse andrestructure party conflicts in Kyiv.Neither the Ukrainian common man norRussia’s political leadership are, in distinctionto their stance on <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s possibleNATO membership, principallyopposed to the idea of a Ukrainian futureentry into the EU.Even an entirely official statement bythe EU on the possible admission of<strong>Ukraine</strong> to the EU some day would obligethe EU and member-states to do little duringthe next years. The delegation of theEuropean Commission in Kyiv is alreadyengaged in a wide range of cooperationprojects with the Ukrainian government.Offering <strong>Ukraine</strong> a European perspectivewould require only few practical changesin the current conduct of EU policiestoward Kyiv. Yet, such an announcementwould have a benevolent impact on thebehavior of <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s elites and make adeep impression on the population of thisyoung democracy (as well as in Russia).The EU’s leaders should try to see thelarger picture, remember the recent pastof their own countries and stop theirunhistorical cognitive dissonance. Theyshould try to understand <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s currentissues against the background of theWestern and Central European states’experience of instability before their participationin European integration. In theinterest of the entire continent and all itspeoples, they should offer <strong>Ukraine</strong> aEuropean perspective sooner rather thanlater.access of Ukrainians to the world at large,the Ukrainian Service of RFE/RL hascontributed directly to the emergence of afree <strong>Ukraine</strong> in a free Europe.”“Freedom’s light burns brightly thanks tothe dedication of all who have contributedthrough the years to this wonderful service,”Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), cochair,U.S.-<strong>Ukraine</strong> Congressional Caucus:Tom Dine, former president of RFE/RL noted; “For 55 years, RFE/RL’sUkrainian Service has provided theUkrainian nation and state a critical servicein the peoples’ pursuit of separateidentity, an open society, national independenceand sovereignty. The radio’sdirectors, journalists, engineers, assistantsin Kyiv, throughout the country, in neighboringcountries and in Prague haveassembled high-quality and pertinentdaily reports of accurate and relevantnews, information and commentaryincluding about <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s unique classicalmusic over the generations. Thisreporting has contributed to the evolutionof a free and democratic <strong>Ukraine</strong>.”Visit our archive online: www.ukrweekly.com

6 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLYAugust242008The 18th anniversaryLast year’s anniversary celebrations of <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s independence were marred byRussia’s invasion, just over two weeks earlier, of Georgia. It was a dangerous timeand the situation was seen as threatening to <strong>Ukraine</strong>. Many commentators opinedat the time that “<strong>Ukraine</strong> could be next.” Reacting to the events in Georgia,President Viktor Yushchenko underscored: “A threat to anyone’s territorial sovereigntyis a threat to our own sovereignty.” And he gave this expression of solidarityeven more substance by traveling, along with the presidents of Poland, Estonia,Latvia and Lithuania, to Tbilisi, where they stood in a central square to tell the peopleof Georgia: We are with you.Soon afterwards, speaking at the 2008 Ukrainian Independence Day commemorationsin Kyiv, President Viktor Yushchenko said: “We, the Ukrainian people, are themaster (hospodar) of our dear land. No one will ever decide for us what language tospeak and what church to pray in. No one will ever tell us what road to follow.” Healso spoke of <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s “complete return to a single European home” as “a matter ofthe nearest, already achieved prospect” and noted that joining the European securitysystem (he did not use the word “NATO”) was the most effective way to defend<strong>Ukraine</strong> and Ukrainians.Now, a year later, as <strong>Ukraine</strong> prepares to mark the 18th anniversary of its independence,there are new threats from Russia, expressed in the exceedingly arrogant letterfrom Russian President Dmitry Medvedev to President Yushchenko (see last week’seditorial) that alleged <strong>Ukraine</strong> has an “anti-Russian stance” and accused the Ukrainianpresident and his administration of a litany of wrongs that harmed relations withRussia. “Ignoring the views of Ukrainian citizens as well as Russia’s well-knownposition, the political leadership of <strong>Ukraine</strong> stubbornly continues to pursue accessionto NATO,” Mr. Medvedev wrote. (Imagine, <strong>Ukraine</strong> had the gall to ignore Russia’sposition!) In addition, Russia is once again asserting its “special interest” in <strong>Ukraine</strong>and inserting itself into <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s democratic elections, with Mr. Medvedev “hoping”for a new political leadership and declaring that he sees no prospects for improvedrelations under the current administration.At about the same time, the patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church, while visiting<strong>Ukraine</strong>, declared that the Russians and Ukrainians are one and the same people,and held the first-ever Kyiv sitting of the Russian Orthodox Church’s synod. (He alsooffered that he could become a citizen of <strong>Ukraine</strong> and spend more time there to maintainhis religious influence. How helpful!) Observers in <strong>Ukraine</strong> saw Patriarch Kirill’svisit as an assertion of Russian religious and cultural domination, as well as a Kremlinbackedexertion of Moscow’s authority in <strong>Ukraine</strong>. And, lest we forget, there was anovertly political component to the patriarch’s visit as well: he was met in Kyiv andaccompanied to Donetsk by Viktor Yanukovych, leader of the Party of the Regions of<strong>Ukraine</strong> and a candidate for president.Thus, as <strong>Ukraine</strong> gets set to celebrate its most important national holiday,Ukrainian Independence Day, on August 24, there surely is trouble on the horizon.Much of it emanates from a neighbor that is hardly neighborly, but there are difficultiesalso within <strong>Ukraine</strong>.Political infighting in the country has halted progress on all fronts – political, economic,social, cultural, etc. Indeed, one could say this is a new post-Soviet period ofstagnation. With the presidential election season soon to begin, there is precious littlehope that any significant progress will be made on those fronts. And, of course, thestagnation at home affects <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s standing on the international scene.Hardly anyone speaks these days of <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s prospects for membership inNATO, and even the more likely accession of <strong>Ukraine</strong> to the European Unionseems to be on the back burner. The primary reason cited is the political disarrayin Kyiv. Mr. Yushchenko’s talk last year of <strong>Ukraine</strong> soon returning to itsEuropean home now seems a far-off vision as Western European leaders havechosen to basically ignore <strong>Ukraine</strong>.Historian and political analyst Dr. Andreas Umland writes in this issue that theEuropean Union bears some responsibility for the chaos in <strong>Ukraine</strong>, arguing that whatthe EU did in helping to stabilize and democratize Central Europe it most certainly didnot do in <strong>Ukraine</strong>. The prospects of EU membership, he underscores, made thosecountries more successful both politically and economically. The EU, however, hasnot offered <strong>Ukraine</strong> “a European perspective,” he notes, adding, “May it be that onecause for <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s frustrating domestic conflicts and halting economic transformationis the indeterminacy of the country’s foreign orientation?” As a result of the EU’s inaction,Dr. Umland writes, <strong>Ukraine</strong> today finds itself in “a geopolitical nowhere land.”We strongly concur. While the new Obama administration deserves kudos for itsattention to <strong>Ukraine</strong> – most notably the visit to Kyiv of Vice-President Joe Biden – theEuropean Union deserves a reprimand. As the EU dithers in offering <strong>Ukraine</strong> a membershipperspective, Russia attempts to reassert itself as a “great power.” The EU’sinaction may ultimately turn out to be a detriment not only to <strong>Ukraine</strong> – area-wise thelargest country in Europe – but to the members of the European Union themselves.Turning the pages back...Last year, on August 24, 2008, the government of <strong>Ukraine</strong>commemorated its independence from the Soviet Union with amilitary parade, complete with scores of tanks, missile launchers,30 aircraft and other heavy artillery. The event took placesoon after the Russian Federation’s invasion of Georgia, however, the decision to holda military parade was made well before the invasion.It was the first military parade to commemorate independence in seven years; the40,000 attendees of the spectacle could only gain access with government passes orinvitations. <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Defense Minister Yurii Yekhanurov led the display down Kyiv’s(Continued on page 12)IN THE PRESSBiden speaks the truth“Speaking the truth: Biden on Russia,”analysis and commentary by David J.Kramer, The Weekly Standard, August 1:“…In an interview with the Wall StreetJournal on July 23, [U.S. Vice-PresidentJoe] Biden described a Russia with alooming demographic crisis, a ‘witheringeconomy,’ and a banking sector in trouble.He noted Russia’s interest in negotiatingfurther cuts in nuclear weapons becausethey cannot afford to maintain even currentlevels. Russia is having difficultyadjusting to ‘loss of empire,’ Biden said,adding that it is ‘clinging to something inthe past that is not sustainable.’“In a separate interview over the weekendwith Reuters, [the outgoing EuropeanUnion Ambassador to Russia Marc]Franco cited Russia’s insufficiently developedcivil society and lack of freedom ofthe press. ‘I do believe,’ Franco said, ‘thatyou cannot have rule of law without thebasic elements of democracy, implyingfree elections and a vibrant civil societysupported by a free press.’“In their descriptions of currentRussia, both Biden and Franco were onthe mark. …“In an appearance on Sunday’s Meetthe Press, Secretary of State HillaryClinton described Russia as a ‘greatpower’ and reiterated President [Barack]A letter from the editorOn August 3, Brama (www.brama.com) posted what it labeled “Op-ed: PrimeMinister Tymoshenko is denounced by the Ukrainian National Association Press in theUSA.” On August 4, the editor-in-chief of The Ukrainian Weekly e-mailed a letter tothe editor of Brama reacting to the headline and the allegations made in the op-edwritten by Boris Danik.Receiving no response, she inquired on August 10 about the fate of the letter. MaxPyziur, CEO of Brama, replied on August 11: “This particular letter will not be publishedon Brama. Responsibility for this decision is mine.”Due to that decision, The Weekly feels it has no other choice than to publish its editor-in-chief’sletter in order to counter the impression created by the op-ed on Brama.Below is the text of the letter.Danik’s misleading headline, unfounded accusations“Prime Minister Tymoshenko isdenounced by the Ukrainian NationalAssociation Press in the USA,” screamsthe highly misleading headline over theop-ed by Borys Danik (Brama, August 3).Mr. Danik is, of course, entitled to hisopinion of Yulia Tymoshenko (highlypositive) and of the Ukrainian diaspora(highly negative), but he is not entitled tomisrepresent the Ukrainian NationalAssociation and its publications.Seeing the sensational headline to theop-ed, readers get the impression that theUNA’s publications, and by extension theUNA, truly have “denounced” the primeminister of <strong>Ukraine</strong>, a leading candidatefor president. And, readers would assumethat the piece is about those publications.However, Mr. Danik’s op-ed is actually acommentary on recent events in <strong>Ukraine</strong>,plus a criticism of what he sees as thediaspora’s position on Ms. Tymoshenko,with a vilification of the UNA’s twonewspapers thrown in for good measure.(Why Mr. Danik feels the entirediaspora is against Ms. Tymoshenko is amystery. In fact, from the letters wereceive here at Svoboda and TheUkrainian Weekly, it is clear that thediaspora is mostly split between supportersof Ms. Tymoshenko and ViktorYushchenko.)As to the substance of the accusationagainst the UNA’s publications, it mustbe stated that Svoboda and The UkrainianWeekly have published editorials andObama’s hope to see a ‘strong, peaceful,and prosperous’ Russia. White House presssecretary Robert Gibbs said in a statementSaturday evening, ‘The president and vicepresidentbelieve Russia will work with usnot out of weakness but out of nationalinterest.’“Alas, that is wishful thinking.Contrary to Biden’s description of Russia’sleaders as ‘pretty pragmatic in the end’ andlikely to cooperate with the U.S. out ofnational interest on issues such as Iran, thevery problems he identified are likely tomake Russia a more difficult country withwhich to engage. We and Russian leaderssimply do not share many national interests,to say nothing of common values.“A Russia facing the kinds of problemsBiden and Franco described is more apt todeflect its population’s attention from thegrowing number of difficulties at home byprojecting onto others like neighboringGeorgia or <strong>Ukraine</strong>. There’s nothing like a‘threat’ from Tbilisi or Kyiv – or fromNATO enlargement – to drum up popularsupport and take everyone’s minds off theproblems at home, at least temporarily.“…A Russian leadership facing thekinds of problems Biden and Francodescribe is less, not more, likely to worktogether with us on a whole host of issues.(Continued on page 10)commentaries criticizing PresidentYushchenko, Prime Minister Tymoshenko,Viktor Yanukovych of the Party ofRegions of <strong>Ukraine</strong> and other leaders in<strong>Ukraine</strong> as warranted by their actions andwords. It cannot be stated that the publicationshave taken a concerted standagainst Ms. Tymoshenko in particular.The editorial cited by the op-ed writerin question (published in Svoboda on July24) comments on a strategic course outlinedby a member of the YuliaTymoshenko Bloc, not Ms. Tymoshenkoherself, and warns about the results ofsuch a course should it be adopted by Ms.Tymoshenko. Futhermore, Mr. Danikpresents the words of a Kyiv journalistquoted in that editorial as the words ofthe editorial itself. Thus, what the op-edwriter presents as Svoboda’s position isnot the newspaper’s position at all.Finally, a comment: reaction to editorialmaterial usually should be printed inthe publication in which it appeared, asreaders are familiar with the originalpiece and can then evaluate a letter-writer’sreaction for themselves. Publishingsuch reaction elsewhere does not affordreaders the opportunity to read the originalarticle being commented on.Oftentimes, as in this case, it also createsan unfounded and skewed perception.Roma HadzewyczEditor-in-chiefSvoboda and The Ukrainian WeeklyAugust 4, 2009

