G. A. Cohen on Self-Ownership, Property, and ... - Tom G. Palmer

G. A. Cohen on Self-Ownership, Property, and ... - Tom G. Palmer G. A. Cohen on Self-Ownership, Property, and ... - Tom G. Palmer

tomgpalmer.com
from tomgpalmer.com More from this publisher
10.07.2015 Views

.238 Crltical Review Vol. 12, No. 3such a Schellingian threat would be credible, and, therefore, effective,under the assumption hat everyone is rational. If it would be, then thosewith greater power to produce could get more in a jointly ownedworld for reasons which go beyond the consideration that their labourmight be irksome to them” (emphasis orginal). (In an earlier publishedversion of the essay ong>Cohenong> 11986, 821 had written,“What I do notknow how to assess, because of my uncertain grasp %f bargaining theory,is whether such a Schellingian threat would be credible. . . !’)ong>Cohenong> (1995. 97) dismisses this objection as “minor” because “itachieves purchase only in the rather peculiar case in which Able canindeed diminish his own productive power.” ong>Cohenong> implies that Ablewould threaten to diminish her own present powers, perhaps by cuttingoff her feet or blinding herselt and ong>Cohenong> seems to believe thatsuch a strategy may be less than credible. But let us look at the casesong>Cohenong> describes in which such a threat might be made. Such a strategywould be pointless in cases i and ii, and would not be credible incase iii, since the maximum product is stipulated to be only enoughto sustain Able and Infirm, with no surplus available for bargaining,so that the outcome is clear: Infirm wil insist that Able work andproduce the maximum possible, which is precisely enough to sustainthem both (regardless of whether it is distributed equally), but no surplusis available for distribution above survival level. Such a strategymay or may not be credible in case iv, in which labor inputs cannotvary but there is a surplus available for distribution; the credibility isentirely a matter of Able’s ability to commit herself and to convinceInfirm that she will abide by the threat, which may be difficult to doin the absence of a third party with whom to contract for enforcement,or some other way to limit Able’s post-agreement options. (It’ bears noting that Infirm could also precommit to demanding onehalf‘,or a greater-than-one-half‘ share, as well; nothing in case iv stopsInfirm from precommitting to exercise her veto in order to extract agreater-than-equal share of the surplus potentially available for bargaining.)But ong>Cohenong> cannot conclude fiom the unavailability of sucha strategy in case iii, and the questionable credibility of such a strategyin case iv, that it is not credible in the much-more-realistic scenarioof case v, in which labor inputs can vary over the amount necessaryto ensure that both Able and Infiim are sustained and that a correspondinglyvariable surplus can be generated by Able’s labor; all thatAble has to do in case v is exercise her claim rights and liberty righanot to work, i.e., to withdraw her labor &om the productive process.,

Paher ong>Cohenong> on Property and Equality 239Given the disutility of labor that ong>Cohenong> presupposes, ie., that eachunit of disvalued labor can be converted into a unit of valued leisure,and the fact that only Able has the power and the right to decline towork, Able’s threatened refusal to work is a highly credible strategy,indeed. Thus, it is not incredible that Able would refuse to work beyondthe labor necessary for both Able and Infirm to subsist withoutbeing compensated in accordance with, say, her marginal product.To clarify matters further, we can distinguish two cases. In the first,one allows one’s ability to decay by eliminating one’s own options.(Burning one’s bridges can increase one’s bargaining power, and suchmoves are neither irrational nor otherwise objectionable; they arequite common to bargaining situations,) In the second case, on whichI have focused, one simply withdraws one’s labor, but without diminishingone’s productive capacity or otherwise limiting one’s options.Either is a credible strategy, although the latter is certainly more commonlyobserved. It is precisely the strategy of “going on strike” thatong>Cohenong> (xgg5,zso) condemns-consistendy for a socialist “saddened”by what looked, at the time ong>Cohenong> wrote one of the essays in thebook, “to be the impending final abandonment of the Bolshevik experiment.”Strikes, after all, were not allowed in the Soviet Union. Inresponse to the libertarian challenge, ong>Cohenong> seeks to root out of socialisttheory the idea that one has a right to property in one’s person,in one’s labor, or in one’s product.The Reality of Socialist Practiceong>Cohenong> writes as if his experiment has never in fact been carried outin practice and that we have only his a priori speculation as the basisfor thinking rationally about the joint-ownership scenario that he describes.But: there is ample experience of joint ownership being imposedon people, and it does not bear out ong>Cohenong>’s conclusions in anyway. The Engsh colony at Jamestown offers a clear example of whathappens when joint ownership is imposed on those living on landthat was “good and fiuitfull.” As one eyewitness wrote:So great was our famine, that a Savage we slew and buried, the poorersorte tooke him up agine and eat him; and so did divers one anotherboyled and stewed with roots and herbs. It were too vile to say, andscarce to be beleeved, what we endured but the occasion was our

