(1979). Social Networks and Psychology. Connections, 2 - INSNA

The suggestion is, then, that the development of collective services is not only a means of ensuring thereproduction of collective services and of providing the infrastructural needs of large firms in face ofthe increasing spatial and technological complexity of the modern capitalist economy . The significanceof collective services also lies in the specific problems of labour management posed by different types ofindustrial economy . I argue that the geographical mobility of labour, influences the private and publicprovision of collective services in the industrial economy . This issue is partly that of analysing theindividual characteristics of migrants and their likely demand for collective services . This demand islikely to depend, for example, on access to alternative sources of security and material support, such askinship networks, ethnic or religious identify . More basically, I explore the relationship between thesystem of labour mobility, the problem of labour management it entails and the type of collective servicesthat prevail in the city .I will organise the subsequent argument by using the Manchester case as a means to understanding thepolitical and social implications of an industrial economy that is based on stabilised labour . In contrast,Barcelona is a city whose economy has, for over a hundred years, been based on continuous migration flows .In both cases, the state did not intervene directly in the development of the industrial economy until thecontemporary period . The Latin American type of industrial economy that I will discuss is similar in somerespects to that of Barcelona, but I will focus on areas in which the rural hinterland and rural-urbaninterrelationships are of greater relevance to the development of the industrial economy than is the casein contemporary Catalonia .The situations that are explored serve to illustrate tendencies in the pattern of urbanisation . Theimportant point is that issues such as the organisation of production, labour mobility and the provision ofcollective services should not be treated in isolation either from each other or from the overall organisationof an area's economy . This economy will change over time, through the specific outcome of classstruggles leading to new differences in labour mobility and collective provision . Thus, within the samegeneral and apparently convergent process - that of industrialisation - there are important variations inthe way in which the industrial economy is organised . These variations affect class struggles and the levelof collective provision, but they are also explained, in part, by the prior history of agrarian transformationand state policy . It is not, then, the general characteristics of industrial capitalism that areimportant for understanding the provision of collective services ; it is rather the political economy ofindustrialisation in a specific society .SAIGNES, Thierry . "De Za Filiation a la Residence : Les Ethnies dans Zes VaZZees de Larecaja ." Annales 33(Sept . -Dec . 1978) : 1160-81 .Under the Iberic domination, the Indian peasants who immigrated to Larecaja (mitimaes) were obligedto chose their allegiance : they could either remain under the jurisdiction of their caciques from theuplands or take up residence definitively in the valleys . The present article seeks, on the basis of aconsideration of the interests of the colonial power (access to manpower), to explain these choices byanalyzing the modes of control exercized on the eastern slope : ethnic settlers, who were delegated bygroups dwelling on the banks of Lake Titicaca and who were subject to the state authority (they wereplaced by the Inca) made up the population of newcomers who descended into the valleys during the disordersfollowing the conquest .While certain mitimaes succeeded in harmonizing their vertical loyalty with their new horizontalallegiances, the majority had to give up their double residence . They gradually become mixed with the massof foreigners and Indian workers who flocked to Larecaja in order to move into the reducciones andhaciendas .SHAPIRO, Dan (Lancaster) "Industrial Relations in the Wilderness : Working for North Sea Oil ." Paperpresented at a conference on "Urban Change and Conflict", Nottingham, England, Jan 1979 .I have tried to show that there is some value in approaching the industrial relations of oil in theNorth of Scotland via the notion of 'dependency' ; that doing so highlights specific features which theyhave in common and which are related to their particular environment and peripheral status . However, Ithink I have also shown that - in this context at least - there is no such thing as 'dependent industrialrelations' . This is certainly the case if the notion of dependency is promoted as a rival dimension ofdominance and subordination . For the elements out of which this dependency in industrial relations iscomposed are not analytically distinct from those of industrial relations elsewhere . These structuraland ideological elements of ascriptively based power and non-market coercion occur - with greater orlesser effect - in all work situations . So, for example, the position of garment workers, particularlywomen and especially immigrant women, is not very different from that of workers offshore . The positionof workers in inner cities may be much the same as that of oil and construction workers at Kishorn, Scotland- a point nicely illustrated by the fact that the Kishorn employer, John Howard Construction, had used theidentical tactic of remanning to break a strike in Liverpool a few years previously . And the ideologicalpressures from state and union no doubt feel much the same to workers at Nigg and engine tuners at Cowley .