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 7LETTERS TO THE EDITORA perspectivefrom Canada, U.K.Dear Editor:It was interesting to see that MyronKuropas, in his column (August 9) hasjoined the entire country in participating inthe national debate on health care, which,upon witnessing some of the televised townhall meetings, could also be termed“Searching for the socialist bogeymanunder the hospital bed.”Health care, of course, is a very complicatedand vital issue, and deserves to bewell debated. I venture to share my opiniononly because I have lived in Canada and theUnited Kingdom, which have governmentsubsidizedhealth care programs, and theUnited States, which does not, and I havehad the opportunity to avail myself of medicalcare in all three countries.In my personal experience I have noticedvery little difference in the level of care Ihave received. In all three countries I havefound that medical care, when I needed it orrequested it, was prompt, efficiently deliveredand of a very high quality.The only difference is that here in theUnited States, unlike Canada and the U.K.,I am often called upon to pay hefty out-ofpocketcosts for portions of medical proceduresthat are not covered by my healthinsurance plan, despite the astronomical andever-escalating premiums that I pay.Given the choice, I’ll take the bogeymanany day.The Most Rev. Paul Chomnycky, OSBMStamford, Conn.The letter-writer is bishop of theUkrainian Catholic eparchy in Stamford.Why does Kuropasparrot party lies?Dear Editor:I was deeply disheartened to read MyronKuropas’ column of August 9. Why woulda man who clearly cares about his communityconspire to spread absurdities about ourdesperately needed health care reforms byparroting party lies suggesting the governmentwants to pull the plug on Baba? Heknows better than that.The New York Times of Wednesday,August 12, quotes the AARP on exactly thispoint and says “ ‘The rumors out there areflat-out lies.’ The House bill would provideMedicare coverage for optional consultationswith doctors who advise patients onlife-sustaining treatment and ‘end-of-lifeservices,’ including hospice care.”Why does Dr. Kuropas (in sync withcountless other party warriors) deploy suchscare tactics in defense of bloated insurancecompanies and their ruthless, greedy execswho have grown rich from the suffering andmisery of the needy?What would Taras Shevchenko say?Askold MelnyczukMedford, Mass.Joseph Stalinand FDR’s prioritiesDear Editor:Kudos to Dr. Myron Kuropas for hisexcellent column “Lost without a trace” (July26). Of special interest was his book reviewof “The Forsaken – American Tragedy inStalin’s Russia” by Tim Tzouliadis.The Depression of 1929 and blatant misinformationby our State Department misledmany Americans to seek better fortunes inStalin’s “Soviet paradise.” Yet, once thesemisguided immigrants were relieved oftheir passports, they soon became trappedin the USSR without any legal recourse ofreturn or exit.Appeals to our government for help wereignored since FDR surrounded himself withSoviet apologists like Joseph Davies andWalter Duranty and whose Cabinet consistedof quite a few “socialist progressives”like Harry Hopkins, Alger Hiss, HenryWallace, H.D. White and others.Thus, in his mind and heart, FDR soonbecame Stalin’s most famous and ardentapologist himself.FDR knew and ignored the UkrainianFamine of 1933, his urgent priority at thattime being recognition of the USSR.He similarly ignored Stalin’s brazen Nazicollaboration in 1939. So much so, that heassured an audience in 1944 that “the Russianswere perfectly friendly and not trying to gobbleup the rest of Europe or the world.”So much so that FDR even “talked aboutgiving Stalin the blueprints of the A-bomb –and talking about this repeatedly.”Later, when Stalin replaced the Rumaniangovernment with Communists, evenChurchill couldn’t persuade Roosevelt tosign a letter of protest.Notre Dame historian Wilson Miscomble(in his “From Roosevelt to Truman”) finds itextremely difficult to fault the most idolizedpresident of the 20th century; yet it is undeniablethat FDR all but invited the Soviettakeover of Eastern Europe. Yalta was merely“another way station on a course FDRhad charted long ago. “Finally FDR campaigned to keepAmerica out of war but knew war was inevitable.We were, after all, already fighting theJapanese with our Chenault Flying Tigervolunteers from China and embargoedJapan’s Middle East energy resources. Wewere forcing Japan to strike but supposedlydidn’t know where.Yet a perennial test question asked ofJapanese military officer cadets during the1930s was: Where would hostilities begin ifthe enemy was America? The obviousanswer was Pearl Harbor due to its location,isolation and harbor structure.Whether Pearl Harbor was an intentionalor unintentional sacrifice will probablynever be known. But it is incomprehensiblethat the base would have been so poorly preparedfor invasion or why three aircraft carriersmysteriously left the base prior toDecember 7, 1941.In any case, Pearl Harbor accomplishedall of FDR’s objectives: united Americansfor war and resolved the Depression by providingjobs.Andrew M. Senkowsky, D.D.S.Van Etten, N.Y.We welcome your opinionThe Ukrainian Weekly welcomes lettersto the editor and commentaries on a varietyof topics of concern to the UkrainianAmerican and Ukrainian Canadian communities.Opinions expressed by columnists,commentators and letter-writers aretheir own and do not necessarily reflectthe opinions of either The Weekly editorialstaff or its publisher, the UkrainianNational Association.Letters should be typed and signed (anonymousletters are not published). Letters areaccepted also via e-mail at staff@ukrweekly.com.The daytime phone number andaddress of the letter-writer must be givenfor verification purposes. Please note that adaytime phone number is essential in orderfor editors to contact letter-writers regardingclarifications or questions.Please note: THE LENGTH OF LETTERSCANNOT EXCEED 500 WORDS.faces and placesby myron b. kurpoasFaces and Placesby Myron B. KuropasYo, Mykola, waz up?So, Mykola Hohol, what’ve you got sayfor yourself on this, the 200th anniversaryof your birth? Who were you? A Ukrainian?A Russian? Time to fess up, buddy!In her well-documented 2007 book“Nikolai Gogol: Between Ukrainian andRussian Nationalism,” Edyta M.Bojanowska, an assistant professor ofRussian literature at Rutgers University,provides a nuanced answer.Gogol, writes Dr. Bojanowska, was nota Russian nationalist. “Despite public assurancesof his personal commitment toRussian nationalism, Gogol proved incapableof delivering his message as an artist,”she writes. “Gogol’s Russian nationalismwas not a deeply and sincerely held convictionbut a rather contrived aspect of hispublic service.”Russian and French critics had suspectedGogol’s “contrived” Russian persona earlier.Critic Semyon Vengerov, Dr.Bojanowska informs us, “claimed thatGogol ‘had not a drop of love for Russia’which appeared in his works as ‘a deadkingdom of dead souls’ yet had inexhaustiblereserves of love for <strong>Ukraine</strong>...”Critic Faddei Bulgarin believed, accordingto Dr. Bojanowska, “that Gogol did notknow Russia, the Russian language, orRussian ideas, that he notoriously liedabout Russia, failed to show a singleinstance of nobility in Russian, life...”Gogol’s contemporary French reviewerswere shocked by his portrayal of Russia.“Jules Barbery d’Aurevilly was struck byGogol’s merciless satire of Russia’s entirenational and social organism. To the extentthat Gogol’s Russia was a colossus,d’Aurevilly wrote, it was ‘a colossus ofstupidity and triviality’”.Dr. Bojanowska agrees. “Gogol’s fictionon Russia,” she writes, “offers a nationalrebuke rather apotheosis... While folkloricstylization and historicity, the hallmarks ofhis nationalism, distinguish Gogol’s imageof <strong>Ukraine</strong>, his image of Russia has nosuch layering. Only contemporaneity existedin Gogol’s fiction on Russia, its principaltheme being a huge and corrupt governmentbureaucracy.” Even in his novel“Dead Souls,” Gogol “presents Russianuniqueness as a catalog of faults andvices”.Stung by critiques of his classic workand concerned, no doubt, with his career,Gogol tried to make amends but even thenhe wasn’t contrite enough. “He replaced hisformer condemnation of Russia as a nationwith the idea that Russia had not yetattained true nationhood, though he claimedit was imminent.”“Gogol’s relation to <strong>Ukraine</strong> was lessconflicted, though it too evolved overtime,” writes Dr. Bojanowska. “In his‘Evenings on a Farm [Near Dikanka]’Gogol celebrates <strong>Ukraine</strong> as a nation...united by organic culture, historical memoryand language... The stories themselvesdepict an absolute separation between theRussian and Ukrainian worlds.” The politicaldimension of the stories “generates apowerful message of the irremediable fracturesin the Russo-Ukrainian body politicand a celebration of <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s viability as anation.”Gogol’s Ukrainian nationalism peakedwhile he was researching Ukrainian history,explains Dr. Bojanowska, who reviewedmany of his manuscripts. “Gogol’s unpublishedfragment ‘Mazepa’s Meditations’shows best the author’s politically riskyexploration of Ukrainian history in that itvalidates <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s historic right to independence.”So fascinated was Gogol withUkrainian history that he once hoped tomove to Kyiv and to devote himself to ethnographicand historic research on <strong>Ukraine</strong>as a professor at the university. His plansnever materialized.Born in the Ukrainian Kozak village ofSorochyntsi in the Poltava region of theRussian empire in 1809, Gogol was a contemporaryof Taras Shevchenko, a painter/poet born in 1814. Both lived for a time inSt. Petersburg, where their budding geniuswas recognized by Russians, Gogol’s byAleksander Pushkin, Shevchenko’s by KarlBriullov, a painter. Both wrote plays. Gogolauthored “The Inspector General” (madeinto a Hollywood movie starring DannyKaye in 1949). Shevchenko penned “NazarStodolya.” Both died in their 40s. Today,Gogol is recognized as a great Russianwriter. Shevchenko is heralded as the poetlaureate of <strong>Ukraine</strong>.Was Gogol less of a Ukrainian thanShevchenko? I think not. During theUkrainian phase of his literary career,Gogol published “Evenings on a Farm”(1831) and “Taras Bulba” (1835), his classicwork about the Zaporozhian Kozaks(made into a Hollywood movie starring YulBrynner in 1965). As Jeffrey Meyers pointsout in his introduction to the Barnes andNoble edition of the satiric novel “DeadSouls,” “The [sic] <strong>Ukraine</strong> was then part ofRussia and Gogol had been educated in theRussian language. If he wanted to establisha serious (as opposed to a merely provincial)reputation, he had to write in Russianrather than Ukrainian.”“Dead Souls” and “The Overcoat” werepublished in 1842, as was a second,Russified version of “Taras Bulba.” “Whilehe Russified his Cossacks,” writes Dr.Bojanowska, “Gogol also Ukrainianizedthe idea of Russia. The cradle and treasuryof Slavdom in Gogol’s view, <strong>Ukraine</strong> couldreorient Russia towards its Slavic roots...When trying to create a sympathetic imageof Russianness, Gogol kept reaching for hisUkrainian particulars that he held dear: folksongs, love of revelry, Cossack abandon,variegated southern culture.”According to Dr. Bojanowska, it was in1836 that Gogol “made his transition fromamateur Ukrainian to professional Russianwriter. Analyzing Gogol’s fiction in the1903 Russian journal Questions ofPhilosophy and Psychology, Dr. V. Chizhconcluded that Gogol was mentallyderanged. “The difference between Gogol’sportrayal of <strong>Ukraine</strong> before 1836, and hisportrayal of Russia after this date, the formerexuberantly favorable and the latterharshly critical,” writes Dr. Bojanowska,“represents for Chizh a clear and indisputablesymptom of Gogol’s deep psychiatricproblem.” Remember the Soviets? Theytoo believed that detractors were derangedbecause only crazy people could possiblydislike Russia.So who were you, Mykola baby? Ibelieve you were a writer with a trueUkrainian heart, an irrepressible talent,forced to write in Russian in a repressiveRussocentric empire, and the world recognizedyou as a literary giant. And, my dearcheeky fellow, you did it all while mockingthe Russians. I love you, man. Rest inpeace.Myron Kuropas’s e-mail address iskuropas@comcast.net.

8 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34NEWS AND VIEWSBlack knight in a White general’s saddle: Putin, Denikin and <strong>Ukraine</strong>by Anna ProcykOn May 24 Russian Prime MinisterVladimir Putin paid homage to AntonIvanovich Denikin, a prominent leader ofthe White movement, by placing a wreathon the tsarist general’s grave in Moscow.For many years viewed as one of the vilestenemies of the Soviet regime, fighting theBolsheviks as well as the armies of independentGeorgia and <strong>Ukraine</strong> under the bannerof “Russia One and Indivisible,” Denikinhas now been fully rehabilitated and properlyreburied in his native soil. After the solemnconsecration of the general’s tombstone,celebrated by the Patriarch ofMoscow and All Russia, Mr. Putin respondedto questions of the somewhat bewilderedreporters covering the ceremony by urgingthem to read Denikin’s memoirs.A bit earlier, while chatting withArchimandrite Tikhon Shevkunov, knownas the leader of the most conservativenationalist wing within the RussianOrthodox Church, Mr. Putin confided that aperusal of the general’s memoirs had completelychanged “his perception of Denikinin history.” What Mr. Putin found especiallyinspiring was the fact that for the leader ofthe White movement “even thinking aboutsplitting Russia was considered a crime,” inparticular when such thoughts were appliedto <strong>Ukraine</strong>. The Russian Prime Minister wasalso impressed by Denikin’s firm assertionsthat no one had the right to meddle in whatwere considered Russia’s internal affairs.Mr. Putin would be even more impressedwith the thoughts and deeds of the tsaristgeneral if he had time to examine the documentsand papers of the White movementdeposited at the Hoover Institution Archivesin Stanford, Calif., and at the BakhmeteffArchive of Russian and East EuropeanHistory at Columbia University.From these carefully preserved recordshe would learn that for the White movement– even before Denikin became the supremecommander – the preservation of theRussian empire was an objective of utmostimportance. The British and French diplomatsviewed this preoccupation as an obsessionthat was constantly interfering withrational thought and sound military actionon the part of the White political and militaryleadership. It is this obsession with theempire’s indivisibility that has been consideredthe main reason for the horrors of thecivil war and the ultimate defeat of theWhite cause.This preoccupation can be detectedalready in the first letter written by thefounder of the White movement, Gen.Mikhail Alekseev, when the tsarist officerswere just beginning to congregate in theDon after the Bolshevik coup in Petrograd.In this note the general focused not on theevents in the Russian capital, but almostexclusively on the political developments in<strong>Ukraine</strong>. Because he considered the Whiteforces that eventually became the VolunteerArmy still too weak to interfere militarily inthe political affairs of <strong>Ukraine</strong>, Alekseevurged that an intelligence service be imme-diately established in Kyiv to monitor theactivities of the Ukrainian government.From this time on, the Volunteer Armycontinually meddled in the politics of<strong>Ukraine</strong> by endeavoring to discredit its leadersin the eyes of the Entente and by minimizing<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s fighting potential in conversationswith foreign diplomats.When, in spite of these efforts, the Frenchand British agents in <strong>Ukraine</strong> – whose dispatchesthe Volunteer Army’s secret servicewas skillfully intercepting – began reportingto their governments in the beginning of1919 that the Ukrainian army was muchstronger than White leaders cared to admitand when Ukrainian foreign emissariesscored some notable successes in the diplomaticfield, the White movement, now underDenikin’s guidance, decided that it was timeto adopt new, more aggressive tactics.First, orders were given to search forways and means to weaken the Ukrainianmilitary by weaning the well-organized, disciplinedunits from western <strong>Ukraine</strong>, theUkrainian Galician Army, away from thecentral command. Denikin’s intelligenceagents succeeded in this endeavor by bringingabout an agreement between theVolunteer Army and the Galicians by theend of 1919.Secondly, it was decided that steps had tobe taken to deprive the Ukrainian diplomaticapparatus of some of its most skillful emissaries,especially those who were of Jewishbackground. Thus, it could be consideredhardly a coincidence that in 1919 there wasa sudden surge in acts of violence againstthe Jewish inhabitants of <strong>Ukraine</strong>. The newsof these events must have been greeted witha degree of congratulatory satisfaction inDenikin’s milieu, especially when aVolunteer Army agent planted in theUkrainian headquarters began reportingabout the atmosphere of utter confusion anddismay among the Ukrainians. In dispatchessent almost daily with the signature of a certainCapt. Marinovich, it was reported thatthe head of the Ukrainian Directory, SymonPetliura, appeared to be on the verge of losinghis mind because his orders categoricallyforbidding his men from participating in actsof violence against Jews went unheeded.The immediate consequence of theseunfortunate events was the resignation ofone of the Directory’s ablest diplomats,Arnold Margolin. In an explanatory notethis prominent Jewish jurist and civic leaderwrote that even though he was fully awarethat the Ukrainian Directory was not responsiblefor inciting these heinous incidents, thepressure of public opinion did not permithim to act otherwise.These devious acts perpetrated by theWhite leaders most likely would not undulyshock the sensibilities of Putin, a formeragent of the KGB himself. But from thedocuments in the archives as well as frominformation in Denikin’s multi-volume historyof the civil war, Putin could also learnthat at the end of the struggle for “RussiaOne and Indivisible,” some of the formertsarist officers in the White movement choseto join the Red Army because by that time,as they explained, it was evident that theBolsheviks were “reuniting Russia.”This choice was considered morallyunacceptable by Denikin. During his yearsas an emigré in France and the United Stateshe never missed an opportunity to condemnthe Bolshevik regime. He viewed as betrayalAnna Procyk is a associate professorof history at King’s County College, CityUniversity of New York. She is the authorof “Russian Nationalism and <strong>Ukraine</strong>:The Nationality Policy of the VolunteerArmy during the Civil War,” (Edmonton-Toronto: Canadian Institute of UkrainianStudies, 1995). (Continued on page 14)