Paher <str<strong>on</strong>g>Cohen</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> <strong>Property</strong> <strong>and</strong> Equality 239Given the disutility of labor that <str<strong>on</strong>g>Cohen</str<strong>on</strong>g> presupposes, ie., that eachunit of disvalued labor can be c<strong>on</strong>verted into a unit of valued leisure,<strong>and</strong> the fact that <strong>on</strong>ly Able has the power <strong>and</strong> the right to decline towork, Able’s threatened refusal to work is a highly credible strategy,indeed. Thus, it is not incredible that Able would refuse to work bey<strong>on</strong>dthe labor necessary for both Able <strong>and</strong> Infirm to subsist withoutbeing compensated in accordance with, say, her marginal product.To clarify matters further, we can distinguish two cases. In the first,<strong>on</strong>e allows <strong>on</strong>e’s ability to decay by eliminating <strong>on</strong>e’s own opti<strong>on</strong>s.(Burning <strong>on</strong>e’s bridges can increase <strong>on</strong>e’s bargaining power, <strong>and</strong> suchmoves are neither irrati<strong>on</strong>al nor otherwise objecti<strong>on</strong>able; they arequite comm<strong>on</strong> to bargaining situati<strong>on</strong>s,) In the sec<strong>on</strong>d case, <strong>on</strong> whichI have focused, <strong>on</strong>e simply withdraws <strong>on</strong>e’s labor, but without diminishing<strong>on</strong>e’s productive capacity or otherwise limiting <strong>on</strong>e’s opti<strong>on</strong>s.Either is a credible strategy, although the latter is certainly more comm<strong>on</strong>lyobserved. It is precisely the strategy of “going <strong>on</strong> strike” that<str<strong>on</strong>g>Cohen</str<strong>on</strong>g> (xgg5,zso) c<strong>on</strong>demns-c<strong>on</strong>sistendy for a socialist “saddened”by what looked, at the time <str<strong>on</strong>g>Cohen</str<strong>on</strong>g> wrote <strong>on</strong>e of the essays in thebook, “to be the impending final ab<strong>and</strong><strong>on</strong>ment of the Bolshevik experiment.”Strikes, after all, were not allowed in the Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong>. Inresp<strong>on</strong>se to the libertarian challenge, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Cohen</str<strong>on</strong>g> seeks to root out of socialisttheory the idea that <strong>on</strong>e has a right to property in <strong>on</strong>e’s pers<strong>on</strong>,in <strong>on</strong>e’s labor, or in <strong>on</strong>e’s product.The Reality of Socialist Practice<str<strong>on</strong>g>Cohen</str<strong>on</strong>g> writes as if his experiment has never in fact been carried outin practice <strong>and</strong> that we have <strong>on</strong>ly his a priori speculati<strong>on</strong> as the basisfor thinking rati<strong>on</strong>ally about the joint-ownership scenario that he describes.But: there is ample experience of joint ownership being imposed<strong>on</strong> people, <strong>and</strong> it does not bear out <str<strong>on</strong>g>Cohen</str<strong>on</strong>g>’s c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>s in anyway. The Engsh col<strong>on</strong>y at Jamestown offers a clear example of whathappens when joint ownership is imposed <strong>on</strong> those living <strong>on</strong> l<strong>and</strong>that was “good <strong>and</strong> fiuitfull.” As <strong>on</strong>e eyewitness wrote:So great was our famine, that a Savage we slew <strong>and</strong> buried, the poorersorte tooke him up agine <strong>and</strong> eat him; <strong>and</strong> so did divers <strong>on</strong>e anotherboyled <strong>and</strong> stewed with roots <strong>and</strong> herbs. It were too vile to say, <strong>and</strong>scarce to be beleeved, what we endured but the occasi<strong>on</strong> was our

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!