No. 34Yatsenyuk...(Continued from page 1)His carefully tailored campaigning is afactor as well. The candidate’s campaignleaflets so far largely focus on his criticismof government, what he’s againstand what he wants to avoid.A current campaign newsletter bears theheadline, “Against Nazism,” in an attemptto capitalize on the alleged beating of hiscampaigner in Uzhhorod by Mayor SerhiiRatushniak, who subsequently made offensiveanti-Jewish comments.While Nazism has yet to become alegitimate political threat in post-Soviet<strong>Ukraine</strong>, being “against Nazism” is somethingthat resonates with many voters,experts said.“He uses this word, this stamp, thissacred word in the Soviet system amongthe Homo Sovieticus, and the red lightimmediately lights up – ‘He’s againstNazism! This is our man!’,” said OlehSoskin, director of the Center of SocietyTransformation in Kyiv.Mr. Yatsenyuk declares in another newsletterheadline, “I can’t forgive the currentgovernment for the chaos that dominatesthe country,” without subsequently offeringany suggestions to counter it.Furthermore, Mr. Yatsenyuk nowbelieves NATO accession is “not relevant,”in sudden contrast to his supportfor NATO integration in early 2008 whenhe signed the controversial “Letter ofThree,” requesting <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s entry intothe Membership Action Plan along withMs. Tymoshenko and PresidentYushchenko.“He’s playing on populism, relying onpensioners and society’s marginal members,”Dr. Soskin said.The new NATO spin is also aimed atattracting more votes in the regions of<strong>Ukraine</strong> where he is less popular, expertssaid.Mr. Yatsenyuk’s stronghold is western<strong>Ukraine</strong>, where about 20.1 percent of theelectorate said they would vote for him,according to the Razumkov poll, the mostof all candidates. Ms. Tymoshenko wouldreceive 19.1 percent of the votes fromthat region.About 11.6 percent of centralUkrainians would vote for Mr. Yatsenyuk,compared with 7.2 of southern Ukrainiansand 6.1 percent of eastern Ukrainians.While the Donbas doesn’t support Mr.Yatsenyuk, reports revealed the region’soligarchs do.Among the biggest bombshells in theYatsenyuk campaign was delivered byMustafa Nayem, an investigative reporterwho published a series of articles for theUkrayinska Pravda website.A key Yatsenyuk financer is LeonidYurushev, a Donbas native and Austriannational who engaged in so-called “currencyoperations,” scooped up largeindustrial properties, launched banks andmost recently invested in Kyiv real estateprojects, Mr. Nayem reported. His wealthwas estimated at $426 million in 2006 bythe annual Dragon Capital-Korrespondentmagazine survey.Mr. Yureshev has close ties with Donbaskingpin Rinat Akhmetov, who met withMr. Yatsenyuk numerous times to discussfinancing, Mr. Nayem reported.The presidential contender turneddown Mr. Akhmetov’s support because ofhis alleged attempts to control the politicalproject, requesting that his right-handwoman, National Security and DefenseCouncil Secretary Raisa Bohatyriova, begiven the top slot on the electoral list inthe next parliamentary election.Dnipropetrovsk oligarchs VictorPinchuk and Igor Kolomoisky are alsowidely suspected within Kyiv politicalcircles of providing financial support toMr. Yatsenyuk.That he’s being supported by easternTHE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 9Zenon ZawadaArseniy Yatsenyuk in a photo fromNovember 2008.Ukrainian oligarchs should come as nosurprise since his candidacy is targetedtoward siphoning votes from Ms.Tymoshenko, the main rival of Mr.Yanukovych, Dr. Soskin said.Even more controversial than drawingupon <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s oligarchs for his cause,which was largely expected, Mr.Yatsenyuk has recruited political expertswith unflattering pasts.As a condition for the Inter televisionnetwork’s heavy promotion of Mr.Yatsenyuk’s counter-candidacy to Ms.Tymoshenko, Dmytro Firtash (ofRosUkrEnergo), who controls Inter, allegedlystipulated that VolodymyrHranovskyi, a former network executive,become a lead consultant.In turn, Mr. Hranovskyi recruited threeMoscow political scientists to theYatsenyuk campaign who actively servedthe Kuchma and Yanukovych presidentialruns: Tymofei Sergeitsev, DmytryKulykov and Iskander Valitov. All threeMoscow political scientists also workedwith Mr. Pinchuk, the son-in-law of formerPresident Kuchma.Mr. Sergeitsev acknowledged his keyrole in both the 1999 Kuchma campaignand the 2004 Yanukovych run. He is alsothe author behind the provocative “ThreeSorts” campaign ad of 2004, Mr. Nayemreported, which was a blatant attempt bythe Yanukovych campaign to inflame hostilitiesby dividing Ukrainians into threetypes – with western Ukrainians being thehighest and easterners the lowest.Meanwhile, Mr. Hranovskyi went fromserving as the campaign’s main mediaconsultant to its top political technologist.Another Yatsenyuk campaign staffleader, Oleksander Blank, has a history ofworking with notorious politicians withalleged criminal involvement, such asLev Myrymskyi and Ihor Bakai.Mr. Yatsenyuk neither confirmed norrefuted Mr. Nayem’s reports of theRussian political scientists and otherseedy campaign staffers.Mr. Yatsenyuk is the most dangerousof the top four contenders because he ismost beholden to <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Donetsk andDnipropetrovsk oligarchic clans, Dr.Soskin commented.“If he ends up in thesecond round of elections, the Donetskcrowd will make arrangements with him,”he said. “He’s not independent, since theysupported him.”While Mr. Nayem’s reports are credible,claims made by former PresidentialSecretariat Chair Viktor Baloha that FirstLady of <strong>Ukraine</strong> Kateryna Yushchenko isactively supporting Mr. Yatsenyuk’s campaignare not, Mr. Lozowy said.“In the context that he said it, it’s clearthat he had an axe to grind with her,” hesaid, referring to the June interview Mr.Baloha gave to the Dyelo daily newspaperin Kyiv. “He’s very mean-spirited andlow. I could see Baloha trying to get backat her now.”Yulia Tymoshenko...(Continued from page 1)what observers predict will be a nastypresidential election that will likely resultin a second-round face-off between Ms.Tymoshenko and opposition leader ViktorYanukovych, who enjoys a comfortablelead in most polls.“There’s no question she’s looking toshore up her position in western <strong>Ukraine</strong>and she knows the diaspora’s influenceon relatives and friends,” said IvanLozowy, president of the Institute ofStatehood and Democracy in Kyiv.Newcomer Arseniy Yatsenyuk isslightly more popular in western <strong>Ukraine</strong>,according to a poll conducted on July20-28 by the Razumkov Center forEconomic and Political Research, whichreported that 20.9 percent of westernUkrainians would vote for him comparedwith 19.1 percent for Ms. Tymoshenko.Of the 47 million hrv ($5.7 millionU.S.) allocated from the government’sStabilization Fund, 20 million hrv ($2.4million) was earmarked for Culture andTourism Ministry programs, 15 millionhrv ($1.8 million) for Foreign AffairsMinistry programs, 5 million hrv($606,000) for Education and ScienceMinistry programs, 4 million hrv($485,000) for the State Nationalities andWherever you are,The Ukrainian Weekly can be there with youCheck out THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY online atwww.ukrweekly.comLabor Day WeekendatSOYUZIVKAFriday, September 4th9:30 pm “Kagero” Gypsy Rock on theTiki DeckSaturday, September 5th8:30 pm Evening Concert featuring theSyzokryli Dance Ensemble10:00 pm Zabava - Dance to the music of“Hrim”Sunday, September 6th3:00 pm Live music on the Tiki Deckwith Matthew Dubas10:00 pm Zabava - Enjoy the music of “Luna”Soyuzivka Heritage Center216 Foordmore RdPO Box 529Kerhonkson, NY 12446Email: Soyuzivka@aol.comCall 845-626-5641or visit www.soyuzivka.comReligions Committee and 3 million hrv($364,000) for the State Radio andTelevision Committee, according to theCabinet resolution.“The government has basically saidwe’ve resurrected 47 million hrv for aprogram that practically had zero,” saidStefan Romaniw, the UWC secretary general.“In 2008, it had 100,000 hrv andzero was planned for the 2010 budget.”Ms. Tymoshenko set aside significanttime for UWC leaders during her August20 visit to Lviv, privately meeting with itsleadership for about 30 minutes on themorning of her arrival and then joiningthe UWC board of directors for a closeddoor,90-minute evening buffet.More than 150 attendees, includingabout 55 delegates of UWC memberorganizations,attended Ms. Tymoshenko’sspeech during the organization’s annualmeeting, which took place at LvivPolytechnical University and was hostedby the International Institute of Education,Culture and Diaspora Relations.“The diaspora will be important inshaping attitudes in western <strong>Ukraine</strong> inthe elections,” said Taras Kuzio, researchfellow at the Chair of Ukrainian Studiesat the University of Toronto. “I believethe diaspora will come to the conclusionthat only Tymoshenko can halt the electionof a Russian fifth columnist.”

10 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34<strong>Ukraine</strong> on...(Continued from page 1)standards and it would be very difficult, ifnot impossible, for the country to do so ina non-aligned status, Mr. Chaly said.Additionally, <strong>Ukraine</strong> already hasinternational and legal agreements to integratewith the European Union (EU) andNATO. Meanwhile, Russia has failed tohonor its agreement that it wouldn’t pressure<strong>Ukraine</strong> after it agreed to surrenderits nuclear arsenal entirely.“Neutrality is simply unrealistic in myview,” he said.The Russian government is currentlypursuing a foreign policy strategy of realpolitikwith the goal of creating its ownsphere of influence within the post-Sovietsphere, whether informal or agreed upon,and ultimately changing the balance ofpower, Mr. Chaly said.Most notably, Russian Foreign AffairsMinister Sergei Lavrov proposed aEuropean Security Treaty, or a new securityarchitecture, during informal meetingsin late June with NATO foreign ministersin Corfu, Greece, as part of thehighest-level talks between NATO andRussian leaders since the South OssetianWar.The proposals for the new securityarchitecture addressed arms control, thedeadlock in the implementation of theTreaty on Conventional Armed Forces inEurope and the post-2008 crisis in theCaucasus, Mr. Lavrov said in a statement.Mr. Chaly said Germany, France, Italyand Finland are willing to considerRussia’s proposal, while that’s not anoption for the U.S., Great Britain, theBaltic nations and most Eastern Europeanstates.“<strong>Ukraine</strong> isn’t even following theseprocesses in the appropriate way,” Mr.Chaly said. “Only the Ministry of ForeignAffairs is involved, in which diplomatsare keeping track through their ownefforts, without a minister.” The Ministryof Foreign Affairs has been without aminister since Parliament voted on March3 to dismiss Volodymyr Ohryzko.The Ukrainian news media have largelyoverlooked Russia’s proposals inCorfu, which have gotten adequate attentionin the West. In the meantime, theDefense Ministry is only partly involvedand Ukrainian discussions withinUkrainian foreign policy circles are sluggish,he said.“I think this is absolutely wrong,” Mr.Chaly said. “If we don’t want to remainfurther in this gray buffer zone, if weRichly illustrated new book“Hirke Slovo OSTARBEITER”by V. PedakAbout the fate of forced laborers in Nazi Germany.Were you or your relatives among them?In Ukrainian. Only $21, handling included.Tel. 215-646-8411, email: ridnaknyha@gmail.comdon’t want our fate to be decided by othersides, of course we are supposed toresolve our internal problems, consolidatethe actions of the political establishment,I’m not saying the ‘elite,’ and consolidatethe position of the Ukrainian people onthe issues.”NATO and Russian agreements oncooperation with regard to Afghanistan,Iran and other issues threaten to come atthe expense of the interests of states thatdon’t have geopolitical leverage, such as<strong>Ukraine</strong>.“We must constantly state our viewhere because very dangerous phrases arecurrently being uttered about how it’snecessary to depart from the traditionalsystem of international law, that it’s ineffectiveand we need to act pragmatically,”Mr. Chaly said, referring to Russia’s newsecurity architecture proposals.Meanwhile, the situation with theRussian Black Sea Fleet remains unacceptable,he said. <strong>Ukraine</strong> is responsible for itsmaritime borders and territory, but de factodoesn’t have the instruments to do sobecause the Black Sea Fleet possesses thenecessary navigation equipment, a situationwhich doesn’t conform to internationalregulations and documents.“It’s unacceptable when a countrydoesn’t control its maritime waters,” Mr.Chaly said, also pointing out another recentscandal in which Russia ignored Ukrainianarms inspections and requirements for permitsto transfer arms within Sevastopol.Yet, <strong>Ukraine</strong> doesn’t face a direct militarythreat from Russia despite the tensions,he said.“The main threats to the country arefrom within, not from outside,” Mr. Chalysaid. “It’s not the type of threat that destabilizesthe situation, but if the effectivenessof state institutions becomes a victimto this political struggle, then there couldbe processes of fragmentation within thecountry itself.”Russia is trying to maintain the statusquo in maintaining its sphere of influencebut the scenario won’t work, he said.“Western countries will hardly go forsuch an exchange at the expense of countriesin the regions, including <strong>Ukraine</strong>,”he said.The more realistic scenario is a temporarycondition which will consolidate thesituation from one side and, on the otherhand, leave open a window of opportunityfor Euro-Atlantic integration in theZenon ZawadaValeriy Chaly, deputy director of theRazumkov Center for Economic andPolitical Research in Kyiv, said at aJuly 17 press conference that <strong>Ukraine</strong>is currently stuck in a dangerous geopoliticalposition.future.Political observers are beginning tocompare <strong>Ukraine</strong> to a feudal state, wherelocal princes decide matters in theirregions amidst the erosion of legal mechanismsand a functioning court system,Mr. Chaly said.“These are threatening moments,” hesaid. “I don’t see any positive scenarioregarding the division of territory or thecountry’s decomposition.” Such scenariosare unrealistic and it won’t be allowed tohappen, he added.<strong>Ukraine</strong> is at a crossroads in which itfaces a full spectrum of possibilities thatrange from a worst-case scenario – whatMr. Chaly called a “sovereignty default”resulting from the concurrence of Russianpressure, internal disorder and weak stateinstitutions – to full membership in Euro-Atlantic structures.The key issue is that other states,namely Russia, may resolve their nationalinterests at <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s expense, Mr. Chalysaid.“That’s what the problem is and Istress that we should very carefully watchthat our national interests don’t become abargaining chip behind the scenes,” heunderscored.In the press...(Continued from page 6)Its leadership is apt to clamp down evenmore against the slightest possible threatsto its control, increasing the dangers to thecountry’s own human rights activists andjournalists…“Sadly, these are not the characteristicsof a ‘great power’ or even a country witha leadership that reflects ‘pragmatism’ or‘shared interests’ with us. As the Obamaadministration seeks to reset relationswith Moscow, it should do so very muchkeeping in mind the truth, inconvenientand ill-timed though it may be, spoken bythe vice-president.”David J. Kramer is a Senior Trans-Atlantic Fellow at the German MarshallFund of the United States and served asassistant secretary of state for democracy,human rights and labor and as deputy assistantsecretary of state responsible for Russia,<strong>Ukraine</strong>, Belarus and Moldova in the administrationof President George W. Bush.This excerpt is reprinted with permissionof The Weekly Standard, where it firstappeared on August 1. For more informationvisit www.weeklystandard.com. Thecomplete commentary may be read at:http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/000/000/016/803tfwfc.asp.Making contact with The WeeklyReaders/writers who send information or queries to TheUkrainian Weekly are kindly asked to include a daytimephone number and a complete mailing address. Please notethat a daytime phone number is essential in order for editorsto contact correspondents regarding additional information,clarifications, questions, etc.

No. 34by George HrycelakVANCOUVER, British Columbia –The Ukrainian Medical Association ofNorth America (UMANA) held its 40thbiennial scientific conference and 33rdAssembly of Delegates here on July 1-5.Over 60 members, family and guestsof the association traveled to the WestCoast Canadian port city to hear colleaguesreview issues in patient safety,medical ethics and disaster management,as well as projects in <strong>Ukraine</strong>. TheUMANA Assembly of Delegatesreviewed the association’s last two yearsof work, and elected a new board ofdirectors for the upcoming term.Members gathered at a welcome receptionon Wednesday evening at theMarriott Pinnacle Downtown VancouverHotel, meeting with arriving attendees ina relaxed atmosphere and familiarizingthemselves with the conference schedule.Thursday and Friday mornings werededicated to scientific sessions. Scientificcoordinator Dr. Luba Komar (Toronto),arranged for a panel of speakers in arange of specialties to cover the programmaterial. The University of Alberta certifiedthe program for 10 Category I continuingmedical education credits.Speakers were: Dr. Borys Buniak,(“Feeding Tube Dilemma: To PEG or Notto PEG”); Christine Czoli (“The Ethics ofBiobanks: Challenges and ProposedSolution”); Dr. Michelle Hladunewich(“Remembering SARS: The TorontoExperience”); Dr. Daniel Hryhorczuk(“The Family and Children of <strong>Ukraine</strong>Longitudinal Study”); Dr. Luba Komar(“To Err is Human: Fostering a Culture ofSafety” and “Pandemic Influenza”); Dr.Alice Lytwyn (“Surgical Pathology:Under the Microscope”); Dr. AndrewMelnyk (“Lead Poisoning in Children in<strong>Ukraine</strong>” and “Cystic Fibrosis MutationGenotyping in <strong>Ukraine</strong>”); Dr. RomanPetryshyn (“New Health EndowmentTHE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 11UMANA holds 2009 biennial convention in VancouverEstablished for Projects in <strong>Ukraine</strong> andNorth America”); Dr. Liza Pilch (“ERDisaster Management”); Dr. CatherinePopadiuk (“Physician Crisis ManagementEducation: A Review of PhysicianPreparedness in Response to a SystemicCrisis”); Dr. Sonia Prokopetz (“Childrenof Chornobyl Canadian Fund: Projects in<strong>Ukraine</strong> – What Have We Learned?”);and Dr. Christine Sapka (“ReducingErrors in Diagnosis of CervicalRadiculopathy”).Audience participation in the ensuingdiscussions was active and spirited, withan exchange of opinions betweenCanadian and American colleagues leadingto a better understanding of issuescommon to health care professionals onboth sides of the border, as well as internationallyin <strong>Ukraine</strong>.On Friday evening, the group met foran UMANA reunion and awards presentationdinner. Following a tradition startedyears ago, UMANA Archivist Dr. MariaHrycelak delivered the “outgoing presidentroast,” lightheartedly reviewing the workof Dr. Ariadna Holynskyj for the last twoyears, and awarding Dr. Holynskyj aplaque in recognition of her two years ofvolunteer service to the association.Andrea Zelisko, a medical student atthe University of Wisconsin, was welcomedas a new member of UMANAparticipating in the conference. Theremainder of the evening was spent networking,reminiscing and enjoying thecompany of colleagues and friends.Saturday morning was devoted to the33rd Assembly of Delegates, the highestgoverning body of UMANA. The entiretwo-year term was reviewed, with adetailed examination of financial reports,as well as the state of the organizationand activity in participating chapters.Thirty-five new members were formallyinducted into the association, with nearlyhalf of the group being medical students.These numbers reaffirm UMANA’s via-The board of directors of the Ukrainian Medical Association of North Americafor 2009-2011 (from left): Drs. Maria Hrycelak, Liza Pilch, Borys Buniak, WayneTymchak, Andrew Dzul, Andrew Melnyk, Roxolana Horbowyj and GeorgeHrycelak.bility as the largest Ukrainian Americanprofessional organization in NorthAmerica.The biennial assembly reviewed theslate of officers submitted by the nominatingcommittee. Unanimously electedfor two years were: President Dr. WayneTymchak (Edmonton), Vice-President Dr.Andrew Dzul (Michigan), President-electDr. Andrew Melnyk (Illinois), SecretaryDr. Borys Buniak (Syracuse) and treasurerDr. Liza Pilch (Illinois).The assembly further approved thethree elected members to the UMANAFoundation, Dr. Maria Hrycelak, Dr.Yarko Maryniuk and Dr. Ihor Voyevidka.Elected to the ethics committee were Dr.Adrian Kesala, Dr. WolodymyrMedwidsky and Dr. Ihor Voyevidka.Heads of standing committees wereapproved, with Dr. Roxolana Horbowyj(Maryland-D.C. Metro) as editor-in-chiefof the Journal of the Ukrainian MedicalAssociation of North America, and Dr.Andrew Iwach (northern California) aseditor-in-chief of the newsletter UMANANews.At the conclusion of the proceedings,newly elected president Dr. Tymchakgreeted the assembly. Speaking as the firstpresident of the national office from aCanadian branch, he thanked the participantsfor the confidence extended to himand his leadership team, and shared hisvision of the upcoming two years. Thenewly elected board of directors then helda brief initial meeting to set an agenda forthe next several months.On Saturday evening, the attendeesenjoyed a memorable twilight harborcruise with dinner while viewing the dramaticVancouver skyline. This cruiseserved as a fitting conclusion to the conference,with discussions revolvingaround the new information learned at theconference. Members were heard activelyplanning events for 2011, exploring possiblelocations for the next UMANA scientificconference and Assembly ofDelegates, and looking forward to continuinga long-standing custom of informationaland social exchange.UMANA members enjoy the social hour at the Vancouver Pinnacle Hotel.Conference attendees absorb lecture material.International conference to focus on Eastern ChristiansEDMONTON, Alberta – An internationalconference on Eastern Christians inthe Habsburg Monarchy to be held inEdmonton, Alberta, on September 11-12will offer extensive coverage of Ukrainianreligious life in Halychyna, Bukovynaand Zakarpattia and in the NorthAmerican emigré community from 1772to 1918.The Research Program on Religionand Culture of the Canadian Institute ofUkrainian Studies and the Wirth Instituteof Austrian and Central European Studies,both at the University of Alberta, havejoined forces to organize this scholarlysymposium. Participants are coming fromBritain, Canada, Germany, Hungary,Romania, <strong>Ukraine</strong> and the United States.Prof. Paul R. Magocsi of the Universityof Toronto will deliver the openingaddress, surveying the history of EasternChristians in the Habsburg Empire.Roksolana Kosiv of the Lviv Academy ofArt will speak on Ukrainian banners(khoruhvy), which is also the topic of herrecent book. Natalia Dmytryshyn, also ofLviv, will talk about sacral embroidery inGalicia. The Rev. Peter Galadza of theSheptytsky Institute at St. Paul Universityin Ottawa will discuss AleksanderBachynsky’s translation of the psalter.Prof. Andriy Zayarnyuk of theUniversity of Winnipeg will examine referencesto Eastern Christianity in Lviv’spublic space at the turn of the 20th century.Olesia Semchyshyn-Huzner of theLviv Academy of Art will present thesacral painting of Modest Sosenko.Joel Brady, a graduate student at theUniversity of Pittsburgh, will reveal theconnections between Ukrainian immigrationto America and Greek-Catholic conversionsto Orthodoxy in Austria-Hungary, and Prof. Frances Swyripa ofthe University of Alberta will describehow wayside shrines were transplantedfrom Europe to the Canadian prairies.One session will be entirely in theUkrainian language. Bernadett Puskás ofthe Nyíregyháza Institute in Hungary willdiscuss Ukrainian sacral art in EasternSlovakia. Hannah Skoreyko of ChernivtsiNational University will speak about difficultrelations between Orthodox andCatholics and between Romanians andUkrainians in Bukovyna.In addition to the scholarly papers,other Ukrainian-related events plannedfor the conference are: a showing of DaniStodilka’s film, “A Kingdom Reborn:Treasures from Ukrainian Galicia”; thepresentation of John-Paul Himka’s newbook, “Last Judgment Iconography in theCarpathians” (University of TorontoPress), by Prof. Franz Szabo, director ofthe Wirth Institute; and a concert of liturgicalmusic performed by St. George’sParish Choir, under the direction of IrenaTarnawsky.For further information on the conference,readers may contact Prof. Himka,director of the Research Program onReligion and Culture of the CanadianInstitute of Ukrainian Studies, at jhimka@ualberta.ca,or the Wirth Institute at780-492-2716.

12 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34Plast sorority donates proceeds of reunion to Vovcha Tropa campEAST CHATHAM, N.Y. – Duringmorning ceremonies at the Vovcha Tropacampground of Plast Ukrainian ScoutingOrganization on Sunday, July 19, the NewJersey branch of the Ti Scho Hrebli RvutPlast sorority (known as “Hrebli”) presentedthe administration of Vovcha Tropawith a donation of $2,000.The money donated to the campgroundwas from the proceeds of the first reunionof those who had camped at VovchaTropa between the years 1965 and 1975.In the style of a vintage “vechirka”(dance), the reunion had taken place atthe Ukrainian American Cultural Centerof New Jersey in Whippany, N.J., onApril 25. The event was organized by theNew Jersey branch, Bystrytsia, of theHrebli and was attended by approximately150 individuals, who came from as faraway as California, Arizona, Quebec andWashington, D.C.When asked why the reunion wasfocused on the years 1965 to 1975, theorganizers noted that all the campers ofVovcha Tropa wouldn’t fit inside the center’shall. They also noted that they feltthe music from those years was especiallygreat. But the primary reason for theselection of the 1965-1975 time periodwas that the organizers themselves werecampers at Vovcha Tropa at that time.During the reunion, in order to evokethe feeling of being at camp, all attendeeshad to pass under a “brama,” or gateway,made of logs. The table centerpiecesPlast fraternity funds renovationof basketball court at campgroundby Myron GudzEAST CHATHAM, N.Y. – Campers atthe Vovcha Tropa campground of PlastUkainian Scouting Organization arrivedthis year to a newly renovated basketballcourt, courtesy of the Plast fraternityKhmelnychenky, who organized a fundraisingeffort to pay for the project.Several years ago they had funded newsoccer goals for the campers.The Khmelnychenky fraternity, one ofPlast’s oldest fraternities in the diaspora,was founded in 1946. It has a long traditionof being involved in camps at VovchaTropa. (Members can sometimes be distinguishedby colorful Kozak outfits andtheir long moustaches. More informationabout the fraternity can be found at www.xmel.org.) Several of the younger memberswere in the camp leadership of thisyear’s Plast camps for cub scouts andscouts.Katia Harasewych, the head of theregional camp committee that runsVovcha Tropa, personally thanked the fraternityfor the project during a meeting ofwere signposts, pointing toward suchplaces at the Vovcha Tropa campgroundas the dining hall, the first aid station and,of course, the latrine. Other décor includedmultiple photos from 1965-1975 plasteredon the walls and also projected bycomputer throughout the evening, as wellas menus recalling the camp cuisine.The program included short skits byNestor Holynsky and Roman Juzeniw,with appearances by Vovcha Tropa luminaries,including the ghost known as“Bila Pani” (White Lady).However, the highlight of the eveningwas the hilarious performance by comedian/Plastactivist Panteleimon Pupchyk,who made a special trip from Hollywood(Arizona actually) to regale the audiencewith snippets from his selection of available-for-purchasePlast-themed books andCDs. (In real life, Paneteleimon Pupchykwas Andriy Chirovsky – today the Rt.Rev. Dr. Chirovsky.)Finally, Kinderhook Creek, a band thattook its name from a stream near VovchaTropa, reunited especially for this occasionto complete the trip down memorylane and get everyone dancing.During the reunion, attendees signed aguest book and had their pictures taken.These assembled signatures and photoswere presented, along with the $2,000check, to the administrators of VovchaTropa on Sunday, July 19, during the“Den Plastuna” festivities when parentsvisit their children who are at camp.campers’ parents.Money for these projects was raisedfrom events managed in previous yearsby the Khmelnychenky, such as theWildwood, N.J., dances for children andteens. For the basketball court project,significant funds were contributed by SelfReliance New York Federal Credit Unionand the SUMA Federal Credit Union inYonkers, N.Y.For those who would like to have thistradition continue, the Khmelnychenkywill once again be hosting a dance foryoungsters in Wildwood this summer during“Ukrainian Week.” The “zabava” willbe held Friday, August 28, at theWildwood Crest Recreation Pier. Onceagain, Bratchyk Levko and the KozakKrew will be entertaining the youngsters.This year there will be something specialfor the older teens: a Wildwood IdolDance Contest with prizes to be awarded.In addition, a 50/50 raffle will be held.(Tickets will be available at the zabavaand days leading up to the zabava. Singletickets are available for $5; $50 for abook of tickets.)George WirtPanteleimon Pupchyk performs during the fund-raising reunion of Plast’sVovcha Tropa campers of the years 1965-1975.Ruslana pays a visit to ChicagoCHICAGO – The Kyiv Committee ofChicago Sister Cities International presentedUkrainian superstar Ruslana –2004 Eurovision winner, World MusicAward winner and MTV Europe MusicAward nominee – at the Skydeckin Chicago’s Willis Tower. Ruslana, inChicago for the North American tour forher album “Wild Dances,” performed onSaturday, July 26, at the Venue at theHorseshoe Casino Hammond. Ruslana’s“Wild Dances,” which features collaborationswith American R&B superstarsT-Pain and Missy Elliott, has dominated14 European charts for 97 weeks.Ruslana, originally from Kyiv, one ofChicago’s 28 sister cities, visited Chicagoand New York state during her mostrecent visit to the United States, whichincluded a performance at Soyuzivka, theheritage center of the Ukrainian NationalAssociation.Ruslana on the Skydeck in Chicago’s Willis Tower.Skydeck ChicagoTurning the pages...(Continued from page 6)main boulevard, the Khreschatyk.In his Independence Day remarks,President Viktor Yushchenko said, “we,the Ukrainian people, are the master (hospodar)of our dear land.”“No one will ever decide for us whatlanguage to speak and what church topray in,” Mr. Yushchenko said. “No onewill ever tell us what road to follow. Noone will ever measure our borders, islandsand peninsulas.”Joined on the dais by Gen. SerhiiKyrychenko, head commander of theArmed Forces of <strong>Ukraine</strong>, Mr. Yushchenkosaid that <strong>Ukraine</strong> is not indifferent to thewar in Georgia. On the contrary, “I expressthe deepest condolences from everyone,without exception, to the victimized peopleof the undivided Georgian lands […]Your pain is in our hearts.”Reiterating the need for <strong>Ukraine</strong> to jointhe North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO), Mr. Yushchenko noted that joiningthe alliance was the “single, completeway to defend the lives and wealth ofUkrainians.” And, regarding Europeanintegration, he said, “Our complete returnto a single European home is a matter ofthe nearest, already achieved prospect.”Mr. Yushchenko explained that a proposedpackage of legislation called “TheNation’s Health” was supposed to fostercooperation between the warringPresidential Secretariat and the Parliament.The legislative measures addressed socialand humanitarian policies, including raisingincomes, boosting employment, regulatingtariffs and making housing affordable.Notably absent from the IndependenceDay parade was Prime Minister YuliaTymoshenko, who marked IndependenceDay with leaders of her political bloc byplacing flowers and singing the Ukrainiannational anthem at the monuments toVyacheslav Chornovil and TarasShevchenko.Also absent was opposition leaderViktor Yanukovych of the Party ofRegions of <strong>Ukraine</strong>, who participated in aprayer service at the Kyivan CavesMonastery.An evening concert featuring a performanceby Ruslana and a fireworks displaycapped off the event’s festivities.Odesa and Kharkiv held their own militaryparades to commemorate <strong>Ukraine</strong>’sIndependence Day.“From today, military parades will beheld on August 24 every year in Odesa,”said Mykola Serdiuk, chair of the OdesaOblast Administration. “They support thedevelopment of feelings of patriotism andestablish faith in a hopeful defense of<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s sovereignty.”Western Ukrainian cities held modestceremonies as a result of the devastatingfloods that hit the region during the summer.Source: “<strong>Ukraine</strong> celebratesIndependence Day,” by Zenon Zawada,The Ukrainian Weekly, August 31, 2008.

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 13COMMUNITY CHRONICLEChicago branch of women’s associationto celebrate its 25th anniversaryby Ivanka BryanCHICAGO – In 1967 Ukrainian politicalactivist Ulana Celewycz-Steciuk foundedthe Women’s Association for the Defense ofFour Freedoms for <strong>Ukraine</strong> (WADFFU).Headquartered in New York, its mission wassupporting <strong>Ukraine</strong> in its struggle to gainindependence from the Communist strongholdof the Soviet Union and to defend fourbasic freedoms: freedom of speech, freedomof religion, freedom from fear and freedomfrom want. To help achieve this goal, theyraised awareness of the plight of Ukrainiancitizens on their own soil.In the fall of 1967 the Oksana Meshkobranch was firmly planted in Chicago byMrs. Celewycz and 30 devoted women.Their daughters, as well as other young girlsof Ukrainian descent, watched and learnedas WADFFU took on political and culturalactivities for the benefit of their homelandby disseminating information about <strong>Ukraine</strong>to all of America and beyond.On June 15, 1984, these same girls, whowere now young women with their ownfamilies, formed a new branch of WADFFU.Twenty-five dedicated, educated and professionalyoung women named their branch inmemory of Alla Horska, a devotedUkrainian activist and artist who was murderedby the Soviet regime because of herbattle against the injustices in her belovedhomeland.Throughout the 1980s the Alla Horskabranch dove into the political and culturalactivity in the Ukrainian community, bringingawareness of <strong>Ukraine</strong> into the Americancommunities in and around Chicago, andmaking their voices heard with variousactions and protests.With the declaration of an independent<strong>Ukraine</strong>, the organization focused on supporting<strong>Ukraine</strong> in its fledgling years andcontinued their philanthropic work. MostNorth Dakota Ukrainianscelebrate 1890s homesteadersby Agnes PalaniukDICKINSON, N.D. – Leaving aknown life in a known land for anunknown life in an unknown land tooktremendous courage. The newcomerswere drawn by the dream of land thatawaited them in the farmers’ last frontierin the state of North Dakota. This was thetheme of the 2009 Ukrainian Festivalsponsored by the Ukrainian CulturalInstitute on July 17-19.Beginning in 1897, thousands ofUkrainian peasants immigrated to NorthDakota. Immigrants from the villages ofBoryskivtsi, Trubchyn and Vyhodaclaimed land in western North Dakota.Immigrants from the villages of Tovsteand Zalishchyky landed in the central partof the state. Ukrainian EvangelicalBaptists found religious freedom and filedfor land in north-central North Dakota.Thousands of Ukrainians met the fiveyearrequirement to build a residence ontheir quarter section of land and turn overthe sod to build homes; they turned theprairie into farmland.As the United States commemoratedthe 200th anniversary of the birth ofPresident Abraham Lincoln, NorthDakotans honored him for signing theHomestead Act, which gave the new settlers160 acres of free land and a promiserecently, extraordinarily successful benefitssuch as “Wheelchairs for <strong>Ukraine</strong>” for theUnited Ukrainian American ReliefCommittee (UUARC) raised over $25,000for disabled children and adults in <strong>Ukraine</strong>.Previously, the benefit “One Heart toAnother” for the “Gift of Life” programunder the auspices of the UkrainianAmerican Freedom Foundation resulted inover $32,000 for children’s heart surgeriesin <strong>Ukraine</strong>. In 2007 the multi-media event“Ukrainian Woman – Guardian of theNation” focused on important Ukrainianwomen in history. Proceeds were donated tothe “Adopt a Grandparent” program in<strong>Ukraine</strong> run by UUARC.The branch organized and participatedin various clothing drives for disadvantagedUkrainians around the world. Itsmembers have participated in various ethnicevents hosted by the city of Chicago.For example, they decorate the annualUkrainian Christmas tree in the name ofChicago’s Consul General of <strong>Ukraine</strong> atChicago’s Navy Pier Winter Wonderfest,which is viewed by tens of thousands ofvisitors each year.In 2004 the branch together withChicago’s Branch 29 of the UkrainianNational Women’s League of America(UNWLA) co-hosted a 50th anniversarymemorial event for the “500 Heroines ofKingir.” In 2006 the WADFFU branch fundedand coordinated the renovation of theKingir monument on the grounds of theUkrainian American Youth Associationcampground in Baraboo, Wis.There is also time set aside for fun oreducational events like Bingo Sundays, artexhibits, baking classes and “Mind, Bodyand Soul” Wellness Day for Women.The Alla Horska branch has worked tirelesslyduring its 25 years of existence. And,it continues to grow in its responsibilitiesand efforts.of a better life for themselves and theirchildren.The Ukrainian Cultural Institute chosethe historic signing to honor the homesteaders.The burial sites of the homesteaderswere identified on the six cemeteriesof local Ukrainian parishes. A“panakhyda,” or memorial service, wascelebrated on these cemeteries by BishopDaniel (Zelinsky) of the Chicago Eparchyof the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of theU.S.A. and the Rev. Taras Miles, pastorof the Ukrainian Catholic parishes in thestate. The grandchildren of the homesteadersplaced wreaths on their progenitors’graves as part of the “History Alive”program.A program at Dickinson StateUniversity’s Beck Auditorium presentedinterpretations of the reasons for emigration.The text was based on interviewswith the first immigrants who claimedland beginning in 1897. In the 1970sgrants from the North Dakota HumanitiesCouncil and a Dickinson State UniversityFoundation Grant supported interviewswith immigrants throughout the state.A demonstration by third- and fourthgenerationyoung people reaffirmed thepreservation of Ukrainian arts, historyand language sponsored by the UkrainianCultural Institute and the North DakotaUkrainian Dance Association.Members of the Chicago-based Alla Horska branch of the Women’s Associationfor the Defense of Four Freedoms for <strong>Ukraine</strong>.In October 2008 the headquarters ofWADFFU’s national executive board movedfrom New York to Chicago. Several confidentmembers of the Alla Horska branchagreed to take on the responsibility of thetop leadership positions of the organization.On October 3 the Alla Horska branch willhost a banquet and dance in celebration ofits 25th anniversary. Attending this silverPARMA, Ohio – In October of 2007 theclergy and board of trustees of St. VladimirUkrainian Orthodox Cathedral in Parma,Ohio, requested that Mayor Dean De Pieroof Parma designate State Road as “UkrainianVillage.”As stated in the letter to Mayor De Piera,since the independence of <strong>Ukraine</strong>, thousandsof Ukrainians have moved into theGreater Cleveland area, This is most noticeablein Parma where, on State Road, thereare two Ukrainian cathedrals, two creditunions, numerous businesses and professionaloffices.The city responded immediately andbegan plans to develop the area as the“Ukrainian Village.” The dedication of thisarea will take place on Saturday, September19.Most recently, St. Vladimir Cathedralrequested to add the special designation ofSt. Vladimir Drive to Marioncliff Drive onthe occasion of the parish’s 85th anniversary.anniversary event will be various importantguests, among them Maria Shkambara, presidentof the World Federation of UkrainianWomen’s Organizations.In this anniversary year, members of theAlla Horska branch of WADFFU extendtheir heartfelt thanks to the Ukrainian communityat large for their trust and supportover the past 25 years.Parma community to celebratededication of “Ukrainian Village”This was passed by the Parma City Councilon July 6 and signed by the mayor on July7. The sign was erected in front of St.Vladimir Cathedral on July 28 – the veryday that the Church commemorates St.Vladimir.As part of the festivities for the 85th anniversary,a Ukrainian Festival will be held inthe parish center on Saturday, August 29.On Saturday, September 26, parishionerswill walk down memory lane by returningto the site of the first church building onWest 11th Street in Cleveland, which is currentlybeing used by a Protestant congregation.Following the tour of the church, a picnic,especially arranged for the youngergeneration of parishioners, will be held inthe immediate vicinity – at Lincoln Park –across from the Ukrainian Museum.The parish will conclude the anniversarycelebrations on Saturday and Sunday,October 17-18. The celebration will be ledby Metropolitan Constantine.Children from the Vacation Church School of St. Vladimir Ukrainian OrthodoxCathedral in Parma, Ohio, stand below the sign for the newly names St. VladimirDrive.

14 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34NOTES ON PEOPLEThree sisters mark60 years of ministryFOX CHASE MANOR, Pa. – On June28 the Sisters of the Order of St. Basil theGreat celebrated the lives and achievementsto date of three women: Sister Laura Palka,Sister Mary Michael Bayda and SisterTheodosia Lukiw.By answering a call by God to ministerto the world, all three sisters have journeyedand experienced more that they could haveimagined 60 years ago as late teenagers andearly 20-somethings in 1949.Sister Laura, the current provincial superior,has ministered across the country invarious capacities. Most prominently, shehas shared her gift of music through teaching,directing, composing and performing.As the music teacher at St. Basil Academyand Manor College, Sister Laura was theimpetus behind the numerous musicals performedby the students.Her most notable composition, the magnificentcantata from Bohdan Lepky’s poem“In the Cathedral of St. George,” has beenfeatured at various venues, the most recentbeing the 2003 music tour of the BasilianSisters’ combined choir from <strong>Ukraine</strong> andCelebrating their 60th jubilees are: (from left) Sister Mary Michael, Sister Lauraand Sister Theodosia.the United States.Sister Laura has also served as the housesuperior for the Fox Chase convent, ensuringthat the many daily functions were coordinatedand ran smoothly.Sister Mary Michael has also been ateacher, in Chicago, New York, Philadelphiaand Parma, Ohio. She has traveled widely inher ministries, teaching seminarians and catechistsin <strong>Ukraine</strong>, where she also workedwith orphans. She spent time in Brazil establishinga foundation, then assisted the formationprocess. She also served in Rome atthe Generalate, the sisters’ worldwide headquarters,as general bursar and general councilor.When she wasn’t called to various partsof the world, she became a licensed practicalnurse (LPN), working at Holy RedeemerHospital in Philadelphia.Sister Theodosia has also taught innumerous parishes: Watervliet, N.Y., NewYork, Hamtramck, Mich., andPhiladelphia, and at St. Basil Academy inFox Chase Manor, Pa. She is currently inher second term as principal at St. GeorgeSchool in New York. Sister Theodosiahas also traveled the world to teach; asthe academic dean at the Pedagogical-Catechetical School in Ivano-Frankivsk,<strong>Ukraine</strong>, she worked with the training ofcatechists.During the second half of the 1970s intothe mid ‘80s she served as provincial superiorfor the Fox Chase Province.In their 60 years of ministry these threewomen have touched more lives than anyonecould possibly count. They have servedas a visible symbol of the love of God, andhave inspired many to follow the divineexample of Jesus Christ.Veterinarian namedHealthcare HeroCHARLOTTE, N.C. – The July 17edition of The Mecklenburg Times, anewspaper in Charlotte, N.C., recognizedDr. Maria Syska as a 2009 HealthcareHero for her exceptional work as a veterinarian.According to Tanya Mathis, the news-Dr. Maria Syska with one of her patients.paper’s publisher, the 17 individualsselected as Healthcare Heroes “are committedindividuals who are not only makinga difference in the healthcare industry,but are also committed to our communityas a whole.”In describing her dedication to her chosenfield, Dr. Syska told The MecklenburgTimes that she has “always felt called toveterinary medicine.” She also stated,“When I am caring for companion animals,I am improving not only their qualityof life, but the quality of life of theirhuman families as well.”In addition to her work as an intern atthe Animal Medical Hospital in Charlotte,Dr. Syska has volunteered as a veterinarianin remote villages in Nicaragua, aswell as various spay-neuter clinics and atthe Humane Society’s Rural AreaVeterinary Services.Readers may be familiar with Dr.Syska, whose graduation from theUniversity of Pennsylvania School ofVeterinary Medicine was noted in theJune 22, 2008, edition of The Weekly.Upon completing her internship at theAnimal Medical Hospital this summer,Dr. Syska will move on to share her talentsat the Stoney Creek Animal Hospitalin Charlotte as an associate veterinarian.Dr. Syska is the daughter of Williamand Loressa Syska of West Chester, Pa.,and the granddaughter of Eva Uzych ofWallingford, Pa., and the late Dr. WalterUzych, and of the late Olga and OttoSyska.Receives promotion in N.Y. GuardCORTLAND MANOR, N.Y. – Newly promoted to the rank of sergeant major, TarasSzczur (right) of the New York Guard, shakes hands with Command Sgt. Maj.James Harter; both are former Marines. On the left is Sgt. Maj. Szczur’s fiancée,Yvonne Roque-Iannelli. Sgt. Maj. Szczur was promoted by Maj. Gen. Fergal Foleyon Saturday, July 25, at Camp Smith in Cortland Manor, N.Y. The newly promotedguardsman has been serving as a personnel sergeant major since 2005.“Notes on People” is a feature geared toward reporting on the achievements of members ofthe Ukrainian National Association and the Ukrainian community. All submissions shouldbe concise due to space limitations and must include the person’s UNA branch number (ifapplicable). Items will be published as soon as possible after their receipt.An open invitation to local community activistsWould you like fellow Ukrainians to know about events in your community?Would you like to become one of The Ukrainian Weekly’s correspondents?Then what are you waiting for?The Ukrainian Weekly welcomes submissions from local community activists.You may reach The Weekly by phone, (973) 292-9800; fax, (973) 644-9510;e-mail, staff@ukrweekly.com; or mail, 2200 Route 10, P.O. Box 280, Parsippany, NJ 07054.Black knight...(Continued from page 8)of Russia even the meager concessions thatthe Soviet government was forced to maketo the Ukrainians, Georgians and othernationalities in order to stay in power. To theend of his life Denikin remained convinced– and he frequently stressed this point in hiswritings – that the “basic vicious ailment” ofthe Bolshevik leadership was the fact that itconsisted of non-Russians. He did not trustthe Soviets, whom he viewed as a band ofaliens and traitors, to guard the interests ofMother Russia.Would Denikin trust Putin? The Russianprime minister has no reason for doubt.After all, just last year he dazzled the worldwith Russia’s might in his confrontationwith Georgia, and as a former agent of theKGB, he is well-equipped to bring into playthe divisive tactics the tsarist general used soskillfully in <strong>Ukraine</strong> during the civil war. Heeven appears ready to quote Denikin inorder to warn Western leaders, PresidentBarack Obama among them, that it is acrime to meddle in what he considers“Russia’s internal affairs.” Could this obsessivepreoccupation with Georgia and<strong>Ukraine</strong> on the part of an imperially drivenRussian leader once again thrust the countryinto the whirlwind of a disastrous war?

No. 34EDMONTON, Alberta – Since<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s renewed independence, thereligious situation and religious relationsin that country have been the focus ofinternational attention. The rebirth ofChurches and religious institutions hasbeen accompanied by vigorous competitionfor the loyalty of <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s believers.The visit of Pope John Paul II to <strong>Ukraine</strong>in 2001 and the most recent visit of thenewly elected patriarch of Moscow andall Russia, Kirill, testify to the centralityof <strong>Ukraine</strong> both in the Catholic andOrthodox worlds. Ecclesiastical affairs,above all the allegiance of Orthodoxbelievers, have greatly influenced the processesof state-building and nation-buildingin <strong>Ukraine</strong>.CIUS Press has published a number ofmonographs and collections of essays onproblems of religious history by authorsand editors such as Ihor Sevčenko,Yaroslav Isaievych, Geoffrey Hosking,Andrij Krawczuk, Paul R. Magocsi,Bohdan Bociurkiw and David Goa. Tothose interested in the current religioussituation in <strong>Ukraine</strong>, the volume of essaysby Serhii Plokhy and Frank E. Sysyn,titled “Religion and Nation in Modern<strong>Ukraine</strong>,” has been especially welcome.The over 15 reviews of the volume havepraised this edition as a greatly neededauthoritative work on modern religiousaffairs in <strong>Ukraine</strong>.The internationally renowned specialiston religious affairs Michael Bourdeauxevaluated the volume in the SlavicReview: “Since the collapse of the SovietUnion, <strong>Ukraine</strong> has been called the‘sleeping giant’ of Europe – one of thecontinent’s most populous nations, butone that has so far had minimal impact onTHE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 15“Religion and Nation in Modern <strong>Ukraine</strong>” reissued by CIUS Pressinternational affairs. Far too little is beingpublished, whether in the realm of scholarlystudies or in the press, about this vastnew independent country. ‘Religion andNation in Modern <strong>Ukraine</strong>’ is, therefore,not only a welcome addition to the literature,but an excellent book in its ownright. As scholars conversant with<strong>Ukraine</strong> will know, the names of SerhiiPlokhy and Frank E. Sysyn guarantee thequality of the work. Each has a profoundinsight into the complex issues facing thecountry today.”A specialist on religious groups in contemporary<strong>Ukraine</strong>, above all theProtestants, Catherine Wanner, characterizedthe topic and volume thusly: “It wasnot until the late 1980s that many schol-ars from a plethora of disciplines wereforced to concede that they had underestimatedthe importance of nationalityissues, and especially of religion, as forcesshaping Soviet history. Few scholarsengaged the dynamic interaction ofnationality and religion as they played outhistorically in politics and the daily life ofSoviet citizens. The two authors of thisbook went against this trend and haveover the years amassed a distinguishedrecord of scholarship in the fields ofUkrainian history and of religious lifeover the centuries in this strategicallyimportant borderland.”These and over 10 other reviews ofthis book can be read on the CIUS Presswebsite at www.utoronto.ca/cius/publications/books/religionnation.htm.CIUS Press has decided to respond tothe ongoing demand for this book byscholars and a wider public interested inreligious affairs in <strong>Ukraine</strong> and theEastern Christian world by reissuing“Religion and Nation in Modern<strong>Ukraine</strong>.” The book is available in aHome for Salepaperback edition for $29.95 and in hardcoverfor $39.95 (plus taxes and shipping;outside Canada prices are in U.S. dollars).Readers interested in matters ofUkrainian religious life can also takeadvantage of a limited-time opportunityto purchase Bohdan R. Bociurkiw’sauthoritative scholarly study of the processof dissolution of the UkrainianCatholic Church in <strong>Ukraine</strong> by the Sovietauthorities: “The Ukrainian GreekCatholic Church and the Soviet State(1939-1950),” hardcover edition; discountedprice: $23.97 (reg. $39.95).Twenty reviews of this book can be foundat http://tinyurl.com/mcd5e3.Orders for both books can be placedvia the secure online ordering system ofCIUS Press at www.utoronto.ca/cius orby contacting CIUS Press, 430 PembinaHall, University of Alberta, Edmonton,AB, T6G 2H8; telephone, 780-492-2973;e-mail, cius@ualberta.ca.– Canadian Institute of Ukrainian StudiesZolota Osin community#25 – Second house on right sideThree bedrooms, side deckPlease call:Orest Walchuk – 908-713-6307George Walchuk – 908-638-4732

16 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34

No. 34by Myron B. KuropasCHICAGO – The Ukrainian Instituteof Modern Art in Chicago (UIMA) iscalled “the jewel of the UkrainianVillage.” Rightfully so. Since its foundingin 1971, the UIMA has featured countlessart exhibits, music recitals and publicevents enriching the cultural life ofChicago.The current exhibition, on view August2-30, features works by Vasyl Fedorouk,a sculptor, and Olexander Dubovyk, apainter.Born in Ivano-Frankivsk, <strong>Ukraine</strong>, in1950, Mr. Fedorouk studied at the Lvivand Kosiv art schools, where he perfectedsculpting in geometric abstraction. A masterof his chosen media of granite, stone,marble and ceramic, his artworks can befound in permanent museum collectionsin <strong>Ukraine</strong> and Russia, and private collectionsthroughout the world. Mr. Fedorouklives in Illinois.Mr. Fedorouk’s sculptures are reminiscentof the works of the late AlexanderArchipenko, the world-famous Ukrainiansculptor who brought Ukrainian art to theworld stage. Avant-garde in his day,Archipenko is considered the father ofcubist sculpture featuring “negativeform,” by which holes emerged as morethan simple voids. Archipenko’s workswere exhibited at the UIMA on May25-August 10, 2008.Mr. Dubovyk was born in Kyiv in1931; he studied and later taught in prestigiousart schools in his home town. Amaster of cubism and geometric abstraction,Mr. Dubovyk has works in museumsthroughout the world, as well as in privatecollections. Many of the works displayedhere are from the private collectionof Adrian Sonevytsky. Mr. Dubovykcontinues his art career in <strong>Ukraine</strong>.THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 17UIMA: The jewel of Chicago’s Ukrainian VillageMr. Dubovyk’s abstract art could not beopenly exhibited in <strong>Ukraine</strong> until the collapseof the Soviet Union. During Soviettimes, artists had to hew to the official artisticline. An idea, known as “Proletkult,”emerged soon after the Bolshevik coupd’état in Russia; it demanded that all artsserve the dictatorship of the proletariat. Inpainting, the goal was “socialist realism,”portraying the state and its leaders in heroicterms. The death of Stalin led to a temporarythaw, but the idea of art as a servant ofthe Soviet state was never dropped.The UIMA was founded in 1971 byDr. Achilles Chreptowsky, WasylKacurovsky, Konstantin Milonadis andMychajlo Urban. They were committedto freeing Ukrainian art from the shacklesof <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Soviet repression and to providingUkrainian artists a world stage onwhich to exhibit their work.The current exhibition at the UIMAcomes on the heels of an exhibition thatfeatured the work of Olga Antonenko,another abstract artist from Kyiv, whosecolorful paintings, tapestries and batikswere on display from June 14 to July 26.Her mural “Springtime in Chicago” is onpermanent exhibit at O’Hare Airport inChicago.The next UIMA exhibit, featuring theart of two local Ukrainian artists, Mr.Kacurovsky, painter, and AlexandraKowerko, sculptor and printmaker, willrun from September 13 through October25. The late Mr. Kacurovsky was theUIMA curator for many years. Ms.Kowerko’s monoprints – nudes, woodlandnymphs, godesses – are eulogies tothe human figure.The Ukrainian Institute of Modern Artis located at 2320 W. Chicago Ave. Forexhibit hours readers may call773-227-5522 or contact Stanislav Grezdoat stano@uima-chicago.org.A view of the gallery at the Ukrainian National Museum in Chicago.“Fire Dance” by Vasily Fedorouk.“Sun” by Vasily Fedorouk.Lesia Kuropas“Trinity,” “Cosmos,” “Cosmical Harp” by Vasily Fedorouk. “Call of the Steppe” by Vasily Fedorouk. “Melody” by Vasily Fedorouk.“Melancholy” by Olexander Dubovyk.“Dialogue” by Olexander Dubovyk.“Sight” by Olexander Dubovyk.

18 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34The Ukrainian National Associationextends greetings toTHE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINEAND ALL ITS PEOPLEon the occasion of the18th Anniversary of theIndependence of <strong>Ukraine</strong>.The UNA wishes the people of <strong>Ukraine</strong> peace,prosperity and continued success in strengtheningthe democratic principles of its government.MÌo„‡fl ã¥t‡!For the executive committee,Stefan Kaczaraj, PresidentChristine E. Kozak, National SecretaryRoma Lisovich, TreasurerPaul Thomas RabchenukAttorney at LawExtends the best wishes of theRABCHENUK LAW OFFICESto theentire Ukrainian Diaspora on theoccasion of theEIGHTEENTH ANNIVERSARYofUKRAINIAN NDEPENDENCESLAVA UKRAINIThe Kinsman Building81 Washington Street Suite 311Salem, Massacusetts 01970-3514Tel: 978-741-1163Fax: 978-745-4942RablawUS.com

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 19HAPPY INDEPENDENCE DAYUKRAINE!

20 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 21HappyIndependenceDay,<strong>Ukraine</strong>!ëãÄÇÄ ìäêÄ∫çß!Andrei KushnirAmerican PaintingFine Art5118 MacArthur Boulevard, N.W.Washington, DC 20016202-244-3244classicamericanpainting.com

22 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34On the occasion of the18th Anniversaryof Ukrainian IndependenceBest wishes to all Ukrainiansin <strong>Ukraine</strong> and the Diasporaand to our worldwide Ukrainian cooperative familyUkrainian National Credit Union Association, USA

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 23

24 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 25The House of <strong>Ukraine</strong>in San Diego, CAcordially greets its members and supporterson<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Day of Independence!Labor Day activities:Screening of newly released short film HOLODOMORSaturday, September 5, 6 p.m.St. John the Baptizer Ukrainian Catholic Church4400 Palm Ave., La MesaFamily Festival in the ParkSunday, September 6, noon to duskHouse of <strong>Ukraine</strong>Balboa Park, San Diegowww.houseofukraine.com

26 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34Russian military...(Continued from page 3)promised to pass the amendments as soon aspossible (www.kremlin.ru, August 10).Thus, Mr. Medvedev, in effect, acknowledgedthat the invasion of Georgia was illegal.Under present legislation, Russia didnot have the legal right to invade Georgia,since its territorial integrity was not underthreat and it did not have any defensetreaties with South Ossetia or Abkhazia.The upper house of Parliament did notdecide to send troops into battle withinGeorgia, as the Constitution demands(Kommersant, August 11).The legislation that may legalize a possiblefuture invasion of Crimea “to defendRussian soldiers and citizens” could bepassed soon and Mr. Medvedev’s rhetoricsounds warlike, but the Russian militaryat present is clearly not ready to take onan offensive “liberation” campaign deepwithin <strong>Ukraine</strong>. The Ukrainian armedforces are ineffective, but the territory ofthe possible theater of conflict is vast anddensely populated, requiring a massivedeployment of well-prepared troops.Russia needs at least three more years ofradical military modernization and somerearmament, before it may contemplate aCrimea and <strong>Ukraine</strong> mission. Now a newbitter gas war with Kyiv is on the horizon,which might once more cut suppliesto Europe.While further Russian attempts toinfluence domestic politics in <strong>Ukraine</strong>continue, the military threat will linger inthe background.The article above is reprinted fromEurasia Daily Monitor with permissionfrom its publisher, the JamestownFoundation, www.jamestown.org.Yushchenko's letter...(Continued from page 3)Regarding the visit of the Patriarch ofMoscow and All Russia Cyril [Kirill] to<strong>Ukraine</strong>, it is worth mentioning that heexpressed words of gratitude to the leadershipof our nation for the high level oforganization of his stay in <strong>Ukraine</strong>. And,of course, the Russian Orthodox Churchprior [primate] did not make any negativeor critical remarks similar to those containedin your letter and discrediting thevery spirit of the visit. Generally speaking,we consider the connections betweenthe visit of Patriarch Cyril and bilateralpolitical relations to be wiredrawn andirrelative [irrelevant].Speaking about the forced decision ofthe Ukrainian side regarding the two diplomaticrepresentatives of Russia, itshould be emphasized that before makingsuch a step we have three times officiallyargued to the Russian side about thewrongful actions of the abovementionedsenior diplomats. The Ukrainian party hasprovided sufficient evidence of theiractivities in <strong>Ukraine</strong>, which harmed thenational interests of <strong>Ukraine</strong>. On the otherhand, the responsive actions of theRussian side against the Ukrainian diplomatwere totally unjustified and baseless.I hope that in the future our two countrieswill manage to avoid recurrence of suchunfortunate situations, which cast a shadowover bilateral relations.Summarizing the listed, I would like toexpress my conviction that solving currentproblems in Ukrainian-Russian bilateralrelations requires intensive work.Therefore, the decision to postpone thearrival of the new Russian ambassador to<strong>Ukraine</strong> will certainly not contribute toconstructive development of our relations.<strong>Ukraine</strong> remains a supporter of broadcooperation with the Russian Federationbased upon mutual respect and equality, bymeans of maintaining constructive dialogue,including that at the highest level.At least three times last year I have provedmy willingness to engage in dialogue atthe negotiating table in my letters to you.Today this call still applies. Unfortunately,in response to that I only received invitationsto take part in the race for the prizeof the president of Russia or other multilateralarrangements. I hope that this timeyour response will be constructive.I believe in the good future ofUkrainian-Russian relations, which arebased on the deep tradition of friendshipand neighborliness between the peoplesof our two countries that are stronger thanthe interests of certain political circlesand not influenced by situational conditionsof the political moment.Sincerely,Viktor YushchenkoNeed a back issue?ztc@earthlink.netIf you’d like to obtain a back issue of The Ukrainian Weekly,send $2 per copy (first-class postage included) to:Administration, The Ukrainian Weekly,2200 Route 10, P.O. Box 280Parsippany, NJ 07054.

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 27Ukrainian pro basketball updateAttention, Students!by Ihor StelmachThree different welcomes for a trio of Ukrainian hoopstersUkrainian basketball fans have notexactly been hooping it up the past fewroundball seasons. Indeed, the Ukrainiancontingent in the National BasketballAssociation has dramatically declinedsince notable players Vitaly Potapenkoand Slava Medvedenko quietly left theleague, while part-timer Viktor Khryapawas waived away. Granted there washope when youngsters Oleksiy Pecherovand Kyrylo Fesenko emigrated from<strong>Ukraine</strong> a couple of years back, draftedby Washington and Utah, respectively.Then there was Wally Szczerbiak, once aprolific scorer, more recently assigned toa second-team position by the 2009 semifinalistCleveland Cavaliers. Not toomuch to get excited about…Well, a two-week span in late Junejolted us out of our Ukrainian pro basketballdoldrums, when a huge draft-weekdeal landed the aforementioned Pecherovin a potentially promising new home(Minnesota), a future-planning Utah Jazzre-upped the promising Fesenko and anunknown Sergiy Gladyr was selected asAtlanta’s No. 2 pick in the 2009 NBADraft. Yikes! This was enough to motivatesome to pump up their outdoor ballsand hike over to the local high school forsome full court action! Here are somedetails on the major moves pertaining toour three Ukrainian b-ballers.Hawks to Gladyr: Welcome to the NBASince the NBA draft is only a tworoundaffair, it is imperative a club selectswisely with its top pick. The secondround affords more of a chance to opt fora player with more long-term potential.The Atlanta Hawks came away from thedraft convinced they had their guy inSergiy Gladyr, who per game averaged15.4 points, 4.3 rebounds, 2.4 assists and1.5 steals in 29 minutes for MBCMykolayiv in the Ukrainian SuperLeague.Here’s what Hawks international scoutMark Crow, who scouted Gladyr extensivelyin Europe, had to say aboutAtlanta’s second-round selection (as perBasket Blog of the Atlanta Hawks):“Gladyr is a 6-foot-5-inch, 19-year-oldkid with tremendous shooting ability. Isaw him hit 11 three-pointers in a gameagainst Lithuania for the UkrainianNational Team last year. He’s got greatform, and he’s a very good athlete aswell.”In official press releases after the draft,the Hawks proudly boasted getting playersright at the top of their draft board foreach of their two picks. Atlanta selectedWake Forest point guard Jeff Teague astheir No. 1 pick.Gladyr scouting reportA shooting guard with strong athleticability, Gladyr could have been a firstroundpick if he had more exposure. Nottoo many talent scouts saw him play inthe Ukrainian League. The attraction tothis 19-year-old is his shooting ability –one of the better pure shooters anywhere.His shooting percents didn’t overwhelmanyone (36 percent from three-pointrange), yet scouts were enamored withhis sweet-shooting stroke. He’s veryadept at getting his legs into the shot witha strong sense of balance.For his age, Gladyr is smooth at drillingjumpers coming off screens. He’s notintimidated by a defender being up in hisface, as he employs a quick release andexudes self-confidence in his shootingabilities.Getting back to his athleticism, he’sshown he can handle the ball, likes usinghis left hand and has developed an effectivecrossover dribble – skills necessaryto disprove any label that he’s strictly ashooter. He can just as easily score playingoff the dribble, showcasing a strongability to finish when going to the hoop.Gladyr was rated a pretty good athleteby Ukrainian League standards, but questionsremain about how he will rate as afuture NBA’er. Again his overall athleticismplays into effect here, and he earnedgood reviews at the pre-draft EuroReebok Camp. The overall consensus hadGladyr having the second most polishedoffensive skill-set of any 2-guard (shootingguard) after James Harden.Gladyr was born on October 17, 1989,in Mykolayiv, <strong>Ukraine</strong>, and standing at6-foot-5 and weighing 190 pounds, hewas contracted with MBC Mykolayiv inthe Ukrainian Super League. The2008-2009 Ukrainian season saw himshowcase some showman skills when inthe league’s April All-Star game he scoreda game-high 24 points, while dishing outnine assists. He also won the three-pointshootout title, besting BC Kyiv’sManuchar Markoishvili in the final. Hisseason high was 36 points against KhimikYouzhny, a game in which he attempted19 free-throws. MBC Mykolayiv finishedin fifth place in 2008-2009.T’wolves to Pecherov: Welcometo MinnesotaOn June 24, 2009, one day prior to the2009 NBA Draft, the MinnesotaTimberwolves acquired the No. 5 pick inthe draft, center Etan Thomas and forwardsDarius Songaila and OleksiyPecherov from the Washington Wizardsfor guards Randy Foye and Mike Miller.“This draft offers us an opportunity tobegin transforming the Timberwolves intoa team poised for long-term success, andthe prospect of acquiring an additionalasset in the No.5 pick, along with someadded depth in our frontcourt, was veryattractive,” said David Kahn,Timberwolves president of basketballoperations, in an official press release.In two seasons in Washington,Pecherov has posted career averages of3.6 points (0.367 three-point percentage,0.733 free-throw percentage), 2.1rebounds and 8.9 minutes per game in 67contests. The 7-foot-tall center/forwardwas originally drafted No. 18 overall byWashington in the 2006 NBA Draft.Dishing on PecherovHopefully with all of the personnelchanges going on in Minnesota, Pecherovwill get more of an opportunity for playingtime. The problem in Washington wasPecherov did not improve from year toyear. Some of the blame falls on the poorWizards’ player development and coachingchange. Some must be placed on theplayer’s shoulders. If the Ukrainian hadengaged in more spirited practice sessionsand shown more of a dedicated workethic, more minutes on the court wouldhave found him, especially in theWizards’ injury-plagued 2008-2009 campaign.The embarassment of having ashot blocked by 6-foot-2-inch DanielGibson in a Cavaliers matchup left moreof an impression than any few positivemoments Pecherov experienced last season.Playing behind Antawn Jamison,JaVale McGee, Darius Songaila, AndrayBlatche and Etan Thomas, the Ukrainiandubbed “Big Oily” was already in a positionwhere working extra hard was a definiteprerequisite for more playing time.There was a brief time this past seasonwhen “Pech” expressed a desire torebound the basketball, a rare oddity formost European big men possessing anoutside shooting touch. However, theurge to ‘bound didn’t last – as the hustleon the glass decreased, hovering aroundthe three-point arc increased, resulting inless minutes on the court and more on thebench.Yet the potential remains, especially ifPecherov were to start using the threepointshot as a threat and not as a crutch.He has the ability to master the pick andpop as a big man – a strategy whichwould then open up the lane for penetrationto the hoop. If the Minnesota coachingstaff could teach him some defensivetechniques, Pecherov with a high defensiveIQ would be a valuable asset. IfPecherov himself decided to emulate anew teammate (Al Jefferson) or even anex-Wizards teammate (Songaila) whoboth play with tremendous heart, what anasset he might become to the T’wolvesfranchise. Any of these ifs turning intoreality means Pecherov finally becomesan NBA player.Jazz to Fesenko: Welcme backOn June 12, 2009, Utah Jazz generalmanager Kevin O’Connor announced theteam exercised its option on center KyryloFesenko for the 2009-2010 season.Financial terms were not disclosed, as perteam policy. The 7-foot-1-inch, 290-pound,22-year-old <strong>Ukraine</strong> native has appearedin 30 games over the past two seasons withthe Jazz, per game averaging 2.1 points,2.1 rebounds and 0.6 blocks, while shooting0.519 percent in 7.5 minutes. In2008-2009, he saw action in 21 games(one start), averaging per game 2.3 points,1.8 rebounds and .71 blocks, hitting 0.583percent of his field goals in 7.4 minutes.Fesenko’s best game came against 7-foot-6-inch Yao Ming of the Rockets in aDecember 27, 2008, game at Houstonwhere he posted career highs of 12 points(six to eight points from the field) and 11rebounds along with three blocked shots in34 minutes of play.Fesenko has played in 51 games (35starts) while assigned to the NBADevelopment League’s Utah Flash overthe past two seasons, averaging 10.6points, 7.9 rebounds and 1.82 blocks in25.5 minutes per game. He earned a 2008D-League All-Star Game berth.Originally selected by the Philadelphia76ers in the second round (38th overall)of the 2007 NBA Draft, the Jazz acquiredFesenko’s rights in a draft night trade.Fesenko still a work in progressWhen Jazz GM Kevin O’Connoracquired Fesenko in 2007 he declared theUkrainian center a “work in progress.”What was true back then certainly holdstrue to this very day.“I think it’s been a roller coaster withhim,” O’Connor said in a March 2009interview with The Salt Lake Tribune’sRoss Siler. “We’ve seen some spotswhere he’s certainly been significant in acouple of games. I think he continues toimprove, and I think we’ve got to evaluatewhere he’s at.”The Jazz made a nearly $3 millioninvestment in Fesenko, having paid some$500,000 to buy out his Ukrainian clubcontract, then inking him to a three-year,$2.4 million deal themselves. At thispoint the club option for 2009-2010kicked in, with the team holding an$870,000 clause to bring Fesenko backfor another year. Utah had until June 15,10 days before this year’s draft and twoweeks before the start of free agency, tomake its decision.Several factors came into play whilethe Jazz decided Fesenko’s fate. One wasthe economics of the option year –$850,000 per year is quite modest for anNBA back-up center, especially with anexpected drop in the league’s salary capwith the deepening recession.In addition, the Jazz could no longersend Fesenko to the NBA DevelopmentLeague since he would be a third-yearplayer. Bringing him back means he’spretty much guaranteed a roster spot.Fesenko had his moments in2008-2009, helping the Jazz to an upsetwin over the eventual-champion L.A.Lakers when both Carlos Boozer andMehmet Okur were out injured. All in all,it was a season of major ups and downs.The summer of 2008 saw him part wayswith his private coach, show up withblond hair for the start of summer leagueand finish scoreless with four fouls andseven turnovers in his first RockyMountain Revue game.GM O’Connor said Fesenko “wastedsome time in his improvement curve,”but also said the comparison from2007-2008 to 2008-2009 was favorable.The two main areas of opportunity are hisfocus and his weight.Last season saw continued improvementin his post moves and countermoves, getting closer to knowing whoand what he is on the court. Some in theorganization say he’s come a long wayand still has a long way to go. He’s stillquite young, adapting to a new environmentwith a wad of cash in his pocket.More maturity combined with a moreserious approach to his daily routinewould be a big step forward.Perhaps the clinching factor in bringingFesenko back to Utah for at least onemore year was the fear of losing him towestern foe Sacramento, where his formeragent, Jason Levien, is now theKings’ assistant general manager.Throughout the year Ukrainian student clubs plan and holdactivities. The Ukrainian Weekly urges students to let us andthe Ukrainian community know about upcoming events. TheWeekly will be happy to help you publicize them. We will alsobe glad to print timely news stories about events that havealready taken place. Photos also will be accepted.

28 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34MERCHANDISECLASSIFIEDSTO PLACE YOUR AD CALL MARIA OSCISLAWSKI (973) 292-9800 x 3040OR E-MAIL ADUKR@OPTONLINE.NETSERVICESPROFESSIONALSJaroslaw LemegaArchitect & DesignBuild ContractorCustom Residential & CommercialDesign & Construction ServiceTel 732 872 2512Serving all of New JerseyGEORGE B. KORDUBACounsellor at LawEmphasis on Real Estate, Wills, Trusts and Elder LawWard Witty Drive, P.O. Box 249MONTVILLE, NJ 07045Hours by Appointment Tel.: (973) 335-4555FOR SALEFLORIDA CONDO FOR SALEFurnished 2 bedroom, 2 bath,third floor unit at St. AndrewUkrainian Village in North Port,FL. $140,000. Phone:440-842-1993NEWSBRIEFS(Continued from page 2)that the MFA had not released this informationearlier in order not to “aggravatethe situation” linked to Russian PresidentMedvedev’s open letter to UkrainianPresident Viktor Yushchenko. He said thatsince the start of the year <strong>Ukraine</strong> has sent14 notes of protest to Russia over the violationof Ukrainian laws by the RussianBlack Sea Fleet. (Ukrinform)Georgia to withdraw from CISTBILISI – Georgia will officially endits membership in the Commonwealth ofIndependent States (CIS) as of August 18,RFE/RL’s Russian Service reported onAugust 17. Officials in Georgia’s StateChancellery told RFE/RL that Tbilisiplans to sign bilateral agreements withCIS member-countries on visa-free travel,special customs taxes and other issuespreviously defined by the CIS. Tbilisi’smain priority will be its further cooperationwith its more active economic partners,Kazakhstan and <strong>Ukraine</strong>, the officialssaid. Georgian President MikheilSaakashvili announced his country wasquitting the CIS on August 12, 2008, afterRussian forces entered Georgia’s breakawayrepublics of Abkhazia and SouthOssetia. (RFE/RL)Tymoshenko reacts to Medvedev letterKYIV – <strong>Ukraine</strong> will decide on itsdomestic and foreign policies independently,Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenkosaid in reaction to Russian PresidentDmitry Medvedev’s open letter addressedto Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko.“Notwithstanding the fact that the foreignpolicy is the constitutional prerogative ofthe president, I cannot keep silent on thelatest developments in Ukrainian-Russianrelations. Taking into account their importance,I’m concerned about the extremelyhigh level of public polemics on this subject,”she said in a statement posted on theofficial website of the government onAugust 14. “As prime minister, I havealways done my best to deepen mutuallybeneficial cooperation between <strong>Ukraine</strong>and Russia, first and foremost in the economicsector controlled by the government.I will continue doing this in any postto which the Ukrainian people entrust me,”she said. Ms. Tymoshenko also vowed tobuild “equal relations with Russia, basedon national interests, mutual benefit,respect for sovereignty and territorialintegrity.” She stated that “<strong>Ukraine</strong> willindependently decide on its domestic andforeign policies, including in the humanitariansphere. We will independently studyour past, deal with our present and buildour future.” The prime minister added,“We have always been ready to hear andheed the opinion of our partners in the Eastand in the West, taking into account theirinterests, but any interference in our internalaffairs is unacceptable.” MsTymoshenko expressed hope thatUkrainian and Russian diplomats wouldresolve all of the problems not by meansof confrontation and public polemics, butat the negotiating table. “I think that anyhalt in the development of cooperationbetween <strong>Ukraine</strong> and Russia is unacceptable.Our government will act in line withthis [principle],” Ms. Tymoshenko said.(Ukrinform)Kravchuk comments on Medvedev letterKYIV – <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s first president,Leonid Kravchuk, said on August 14 thatRussian President Dmitry Medvedev’sletter addressed to his Ukrainian counterpartViktor Yushchenko is aimed at influencingthe presidential election in<strong>Ukraine</strong>. “Russia is trying to give guidelinesto the Ukrainian political elite andvoters so that we maintain friendly relationswith Russia and set acceptable pricesfor energy resources, and [to make us]think whom we should elect,” he said inan interview with the newspaper Den(Day). “I have come to the conclusionthat Russia has reached a [critical point]by deciding to use aggressive and attackingdiplomatic and political actions inrespect to <strong>Ukraine</strong>,” Mr. Kravchuk said.“I cannot say there were no facts presentedby Medvedev. Perhaps, they were presentedvery emotionally, very emphaticallyand sometimes exaggeratedly, but theyexist. These facts are divided into twoparts,” he said. The first, he said, includes“our domestic issues (language, the gaspipeline and NATO).” “These are ourproblems that should and will be resolvedonly by the Ukrainian people and theauthorities. Nobody else,” Mr. Kravchuksaid. “The same situation is with the election.A person who is supported by amajority of the Ukrainian people willbecome president. Our president, thankGod, won’t be elected in Russia,” he said.The second part, he said, concerns thebasing of the Russian Black Sea Fleet.“There’s a bilateral agreement that shouldbe specified, interpreted and implemented.But the problem lies in the fact thatRussia doesn’t want to divide this intotwo parts, and it presents everything inthe same context – from the position ofthe state that heads the CIS,” Mr.Kravchuk commented. (Ukrinform)Medvedev: no further commentKYIV – Russia’s President DmitryMedvedev said he does not want to commenton the reply of Ukrainian PresidentViktor Yushchenko to his message, it wasreported on August 14. Speaking at anews conference after negotiations withGerman Chancellor Angela Merkel inGermany, he said: “I said all I wanted tosay to the Ukrainian president. If I willexplain now why I do so, and bring anyadditional arguments, I am afraid that thiswill be more rough. And I would not liketo engage in controversy on these issues,”the Russian president noted. At the sametime, he said that today he sees no prospectsfor revival of normal <strong>Ukraine</strong>-Russia relations at this stage, nor does hesee any fault on Russia’s part for the badstate of bilateral cooperation. Accordingto Mr. Medvedev, normal relations withthe incumbent leaders are impossible, but,he believes the situation might improve.He said he hopes that <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s new leadershipwill have enough possibilities toimprove bilateral relations significantly.“Russia is striving for that. This is ourmost important foreign policy priority,”Mr. Medvedev underscored. (Ukrinform)Over 20,000 receive citizenshipKYIV – President Viktor Yushchenkosigned a decree granting Ukrainian citizenshipto 251 people, including 14minors. The Presidential Secretariat’s servicefor citizenship issues said thatUkrainian citizenship has been granted torepresentatives of 33 nationalities, mostof them being Russians (30 percent),Armenians (16 percent), Georgians (16percent), Moldovans (7 percent) andAzerbaijanis (6 percent). A total of 2,272people have received Ukrainian citizenshipsince the start of the year under presidentialdecrees. In the first half of 2009,20,952 people became citizens of <strong>Ukraine</strong>and 3,239 people gave up their Ukrainiancitizenship. (Ukrinform)Bronze Age settlement in Rivne regionKYIV – Archeologists found a BronzeAge settlement dating back to 3000 B.C.in the Rivne region of western <strong>Ukraine</strong>.They have excavated crockery fragments,silicon cutters and other objects characteristicof that period. Research has been(Continued on page 29)

No. 34NEWSBRIEFS(Continued from page 28)carried out there since 1993. Over thistime, an encampment of the Goths of thethird-fourth centuries A.D. was found, aswas a Slavic dwelling from the 10th century.Scientists also found a third centurydepiction of the head of the ancient deitySarapis made of a nonferrous metal alloy– the only one of its kind made from thismaterial. (Ukrinform)Trypillian epoch to be recreatedKYIV – A Trypillian cultural museumcomplex continues to be constructed inthe Cherkasy region of central <strong>Ukraine</strong>.Work is under way, but organizers arewaiting for support on the part ofUNESCO. The Trypillian culture reservewas founded three years ago within thestate project Golden Horseshoe of theCherkasy Oblast. Nevertheless, the statehas not allocated funds for the project.Museum workers say that if not for philanthropiststhe project would not beimplemented. The Trypillian culture is aNeolithic (late Stone Age) archeologicalculture of the seventh to third centuriesB.C. that arose between the Danube andDnipro rivers. (Ukrinform)Pole to head NATO Liaison OfficeKYIV – Polish representative MarcinKoziel has been appointed as the newhead of the NATO Liaison Office in<strong>Ukraine</strong>, the Polish Permanent Delegationto NATO reported on August 5. Polishmilitary expert and former DeputyDefense Minister Stanislaw Koziej saidin an exclusive interview that Mr. Kozielis a “highly qualified military analyst.”He said that the appointment of a Polishrepresentative as head of the NATOLiaison Office in <strong>Ukraine</strong> was a goodchoice for NATO, because “Poland inNATO is viewed as an advocate for<strong>Ukraine</strong>, as the country is trying to helpKyiv qualitatively prepare for its possiblemembership in the organization.” Mr.Koziel will replace James Green of theUnited States, who has headed the officesince February 2004. (Ukrinform)SBU uncovers criminal groupKYIV – The Security Service of<strong>Ukraine</strong> (SBU) said on August 5 that ithas uncovered an organized criminalgroup that transferred non-cash funds tooffshore zones in South America andensured payments were made for theimportation of smuggled industrial andfood products. In August-September ofthis year the criminals were planning toillegally transfer 250 million hrv to theaccounts of offshore companies on theCayman Islands. Four residents of Kyivset up the network of around 100 fictitiousfirms. (Ukrinform)Obolon to bottle Bitburger beerKYIV – One of <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s largestbreweries, CJSC Obolon, has brokered adeal with Germany-based BitburgerBraugruppe on bottling and sellingBitburger beer in <strong>Ukraine</strong>. Bitburger TMlight beer will be sold in <strong>Ukraine</strong> at 7.5hrv per half-liter, the Kommersant<strong>Ukraine</strong> newspaper reported on August 5.Obolon’s share in total beer production in<strong>Ukraine</strong> was 35.4 percent overall and30.4 percent on the domestic market inTHE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 292008. (Ukrinform)<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s VIP-plane for QaddafiKYIV – The AN-74 TK-300D executive-classaircraft has been produced atKharkiv State Aircraft ManufacturingCompany (KSAMC) for Libyan leaderMuammar Qaddafi. KSAMC press secretaryAndrii Platonov reported that, at theLibyan leader’s request, the cabs of thefirst passenger and attendants wereexchanged. “The Libyan leader expresseda desire to sit at the tail of the plane, asthere is a better view from a viewing portand this section is considered to be relativelysafe,” the press secretary said. Thecabin is decorated in light and pastelshades, using only environmentally soundand natural materials – leather and chamois,as well as precious wood, stones andgold. The aircraft is fully outfitted withmultimedia accessories so that Mr.Qaddafi can enjoy music or watch hisfavorite TV programs during a flight. Itwas reported on July 31 that the plane hasalready been delivered to Tripoli.(Ukrinform)AN-225 plane gets into GuinnessKYIV – The Ukrainian AN-225 Mriyaaircraft received a certificate from theGuinness Book of World Records fortransportation of the heaviest freight inthe history of aviation, the press serviceof the Antonov Aviation Scientific-Technical Complex reported on August17. The aircraft delivered a generator anda special frame weighting 187.6 tons fromFrankfurt, Germany, to Yerevan, Armenia,for a new electric station. The Mriya alsoholds the record on transportation of themaximum commercial freight – 247 tons,as well as the record for absolute carryingcapacity – 253.8 tons. (Ukrinform)<strong>Ukraine</strong> simplifies visa regime for priestsKYIV – Ukrainian authorities havesimplified the visa regime for priests andmonks, the State Committee onNationalities and Religions reported onAugust 10. Under a Cabinet resolution,foreign clergy who receive a one-yearmulti-entry visa for ministry in <strong>Ukraine</strong>will be able to stay in the country not formerely 180 days but for an entire year.Moreover, the new document provides forthe issuance of visas for a period of threeyears upon agreement with the StateCommittee on Nationalities andReligions. Prime Minister YuliaTymoshenko had earlier decided to solvethe issue of visas for priests and monksduring a personal meeting on July 29 withthe head of the Conference of CatholicBishops of <strong>Ukraine</strong>, Roman CatholicArchbishop of Lviv MieczyslawMokrzycki. Archbishop Mokrzyckiexpressed satisfaction with this promptsolution to the one of the most importantproblems in providing pastoral care for<strong>Ukraine</strong>’s Catholics. (Ukrinform)Baltia Air Lines to fly New York-KyivKYIV – U.S.-based Baltia Air Lines onAugust 10 announced plans to open aregular passenger flight route from NewYork to Kyiv by the end of 2009. BaltiaAir Lines intends to fly the Boeing-747from the New York’s John F. KennedyInternational Airport. Baltia Air Lineswas established in 1989 to ensure regularcommunication between the United Statesand countries of the former USSR.(Ukrinform)AeroSvit moves ahead on non-stop flightsKYIV – Kostadin Botev, executive directorof AeroSvit Ukrainian Airlines in Kyiv,confirmed on August 4 that it is movingfull-speed ahead with AeroSvit’s non-stopNew York-Kyiv service. AeroSvit’s executivedirector said, “AeroSvit will continueto fly four times a week in the winter seasonand five times a week in the summer season.AeroSvit is ready to fly more flights tothe U.S.A., but additional flights are presentlylimited by the U.S. government’sFederal Aviation Administration (FAA).”Mr. Botev added that “AeroSvit is a memberof the U.S.-<strong>Ukraine</strong> Business Council(USUBC) and is working with USUBC toresolve the issues raised by the U.S. governmentregarding <strong>Ukraine</strong> which are nowrestricting the approval of any additionalflights to the U.S.A. such as to New York,Chicago or other destinations of interest toAeroSvit.” (U.S.-<strong>Ukraine</strong> BusinessCouncil)Delta reduces New York-Kyiv flightsWASHINGTON – Delta Air Lines,seeking to cut its costs in the current economiccrisis, won permission from federalregulators to reduce flights, includingthe routes Atlanta-Moscow and NewYork-Kyiv, from year-round service toseasonal. The flights will be reduced fromearly September until the summer seasonof 2010. Delta needed the waiver so thatit would not lose the permission to fly tothose cities, which it won under internationalagreements. Delta said in a filingwith the Transportation Department thatit is reducing capacity “primarily throughfrequency reductions, changes to seasonalservice patterns and by serving certaininternational cities through fewer hubs.”(U.S.-<strong>Ukraine</strong> Business Council)Top names: Maksym, AnastasiaKYIV – Maksym and Anastasia are themost popular names for infants in <strong>Ukraine</strong>this year, Justice Minister MykolaOnischuk said on July 24. More than 20names are considered popular in <strong>Ukraine</strong>,and the majority of them remain so formany years. Newborn girls are most frequentlynamed Anastasia, Sofia, Hanna,Daryna, Valeria, Maria, Yelyzaveta,Oleksandra and Polya. The most popularboys’ names are Maksym, Viktor,Oleksander, Kyrylo, Denys, Danylo,Andrii, Artem, Dmytro, Vladyslav,Yaroslav, Mykyta and Yehor. Some unusualnames were registered in <strong>Ukraine</strong> thisyear: Kvita, Tsvytana, Melisa, Sohdiana,Valensia, Olimpiada, Kleopatra and Afinafor girls; and Tykhmur, Islyam, Alladin,Krishna, Platon, Neron and Milan forboys. Among the extraordinary names thatare sometimes used are: Khana-Fanni,Maria-Svitozar, Zhuzha, Zabava,Milionera, Almaza, Radist, Richka, Milynafor girls; and Teo, Malkolm, Samiddulo,Dobromysl, Volodar and Samara for boys.Foreign names continue to be popularamong Ukrainians, the Justice Ministrynoted. (Ukrinform)WW I torpedo boat found in Black SeaKYIV – The Lieutenant Zatsarennytorpedo-boat destroyer of the Black SeaFleet, which sank in 1917 during WorldWar I, has been found near SerpentsIsland in the Black Sea, it was reportedon August 14. The torpedo boat had beenhit by a German mine and sank. DuringWorld War I the destroyer participated inraids against enemy communications,served in a blockade near Turkey, fired oncoastal fortifications and harbor installations,landed reconnaissance and sabotagegroups, and convoyed troopships carryingsoldiers of the Caucasian Front.DEATH ANNOUNCEMENTSDeadline: Tuesday noon before the newspaper’s date of issue.Rate: $7.50 per column-inch.Telephone, (973) 292-9800, ext. 3040; e-mail, adsukrpubl@att.net.Please include the daytime phone number of a contact person.

30 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34UAYA comedy troupe to perform in Ellenville, N.Y.by Oksana BartkivNEW YORK – The UkrainianAmerican Youth Association’s (UAYA)comedy troupe Spalenyj Theater is agroup of 20-something-year-old actorswho poke fun at everything fromUkrainian school to television commercialsduring a hilarious two-hour show.Those who haven’t yet seen theSpalenyj Theater will have a chance tosee the troupe in action this Labor Day atthe UAYA resort in Ellenville, N.Y., onSaturday, September 5, at 5 p.m. Theshow is sure to delight Ukrainians of allages. Rumor has it that Prof. Marmalygaof the renowned group Tyazhko naEmigratsiyi will make a special guestappearance, so this should prove to be aperformance not to be missed.The Spalenyj Theater originated in 1990under the direction of Oleh Kulas, a graduateof the Second City Training Center inChicago. The Ukrainian community inChicago had long been without a comedytroupe, since Tyazhko na Emigratsiyi hadfolded a number of years earlier.Realizing the void, Mr. Kulas decidedto create a Ukrainian comedy group ofhis own. The Spalenyj Theater group performedat various local venues, includingboth the Chicago UAYA branch and thearea’s annual debutante ball. The troupegained much notoriety and success, butbecause more often than not getting all ofthe members in the same place at thesame time proved to be a challenge, it bidadieu to the community in 1993.With the passing of time and with theappearance of a new, younger generationeager to embrace its heritage and community,Spalenyj Theater resurfaced in 2005under the direction of its original director,Mr. Kulas. Today the show incorporatesimprovisation into the majority of thegroup’s performances, as well as audienceparticipation.Recent performances have brought thetroupe to Whippany, N.J., Minneapolisand Hamilton, Ontario. Current membersof the troupe include Paul Abramiuk, JaroChylak, Mark Czerniuk, Olena Drozd,Andrew Glubisz, Natalia Kolody, Mr.Kulas, Kristin Matusiak, Irena Owerkoand Bohdan Vasilik.The Spalenyj Theater comedy troupe.For more information about SpalenyjTheater’s Labor Day performance, readersmay contact the UAYA in Ellenville at845-647-7230 or ellenville@cym.org.Moscow patriarch's...(Continued from page 2)Mr. Yushchenko failed to persuadeEcumenical Patriarch Bartholomew torecognize the UOC-KP last year as thiswould have spoiled relations betweenPatriarch Bartholomew and the world’slargest Orthodox Church in Russia, andPatriarch Kirill flatly dismissed Mr.Yushchenko’s arguments.When the Ukrainian president toldPatriarch Kirill that it is important toestablish a single Orthodox Church in<strong>Ukraine</strong> as this is also an issue of nationalsovereignty, the patriarch said that such aChurch already exists: the UkrainianOrthodox Church – Moscow Patriarchate(Ukrayinska Pravda, July 25). PatriarchKirill also said he was a patriarch for allthe Eastern Orthodox Christians, regardlessof their nationality or party affiliation(UNIAN, July 27).In line with Moscow’s official rhetoric,Patriarch Kirill spoke a lot about the commonroots of Russia and <strong>Ukraine</strong> datingback to the medieval Kyivan Rus’. Oneof his chief ideologists, Andrey Kuraev,was more outspoken, threatening <strong>Ukraine</strong>with a civil war should a single Churchfully independent from Moscow ever beestablished (Ekho Moskvy, July 27).In order to support the claim that hecontrols a single Ukrainian Church ratherthan the Church of the eastern and southernparts of the country where the Russianlanguage and culture dominates, PatriarchKirill challenged the UOC-KP in itsstronghold, nationally minded western<strong>Ukraine</strong>, visiting the regions of Rivne andLutsk. The Presidential Secretariat reportedlywarned him against the visit asUOC-KP supporters planned proteststhere. Patriarch Kirill used the warning togive an impression among believers withthe help of the mass media that he wasnot welcome by Ukrainian officials,although the Ukrainian police and securityservice hurried to say that they did notadvise the Russian patriarch against thevisit (Interfax-<strong>Ukraine</strong>, August 2-3).Once Patriarch Kirill eventually arrivedin western <strong>Ukraine</strong>, the pro-Kremlin massmedia in Russia and <strong>Ukraine</strong>’s most popularTV channel, Inter, which also openlybacks Mr. Yanukovych’s election campaign,presented this as Patriarch Kirill’smoral victory.Mr. Yushchenko’s dream of an independentChurch may be achieved only if theUOC-KP unites with the more numerousUOC-MP. Patriarch Kirill did everythingpossible during his visit to put an end todiscussions about a possible unificationwith Patriarch Filaret’s Church amongUOC-MP clergy in <strong>Ukraine</strong>. He assertedthat the Russian Church should remainsingle “here and in the whole world.” “Weshould be united around a common ideaand the idea of autocephaly [independence]is not a common idea,” he said inKyiv (Interfax-<strong>Ukraine</strong>, July 29).Patriarch Kirill made it clear that hewould reduce the role of the UOC-MP’saging head, Metropolitan Volodymyr, inorder to increase his own control of thelocal Church. The Zerkalo Nedeli weeklysaid that the patriarch promoted twoUkrainian regional archbishops to metropolitans,demonstratively breaking thetradition according to which such promotionswere the responsibility ofVolodymyr (Zerkalo Nedeli, August 8).UOC-MP spokesman ArchbishopMitrofan said after Patriarch Kirill’sdeparture for Moscow that discussionsabout the Church’s autocephaly were over(UNIAN, August 6).Demonstrating that he views <strong>Ukraine</strong>as part of the Russian space, PatriarchKirill ostentatiously refused to discusslocal Ukrainian issues at the first ever sittingof the Russian Orthodox Church’ssynod in Kyiv. At the same time, hereported on a recent meeting of Russianreligious leaders with President DmitryMedvedev (UNIAN, July 27).Immediately upon returning from Kyiv,Patriarch Kirill met Mr. Medvedev to tellhim that the “spiritual unity” existingbetween Russia and <strong>Ukraine</strong> “for millennia”“became a basic value that is notaffected by political considerations”(Interfax-<strong>Ukraine</strong>, August 6).Mr. Yanukovych used Patriarch Kirill’svisit to the fullest extent. He met theRussian Orthodox patriarch in Kyiv andaccompanied him on a visit to his strongholdof Donetsk. Mr. Yanukovych comparedhimself favorably to the governmentof President Yushchenko and PrimeMinister Yulia Tymoshenko. Mr.Yanukovych alleged that they “interferein the affairs of the Church, which isinadmissible, politicize religious mattersand try to dictate to believers in whichChurch to pray” (Ukrayinska Pravda,August 3).Ms. Tymoshenko’s adviser OlehMedvedev described Patriarch Kirill’stour as a visit of an imperialist whopreached the neo-imperialist Russianworld doctrine (Segodnya, August 6).The article above is reprinted fromEurasia Daily Monitor with permissionfrom its publisher, the JamestownFoundation, www.jamestown.org.Documents shed...(Continued from page 2)Krawchuk explained.The letters came to light as PatriarchKirill was completing a visit to <strong>Ukraine</strong>amid criticism that the Russian Orthodoxleader was carrying out the Kremlin’spolitical agenda to bring Russia’s southernneighbor back under Moscow’s control.In controversial remarks on Ukrainiantelevision on July 28, Patriarch Kirill saidRussians and Ukrainians were one and thesame people. He also called on Ukrainiansnot to forsake their values in the pursuit ofcloser ties with Europe.The Rev. Yatsiv was critical of PatriarchKirill’s conduct during his visit from July12 through August 5, which he said “wasmore political than religious,” and suggestedthat he saw echoes of Moscow’spast attempts to dominate <strong>Ukraine</strong>.“One would expect a politician fromRussia or some other country that wants toestablish a sphere of influence in <strong>Ukraine</strong>to use such a tone. If it is a spiritual person,the head of a Church, he should beaddressing spiritual and moral issues,” theRev. Yatsiv said.The Rev. Yatsiv said the UkrainianGreek-Catholic Church had no role inleaking the Stalin-Khrushchev letter toKathpress. He noted, however, that afterthe publication the Church discovered thatit had a copy of the letter, which it hassince posted on its website.In a meeting with Russian PresidentDmitry Medvedev upon returning toMoscow, Patriarch Kirill called his visit to<strong>Ukraine</strong> “one of the most striking memoriesof my patriarchal service” andappealed for closer ties between Moscowand Kyiv.“We must do everything we can toensure that our people always feel a mutualcloseness, while respecting the sovereigntyof nations and taking into accountthe reality of modern politics,” PatriarchKirill said. “The people of Russia and<strong>Ukraine</strong> should feel comfortable in thiscommon spiritual space, being a part ofdifferent nations and being the citizens ofdifferent states, but still being the sons anddaughters of the Russian OrthodoxChurch.”President Medvedev responded that “inspite of what has happened and in spite ofour division into separate states, the specialbrotherly relations between our peoplesmust remain, regardless of who is inpower.”Underground seminariesThe Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church,which was formed by the Union of Brestin 1596, is under the authority of theVatican but observes Byzantine rites similarto those of the Eastern OrthodoxChurch. It is considered an important componentof national identity in western<strong>Ukraine</strong>.According to documents from Ukrainianarchives, obtained by RFE/RL’s RussianService, Stalin’s security chief LavrentiyBeria, the head of the NKVD, approvedthe decision to liquidate the UkrainianGreek-Catholic Church in January 1941.Those plans, however, were delayedwhen Nazi Germany invaded the SovietUnion in the summer of 1941. The SovietUnion regained control over western<strong>Ukraine</strong> in the summer of 1944.Initially, Ukrainian Greek-Catholicbishops were asked by Soviet authoritiesto endorse a union with the RussianOrthodox Church, but all of them refused– and were subsequently arrested and sentinto internal exile.Under the supervision of Soviet authorities,new, more pliant, Ukrainian Greek-Catholic bishops were ordained, but thiswas never recognized by the Vatican.In March 1946, just three months afterthe Aleksy-Karpov and Khrushchev-Stalinletters, the clergy who had joined the initiativegroup convened in the westernUkrainian city of Lviv to annul the Unionof Brest, dissolve the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church, merge its clergy with theRussian Orthodox Church and turn itsproperty over to the Moscow Patriarchate.Some clergy, however, went undergroundto keep the faith alive, conductingservices in forests and in homes.“The Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Churchceased to [officially] function in the SovietUnion, but it continued illegally, in the catacombsas we say,” the Rev. Yatsiv said.“There were new bishops and undergroundseminaries.”The Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Churchremained underground for more than fourdecades until December 1989, duringSoviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s liberalization,when it was allowed again to functionofficially.RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service andVladimir Tolz of RFE/RL’s Russian Servicecontributed to this report.Copyright 2008, RFE/RL Inc. Reprintedwith the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave. NW,Washington DC 20036; www.rferl.org.(See http://www.rferl.org/content/SovietEra_Documents_Shed_Light_On_Suppression_Of_Ukrainian_Catholic_Church/1795023.html.)

No. 34THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 31OUT AND ABOUTCurrent through September 4Rocky River, OHAugust 28Wildwood Crest, NJAugust 29Hamilton, ONAugust 29Parma, OHAugust 29Jewett, NYAugust 30San FranciscoArt exhibit, “Art & Interiors” by AniziaKarmazyn, Kevin Steffanni Interior DesignGroup Studio, 440-333-3630All-ages dance, Kmelnychenky Plast fraternity,Wildwood Crest Pier Recreation Center,Adrian@telligys.comConcert featuring Vasyl Popadiuk and PapaDuke, Hamilton Place Studio Theater,www.ticketmaster.ca or 905-527-7666Ukrainian Festival, St. Vladimir UkrainianOrthodox Cathedral, 440-886-3223 orwww.stvladimirs.orgAlexander Slobodyanik memorial concert,featuring Larysa Krupa, Natalia Khoma,Volodymyr Vynnytsky and the LeontovychString Quartet, Grazhda Music and ArtCenter of Greene County, 518-989-6479Ukrainian Day, Ukrainian AmericanCoordinating Council of NorthernCalifornia, Golden Gate Park,650-363-1476September 4-5Chertsy, QCSeptember 5-6Kerhonkson, NYSeptember 6San Diego, CASeptember 12OttawaSeptember 12New Britain, CTVolleyball tournament weekend,Verkhovyna, WerchowynaVball@cym.orgSwim meet, Ukrainian Sports Federation ofthe U.S.A. and Canada, Soyuzivka HeritageCenter, 908-851-0617Ukrainian Festival, House of <strong>Ukraine</strong>,Balboa Park, housandiego@aol.com26th annual golf tournament, OttawaUkrainian Golf Association, The MeadowsGolf and Country Club, 913-834-9935 or613-599-5310Family Day, featuring accordionist MikePlatosz, Department of Parks andRecreation, Walnut Hill Park,www.new-britain.net/liv-prksnrec.htmlSeptember 12-13Ukrainian Festival, Patterson Park,Baltimore, MD 410-967-0501September 12-13ChicagoUkrainian Village Festival, Ss. Volodymyrand Olha Ukrainian Catholic Church,312-829-5209August 30Jamaica Plain, MAAugust 30TorontoUkrainian Independence Day picnic,Ukrainian Congress Committee of America,Christ the King Ukrainian Catholic Church,781-322-7309Concert featuring Vasyl Popadiuk and PapaDuke, Assembly Hall Theater,416-521-9555 or encore1@rogers.comSeptember 13Dedham, MASeptember 13Stamford, CTPig roast and barbecue, Ukrainian AmericanEducational Center of Boston,skostecki108@comcast.netUkrainian Day Festival, Connecticut StateUkrainian Day Committee, St. BasilSeminary, 860-568-5445 or203-269-5909August 30Edmonton, ABUkrainian Music Fest, Friends of theUkrainian Village Society, UkrainianCultural Heritage Village,www.ukrainianvillage.caEntries in “Out and About” are listed free of charge. Priority is given toevents advertised in The Ukrainian Weekly. However, we also welcomesubmissions from all our readers. Items will be published at the discretionof the editors and as space allows. Please send e-mail to mdubas@ukrweekly.com.

32 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009No. 34Soyuzivka’s DatebookAugust 23-29 Joseph’s School ofDance (Ballroom Dance)Friday: recital, 8 pmAugust 27-30 Church ofAnnunciation WeekendAugust 29 Wedding weekendAugust 31-September 7 Labor DayweekWeekend entertainment to beannouncedSeptember 11-13 Salzburg ReunionSeptember 14-17 Berchtesgaden,Karsfeld, Landshut, Regensburg,Bayreuth ReunionsSeptember 18-19 Wedding weekendSeptember 25-27 Wedding weekendSeptember 28-30 MittenwaldReunionPREVIEW OF EVENTSWednesday, September 9NEWARK, N.J.: St. John’s UkrainianPreschool will re-open its UkrainianlanguageMontessori sessions each weekdaymorning from 9:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m.Extended hours from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. areavailable to serve working parents.Children must be the age of 2 years, 6months by September in order to beenrolled. The school emphasizes respectfor the child, individualized learning andpromotion of the child’s independence.For information call Olenka Makarushka-Kolodiy, 973-763-1797.Sunday, September 13STAMFORD, Conn.: The 42nd UkrainianDay Festival at St. Basil’s Seminary, sponsoredby the Connecticut State UkrainianDay Committee, will begin at 9 a.m. withover 15 Ukrainian vendors, and coffee anddonuts; priests will be available for confessionsbefore liturgy. At 11 a.m. liturgywill be celebrated by Bishop PaulChomnycky, eparch of Stamford.Afterwards there will be Ukrainian andpicnic food and refreshments. The programbegins at 2:45 p.m. (performers willbe publicized at a later date). There will bea moonwalk and games for children.Admission for all age 12 and over: $5 perperson when purchased in advance; $10 atthe gate. For tickets call 860-568-5445.There is free parking. For more information,or to volunteer to help, call203-269-5909.PREVIEW OF EVENTS GUIDELINESPreview of Events is a listing of community events open to the public. It is aservice provided at minimal cost ($20 per listing) by The Ukrainian Weekly to theUkrainian community.To have an event listed in Preview of Events please send information, in English,written in Preview format, i.e., in a brief paragraph that includes the date, place, typeof event, sponsor, admission, full names of persons and/or organizations involved,and a phone number to be published for readers who may require additionalinformation. Items should be no more than 100 words long; longer submissionsare subject to editing.To book a room or event call: (845) 626-5641, ext. 140216 Foordmore Road P.O. Box 529Kerhonkson, NY 12446E-mail: Soyuzivka@aol.comWebsite: www.Soyuzivka.comPreview items must be received no later than one week before the desired date ofpublication. No information will be taken over the phone. Items will be publishedonly once, unless otherwise indicated. Please include payment for each time theitem is to appear. Also, senders are asked to include the phone number of a personwho may be contacted by The Weekly during daytime hours, as well as theircomplete mailing address.Information should be sent to: preview@ukrweekly.com or Preview of Events,The Ukrainian Weekly, 2200 Route 10, P.O. Box 280, Parsippany, NJ 07054; fax,973-644-9510. NB: If e-mailing, please do not send items as attachments;simply type the text into the body of the e-mail message.Being Ukrainian means:❏ “Malanka” in January.❏ Deb in February.❏ Two Easters in springtime.❏ “Zlet” and “Sviato Vesny” in May.❏ Soyuzivka’s Ukrainian Cultural Festival in July.❏ “Uke Week” at Wildwood in August.❏ Back to Ukrainian school in September.❏ “Morskyi Bal” in New Jersey in November.❏ “Koliada” in December.❏ A subscription to The Ukrainian WeeklyALL YEAR ROUND.To subscribe to The Ukrainian Weekly, fill out the form below, clipit and mail it to: Subscription Department, The Ukrainian Weekly,2200 Route 10, P.O. Box 280, Parsippany, NJ 07054.Or simply call 973-292-9800, ext. 3042.